جوار و جوال

‫‪ 13‬ﺍﻛﺘـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ »ﺷــﻼﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺠﺮﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﺑﻂﻫﺎﻯ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻂﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻨﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻙ‪..‬ﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﺣﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ »ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺟﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ »ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ« ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﺣﻨﺎﺑﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ »ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ« ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1390‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷــﺎﻛﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﺷــﺖﻫﺎ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻗــﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ«‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﻣﻬﻮﻉﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ »ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ« ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻐﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ »ﺷﺎﻩﺍﻟﻬﻰﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫»ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎﺋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫»ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ« ﮔﻔﺖ! ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩﺍﻟﻬﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ «57‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻩ؛ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ؛ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻡﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺔ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺑﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ »ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ! ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ]ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ[ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ]ﻭ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ[ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻤﺎﻕﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﭼﺔ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ« ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ! ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻛﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫»ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻄﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺬﺭﺩ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺔ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻳﺰﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ« ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ »ﺯﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻢ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﺭﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍء ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ«؛ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻔــﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ« ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ« ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ« ﻭ »ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ »ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻼﻥﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪» ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ!« ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ« ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ« ﺿﻤﻨﻰﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ« ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ »ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ »ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻔــﺎﻑ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫»ﺷﻐﺎﻝﻋﻠﻰ« ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﻨﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﺩﻟﻨﺸــﻴﻦ« ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ »ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ »ﺑﺎﻧﺪ« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﺎﻟﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﺔ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ »ﺁﻏﺎﺯ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﺔ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ« ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء »ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻤــﺎﺩﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ‪ 56 ،‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺷﻜﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺷﻜﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚﺷــﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫»ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻰ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﻚﺷﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ« ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺁﻥ‬

‫»ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ« ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﺍﺵ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫــﺎ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﻘﺔ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﺁﻗﺎﻯ« ﺷﻜﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻔﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻗﺒﺎ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ »ﺷﻖ ﺩﻭﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ »ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻟــﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﺍﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ »ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ«؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﭘﺲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺘﻤﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻓﺸﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺠﻮﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺳﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻮﺷــﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺁﻟﻦ ﺍﻳﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺍﻳﺮ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯﺗــﺮ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻂﻫــﺎﻯ ﻻﺕﻭﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛــﺶ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ «.‬ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﺭﺳــﻤﺎًﺟﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻴﻎﻭﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﭽﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ »ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ« ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ« ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ »ﻫﻢﺟﻮﺍﻝ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘــﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻫﻢﺟﻮﺍﻟﻰ« ﺑــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬

‫»ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝﺗﺎﻥ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﻣﺎﻥ؛ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬