saeed saman

‫‪ 10‬ﻓــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﺔ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋــﺮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺋــﻞ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 9‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺩﻭﮔﻠﻴﺴــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨــﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ« ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﻯ »ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ« ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ« ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﭼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 20‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ‪» ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻣﻮﺛﻖ« ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺷــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ »ﺯﻫﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ »ﭼﺎﺩﺭ« ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺿﻴﻌﺖ« ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒﻣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ« ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺖﺳــﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﻮﺷﺮﻗﺼﻰﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ! ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ!« ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴــﻢ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻋﻔﺎﻑ«‪» ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣــﺖ« ﻭ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺋﻴــﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭﻟﻴﻨﻌﻤﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻙﺍﻳﺴــﻢ ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ »ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ »ﺣﻴﻄﺔ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ »ﺁﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1332‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﻼء ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻨــﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻠﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﺓ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ »ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ«‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ؟ ﺍ ﮔﺮ »ﻫﺪﻑ« ﻏﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎﺕ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ؟‬

‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻼﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﭼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ »ﻣﺎﺳــﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ«‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ »ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ« ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ »ﺑﻪﺑﻪﻭﭼﻪﭼﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪33‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1357‬ﺷــﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ »ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ! ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ« ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﺨﺎﻧﻪ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻼ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬

‫»ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ« ﻭ »ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻯ« ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﭘــﺪﺭ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺁﺏﻗﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺋﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﺮ ﺭﻧﮓﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫»ﺟﺸﻦ« ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳــﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ »ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻞﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧــﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑــﺎ »ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ »ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ!« »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ!« ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﺓ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ« ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﺔ« ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ! ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧــﻮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ« ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻔﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﺓ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬