saeed saman

‫‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋــﻦ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑﺍﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪...‬ﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎً ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »‪ «1+5‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ـ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ« ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺨﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ!‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻤــﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺒﺮﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ »ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ« ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺒﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ!« ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﻋﻈﻤﺖ« ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﺷﺎﺥﺗﻮﺷــﺎﺥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﺪﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎ« ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻳﻢ »ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻭﻡ!« ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ »ﻛﻼﻥ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ »ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ« ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫»ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ »ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ«‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﺪﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﺍﻻﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ـ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ »ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻧــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺟــﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»‪ «1+5‬ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻝﻫﻮﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﻮ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ »ﻛﻠﻴﺪ« ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﺓ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺔ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﺭﻙﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ »ﺳﺮ« ﺳﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﮔﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ« ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﺪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺑﻴﻠﺪﺭﺑﺮگ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻠﺪﺭﺑﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ ،2012‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻝﻫﻮﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺷﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﻳﺔ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ! ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻻﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ »ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ« ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ ،1940‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ »ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ »ﻫﻤﮕﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻼﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻏﺎﺋﻠــﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺧﻂ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻪ »ﻛﺎﻻﻯ« ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺏ« ﻭ »ﻃﺎﻋﻮﻥ« ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ »ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ »ﺻﺪﻕ« ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﺔ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬