یسردارسرکوز

‫‪ 9‬ﺍﻛﺘـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ« ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ »ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﮕﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺔ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻏﺮﺏﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﻳــﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ« ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﺔ »ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﺮﺷﺮﻭﺋﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ »ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ »ﻳﻘﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﻕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﻠــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻣﻘﺼﺮ« ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻘﺼﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮﻫﺎﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﺓ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺁﻗﺎﺑﺎﻻﺳﺮﻯ« ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻛﻤﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ« ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ »ﻣﺘﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ »ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ« ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﺋﺰ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ـ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺐ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ »ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ« ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻭﭘﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ »ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ« ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ!«‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ »ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳــﺔ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ« ﻧﻤــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ »ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ »ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ« ﺻﺪﻫــﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ »ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ« ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺿﺪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ« ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺏﻭﺗﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻴﻢ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﺎﺳﻮﺧﺘﮕﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ »ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ« ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ـ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ »ﺷﻤﺎﻝ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻨﻮﺏ!« ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ »ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 7‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ ]...‬ﻣــﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ـ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺩﻻﺋﻞ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ ﺷــﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ »ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ »ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ« ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ »ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ـ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ« ﻳﻚ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ »ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬

‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ »ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ »ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ« ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻦﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ »ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺍﻡﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ»ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪ! ﻃﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻛﻨﺎﺭ« ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ« ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ »ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً »ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎء ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﺱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ! ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ »ﻣﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ« ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧــﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺑــﺮ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ« ﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ »ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﮔﺸــﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓــﻰ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ« ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ »ﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻠــﻮﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ! ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻦ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎء‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻻﻯ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 9‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺐ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ« ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ« ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗــﻰ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫»ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬