باباشمل‌ها

‫‪ 25‬ژﺍﻧــﻮﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪» ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ« ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺵ »ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ« ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﭽﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ »ﺧﻮﺵ« ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺗﻠﺦ!« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ« ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﺓ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً« ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻤﭙﺰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺮﺭﻧﮓﻛﻦ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻏﻠﻂﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ »ﺗﻒ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﻧﻘﺶ« ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺷﺎﻥ »ﺣﻘﻨﻪ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻨﺮﻯ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ »ﺳﻜﺴــﻰ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ« ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ« ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧــﺰﺩ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻓﻀــﻞ« ﻭ »ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭘﻮﺳــﻴﺪﺓ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻫﻨﺮﻯ« ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ »ﻧﻘﺶﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﻧﻈﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﻢ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺗﺮﺍﺧﻤﻰ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺯﺍ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ!‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳــﺎﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺷــﻠﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺷــﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺴﺘﺸﻮﻯ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﻢ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺯﺍ« ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﺭ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫»ﺛﺎﺑﺖ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ـ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ـ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻨــﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﭼﺎپ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺔ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻔﻨﮓﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ »ﺭﺻﺪ« ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻً ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ »ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻟﺴــﻄﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﺎپ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﻨﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻰﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻰ! ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﺙ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽــﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ »ﮔﻮﻳﺸــﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ »ﻫﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﻦ« ‪» ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ!«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﭼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫»ﺣــﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ« ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺣﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻖ »ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎﻥ!« ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺣﻖ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ »ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ« ﭘﺮﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳــﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺧﺸــﻤﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ »ﻣﺎﻓﻴــﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ! ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ »ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ« ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻖ« ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ »ﺗﻴﻎ«‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺱﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﺔ »ﺣﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪﻯ »ﭘﺎﻳﺮﺕﺑﻰ« ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻤــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬

‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ« ﻓﻮﻕﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺣﻖ« ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺣــﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻚﺳــﺎﺣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴــﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ »ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ«‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻒ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺧﺴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ »ﻣﮕﺎﺁپﻟﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻩﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺮ ﮔﻨﺪﻩ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ »ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺵ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ »ﺑﻜﺮ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺠــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫»ﺟــﺪﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠــﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻙ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ »ﺳﺮﺳﺮﻯ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻡﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶﻧﻤﺎﺋــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ« ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻌﻠــﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ـ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ـ ﻫــﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴــﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫــﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺷــﻤﻞﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳــﻢ؟ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ« ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺷــﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻦﺟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ »ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎ!« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«؛ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ »ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ« ﻓﻜﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺁﻥ؛ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﻟﻄﻔﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣــﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺳﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺷﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻠﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﻴﭽﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ« ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ »ﺧﻮﺏ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ »ﺑﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ »ﺭﻓﻘــﺎ« ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪» 57‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ« ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﮔﻨﺪﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ »ﺑﻪﺑﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﭼﻪ« ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻘﺎ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ »ﻃﻨﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻂ« ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳــﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻨﺒــﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ »ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ »ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ؛ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳــﻒ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺭﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺷﻤﻞﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬