جبل و طارق

‫‪ 19‬ﻣــﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ »ﻧﺮﻡ« ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ« ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ« ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫»ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ!« ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ! ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ژﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ« ﺣﺠﺎﺏﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ »ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺏﮔﻴﺮﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﺔ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ »ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ـ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ« ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ »ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺩﻭﺩﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﭼﺸﻢ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ« ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ« ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ« ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ »ﻛﺖ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺡﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳــﻮﺩﺟﻮﺋﻰ« ﻭ »ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ« ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﭼﺎﻙﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ« ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻣــﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ »ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ« ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ »ﻣــﺪﺭﻭﺯ« ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ؛ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ »ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻜﻴــﻢ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ »ﭼﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﭘﺴﺎﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺐﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰﻣﻤﺪﻟﻰ »ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﺬﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﻮﺵﺩﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﺒﺸــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ »ﻗﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺮﺏ« ﺷﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ »ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺗﺒﺔ »ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ »ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ! ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ »ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺋﻰ ـ‬

‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﺔ« ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ »ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻪﭘﺎﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﻢ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﻓﺘﻴﻠﻪﭘﻴﭻﺍﺵ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ‪ «2012‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ! ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﻨﻜﻮ« ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀــﻞ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ »ﺯﺍﭘﺎﺗﻪﺭﻭ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ!‬

‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﻨﻜﻮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ »ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﺔ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠــﺐ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ« ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻻﻏﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ »ﻧﺎﺋﻞ« ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻻﻏﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎ »ﻭﺯﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ« ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ »ﻗﻀﻴﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋــﻞ »ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻭﺭﻭﺩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ! ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ »ﭘﺮﻧﺲ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ »ﺧﺸــﻢ« ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺑــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ »ﺭﺩ« ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻛﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ »ﺳــﻮﻓﻰ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺻﺨﺮﺓ« ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭼﺸﻢﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ »ﻧﺎﺯﻙ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺗــﺎ! ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬

‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ »ﻧﺮ‪...‬ﺩﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ژ‪ «8‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺬﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 67‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﭘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺰ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺟﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ »ﺭﻭﻛﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ« ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻴﻞ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ« ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ »ژ‪ «8‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ژﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ژﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬