محفل‌نامه

‫‪ 29‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻋــﺪ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻩ »ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂﻭﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ« ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ »ﻭﺟﻴﻪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺤﻔــﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪«57‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﻭﺱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﺍﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻟﮋﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ »ﻛﺒﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻣﺠﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻗﺎﺏﭼﻴﻨﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ »ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺳــﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ »ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻋﺎﻇــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬــﺔ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳــﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺩژﺧﻴﻤﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﺔ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻠﻜــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ »ﻣﻠﻜﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺁﺏﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍء »ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ! ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 58‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ!‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻔﺮﻳﺘــﺔ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺧﻠــﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ«‪ .‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﻠﺐ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺃﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢﻛﺎﺳــﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭼﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻣــﺔ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒــﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ـ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ« ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳــﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺰﺏﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔــﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ« ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ«‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ »ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﻪ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻔــﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ »ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ـ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ« ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 8‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻗﻠﻬﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻤــﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ »ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ »ﻣﻠﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺕ ﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﻢﺭﺥ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻜــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﻠﻜﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ« ﺟﺰ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔــﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻘﻚﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﮔﻠﻴﻢﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻼﺏ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻫﺎﻯ »ﻟﻨﮓ« ﺩﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻘﻚﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﺔ »ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ« ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣــﻼﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﻮﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓــﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﻟﺸــﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺮﺳــﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺷــﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻧﻤــﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗــﻮﺍ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﻴــﺰ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺗﺎً ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭﺋﻰ »ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺨﺮﻩﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ« ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ« ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻰ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭼــﮕﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻌﻴــﺪ؛ ﭼــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ!‬