saeed saman

‫‪ 29‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ ،57‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ :‬ﻫــﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ« ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ!‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﻰ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ »ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺨﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻋﺎﻇــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻨﺠﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻴﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ« ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ »ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ »ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻠﻘﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰﻧﻤﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺨﺮﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ« ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻮﺿﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ« ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳــﻢ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺮﺕ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﻋﻈﻤﺖ« ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ« ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻗــﺎﺭﺓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ« ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﺔ ﺷــﻴﺮ« )‪ (1‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2004‬ﭼــﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧــﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﺮ )‪ (2‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺮﺍﻭﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﺖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛــﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ـ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺑﻜــﺮ؛ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪(3) «.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﭘﻮﺭﺗﺮ« ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪» ،‬ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴــﻢ« )‪ (4‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﻛﺎﺷﻔﺎﻥ« ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ ،1870‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳــﻚ« ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ« ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ »ﻧﻮﻉ« ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ« ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ »ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷــﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸــﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ« ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓــﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﭘﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺘﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﺮﺗﺮ« ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﻧﮋﺍﺩ »ﻣﻬﺘﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ »ﻛﻬﺘﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑــﺰﻙ« ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺰﻙ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ؟« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽــﺔ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ »ﺩﻳﻦ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﻭﺵ« ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺟﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﺑﻰ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﻔﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺟﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ »ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ«)‪ ، (5‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1799‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1856‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 125‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻟﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﺳﻪﭘﺎﻳﺔ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳﻪﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ »ﺳﻪﭘﺎﻳﺔ« ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻮﻡ ﺑﻜﺮ« ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ »ﺑﻜﺮ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ »ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻮﻡ« ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻗــﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1834‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1870‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋــﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﺔ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1963‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1970‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1981‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑــﻮﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻬــﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ »ﺑــﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ« ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺪ« ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ »ﺳﻨﺖ« ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﻜﻠﻒ« ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺍﺻﻮﻻً‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ »ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ« ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻐﺮﺏﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ »ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ« ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ »ﺩﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺳــﻘﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺮﺑﺮﻯ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺧﻠــﻖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳــﻪﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻖﻭﻟﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻴﻦ« ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺗﺸــﺮﻑ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ »ﻛﺎﺷﻒ« ﻭ ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ »ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ« )‪ ،(6‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ »ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺖ«)‪ (7‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮ« ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻔﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﺳــﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺷــﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻏﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪(8)«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ »ﺳﺮ« ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪﻩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮ« ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ »ﻛﺎﻛﺎﺳﻴﺎﻩﻫﺎ« ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﻻ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗــﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ »ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ« ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰﻣﺂﺑﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰﻣﺂﺑﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺖﭘﺮﺳــﺖ« ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ »ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ!« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺗﻰ »ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺗﺮ« ﻭ »ﺳﻨﺘﻰﺗﺮ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ! ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ« ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷــﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ« ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺯﺍﻳﻨــﺪﺓ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰﺍﺕ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻤﺴــﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺋﻰﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟــﺪ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻳــﺮ«)‪ (9‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ«)‪ (10‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﻮﻳﻨﮕﺴــﺘﻦ«)‪ ،(11‬ﻛﺎﺷﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ!«)‪ (12‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﭘﺪﺭ«‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﻳﻨﮕﺴــﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1873‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻬﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﺩﺯﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ« ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺪﺓ ‪1800‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻰ »ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؟ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳــﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﮔﻴﻨﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ«)‪ (13‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ« ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1882‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1898‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ! ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ »ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺭﻩ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ« ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ »ﻏﺎﺋﻠﺔ« ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﻴﻨﻪ« ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ »ﺳﺎﺣﻞﻃﻼ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ »ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺭﻩ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺳﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺷــﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ »ﻛﻨﺎﺭ« ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻯ »ﻛﺎﻛﺎﺳﻴﺎﻩﻫﺎ« ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳﻼﺡ« ﺑﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﺔ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺐﺷــﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﻠﻢﺑﻪﻣﺰﺩ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ!« ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻞﻣﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻼﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺳﺮ«‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻛﺎﻛﺎﺳﻴﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﻓﺘﻮﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء«‪» ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ »ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﺪﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ »ﭘﺎﻙﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ »ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻰ« ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ »ﺗﻮﻟﺪ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺑﻦﺑﻼ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﻦ ﺑﻼ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ »ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ »ﻛﺎﻛﺎﺳﻴﺎ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻨﺎً ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬

‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻠﻖﻭﺧﻮﻯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻣﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ »ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻪﺷﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﻠﻪﺷﻘﻰﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ »ﺑﺮﺩ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ! ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻪﺷﻘﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻪﺷﻘﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻧــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(The Lion’s Share) (1‬‬ ‫)‪Bernard Porter (2‬‬ ‫)‪» (3‬ﺳﻬﻤﻴﺔ ﺷﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪.72‬‬ ‫)‪Social Darwinism (4‬‬ ‫)‪The Church Missionary Society (5‬‬ ‫)‪Victorian Attitudes To Race (6‬‬ ‫)‪Christine Bolt (7‬‬ ‫)‪» (8‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪115‬‬ ‫)‪Roland Anthony Oliver (9‬‬ ‫)‪The Missionary Factor in East Africa (10‬‬ ‫)‪David Livingstone (11‬‬ ‫)‪» (12‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪32‬‬ ‫)‪Samore Toure (13‬‬