saeed saman

‫‪ 18‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺷـﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠـﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﺋـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘــﺲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ« ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ« ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﺔ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧــﻰ‪» ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﻳﺶ ـ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺎﺋــﻰ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧــﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ 1950‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ »ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﻓﻴﻞ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ »ﻣﻠﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ »ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ـ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ـ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻚﻫﺎﻯ »ﺁﻧﮕﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ« ﺍﺯ»ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ »ﺛﺎﺑﺖ« ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ـ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﺴــﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﻭﺕ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ »ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ »ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ »ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪﺗﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻻﻧﺪﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻔــﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ »ﺩﻫﺎﺗﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻚ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨــﺰﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ »ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ« ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬

‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎء‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ »ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤــﺮﻙ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺤﺮﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ« ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ »ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔ« ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺳــﺎﻝ »ﺟﺎﻥ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪» .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ـ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ »ﻣﺪﻭﻑ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ـ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ« ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺮﺷﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻧﻌﻤﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻻﻧﺪﻧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ »ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﻮﺭﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻧﺔ »ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ« ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ »ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ »ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ـ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻧﻤﺎﻯ« ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﺍﭘﺎﺗﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ »ﺳــﻤﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ـ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ـ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻟﻮﻛﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﺩﻣﻮﺱ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺎﺭﻳــﻮ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ »ﻭﺍﻝﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ«‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ« ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﻤــﺪﻥ« ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﺎﻳﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻠﻮﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﻣﻮﻧﺘﻰ« ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ! ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳــﻜﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒــﺔ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ »ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ« ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ »ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﺲ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪» ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ« ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻒﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 18‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ؟ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎﺗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ »ﺑﺮﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻯ »ﻛﺒﻴﺮ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ! ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻳــﻮﺭﻭ« ﺧﺎﻙﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺭﻭﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﭘﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ« ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﺭﻭ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺧــﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ »ﻧﻮﺭﺕﺳــﺘﺮﻳﻢ« ﻧﻘﻄــﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﻗﻨﺎﺕﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ـ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ« ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﺔ »ﻧﻮﺭﺕﺳــﺘﺮﻳﻢ« ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺁﺗﻰ »ﺳﺎﺕﺳــﺘﺮﻳﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ؛ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ »ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻨﻰ« ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓــﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ »ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ـ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ »ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1357‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺮﺯ« ﺣﻴﺎﻁﺧﻠﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺟﻪﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ »ﻓﺸﻔﺸﻚ« ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻧﻴﺦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫــﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ »ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎﻯ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ »ﻓﻜﻞﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻭﺝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻬﻨﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻼﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪﻯ« ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬