بازنده و سازنده

‫‪ 2‬ژﺍﻧــﻮﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺳــﻔﺮﺓ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ! ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ »ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺔ‬

‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠــﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻫــﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ« ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ »ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ!‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ »ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ« ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﺔ »ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰﻟﺸﻜﺮ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ »ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺭﺃﻯ« ﻭ »ﻧﻈﺮ« ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎﻯ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺴــﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺁﻧﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ »ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﺔ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎً ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﻼﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ« ﺁﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ »ﺗﺰﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ »ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺃﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺲ« ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻨﺎﻕ« ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ »ﻛﻔﺮ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ »ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ »ﺧﺮﺩﺭﭼﻤﻦ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ »ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ« ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﺎﺑﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ« ﻓــﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﺃﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬

‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺓ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﺔ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻛﻬﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥﻛﻴﺸﻮﺕﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺸــﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺷﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻔﻦﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻌﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﻼﺏ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺭﺃﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﻭ »ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ »ﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﺔ« ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻧــﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ »ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺋﻰ« ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﻣﻬﺮﺓ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺔ ﻗﻮﺍﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕﻛﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎﻯ »ﺭﺃﻯ!« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺗــﻚﺭﻭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﻬﻢ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ« ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻧــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻫﻢﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺰﺭگﻻﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ« ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ »ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﺔ »ﺑﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻠﺔ« ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ »ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒــﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ ﺩژﺧﻴــﻢ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻌﻞﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻏﺮﻏﺮﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷــﺒﻪﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳــﻦ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ »ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ »ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ«‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ« ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﺔ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ »ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ«‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﻃﺮﺡ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ »ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ« ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﺘﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺮﺗﻮﺷﻴﺮ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻓﻮﻕ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﺎً‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻼﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺯﺍﻟﻮﺻﻔﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺤﻠﻞ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ـ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﺰ؛ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦﺧﻮﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﺔ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻌﺒﺔ ﺭﺃﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬