یبادمجان هسته ا

‫‪ 23‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴــﺮﻯ »ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﺲ« ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫»ﮔﻠﺪﻣــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻛﺲ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً »ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 9‬ﺻﻔﺮ »ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ« ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ »ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻡﻛﻠﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ« ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺔ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﺔ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫»ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﻛﺲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻃــﻼﻯ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ« ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡﻛﻠﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ »ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻛﺲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬

‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ »ﺣﺪﻳﺚ« ﻣﻔﺼﻞ!‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ »ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ« ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦﺳﺎﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻰ »ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ »ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ »ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺋﻰ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻳﻮﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪ »ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦﺳــﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﭼﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ 300 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﺟــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ »ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ »ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻚ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ »ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ؛ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦﺳــﺎﻛﺲ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺷــﺮﻕ ـ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﺋــﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄــﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻛﻮﻻﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺧﻮﺍﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭگﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﺔ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ«‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻠﻚﻃﻠﻖ«‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ »ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ« ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴــﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳــﺖﺑﻪﻋﺼﺎ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ـ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻗﺒﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰﻫــﺎﻯ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ« ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺷــﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﻏﺮﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﻞ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﺎﻩﻛﻠﻴﺪ« ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ« ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎً ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺅﺳــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ« ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﺋﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ »ﻧﺎﺯﺑﺎﻟﺶﺷﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ‪» ...‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ«ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ »ﻇﻬﻮﺭ« ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕــﺰﺍﺭ »ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎء« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺁﻧﺎً ﺳــﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻣﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗــﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎء«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ »ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ »ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ«‪» ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪» ،‬ﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ!«‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺭﺃﻯ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷــﺐ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻼﻣﻤــﺪ« ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺋــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑــﺎﺏ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ! ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺯﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ« ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻍﻣﻠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ »ﺳﻔﻴﺮ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﭘﺸﻢﻭﻛﺸــﻚ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﺋــﻰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ! »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺃﺱ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺶ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ »ﻛﻴﺴﻪ« ﻛﺮﺩ! ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﭘﺮﺗﻰ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎ! ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﮔﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ »ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﺔ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﺎً ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺒﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ »ﻻﺕ« ﻣﻘﻴــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺘﻀــﺢ ﻭ »ﺗﻮﺳــﺮﻯﺧﻮﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ؛ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ!‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ« ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎً ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤــﻰ »ﺛﺎﺑﺖ« ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ »ﺟﻠﺐ« ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ »ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﻓﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺑﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ »ﻙ‪...‬ﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﻰ« ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧــﺎﻙ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ »ﺡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﻤــﻮﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔــﺲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‬

‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﺔ ﻣﺘــﻦ ﻓــﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ« ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ« ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ! ﺣﺘﻤــﺎً ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ »ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ! ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻻﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺒﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ »ﮔﺰ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬