saeed saman

‫‪ 16‬ﺩﺳـﺎﻣـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ« ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ »ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺩﺭﺟﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻳﻮﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺷــﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ »ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ »ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﻠــﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ »ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ« ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ« ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺯﻩﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ »ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ »ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻧﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ـ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥ« ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻣﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻗﺎﺏﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ »ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﺁﺭﺗﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻰﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻭﻯ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺍﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ »ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﻧﻴﻚ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻣﺎﻥﻛﻼﺗﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻛﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﭘﺎچ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﺔ »ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺩﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳــﭙﺎﺭﻭﻑ ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻭﺭﻛﻮﻓﺴــﻜﻰ ﻧﻔﺘﺨــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭽﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﺓ ﻗﻮﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﺶ« ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻭ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ« ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻳﻪﮔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎﺋﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﺒﺸــﻮﻯ ﻳﻠﺘﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷــﻰ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ »ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﺣﺴﻨﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺧﻮﺵ« ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺓ ﺁﻫﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﮋﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺕ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻼ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺓ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩژﺧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺑﺸــﺮ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩژﺧﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻝﻛﺎﭘﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺯﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ »ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ«‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﻘﻠــﺐ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ »ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ! ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﻭﻳﻨﺴــﻨﺖ ﻓﺎﻛــﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ »ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻛﻮﻻﻯ« ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻓﻀﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ »ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﻀﻞ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺓ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌــﻜﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ »ﻣﺼــﺎﺩﺭﻩ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟــﺰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ«؛‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﭘﻨﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﺋﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ »ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ« ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻃﻰ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؟ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ »ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟــﺰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤــﺎﺵ »ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ »ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻃﻰ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿــﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺩﻓﻌﺔ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ«‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﻐﺎﺭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ »ﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ! ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮ »ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﺔ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒــﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺭﻓــﺮﻡ« ﻭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﺣﻖﺳﻜﻮﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻢ ﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻞﻭﭘﻼﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪.‬‬