ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘـﺒﺮ 2011
ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ »ﻭﺗﻮﻯ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ،ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺗﻮﻯ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧــﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ» ،ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﻨــﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ« ،ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ، ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ،ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ، ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻠﺐ« ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ،ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ »ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺋﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ .ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ،ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻴﮋ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ژﺳﺖﻫﺎ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼــﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺰ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ »ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﻭﻳﺘﻮﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺳﻴﻜﺎ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ! ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ،ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ »ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ« ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻣﻼﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ، ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻼﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ. ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ .ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺮﺧﻰ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﮔﻮﻻﻥ« ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻼﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪ .ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ« ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ، ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ .ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﻖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣــﺰﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭ ،ﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ »ﺧﻂ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ، ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ« ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻍﻭﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ، ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ
ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﻋﺮﺏﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ!« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ،ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻨﺶ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ،ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ. ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ،ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ،ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ،ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ« ﻛﻨﺪ. ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ، ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ .ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ« ﻭ »ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ »ﻗﻄﺐ« ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ
ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳﻮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ» :ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ« ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ» ،ﻗﻄــﺐ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﻄﻮﻁ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ .ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﻋﻔﻠﻖﺍﻳﺴــﻢ« ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﺵﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﭼﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ« ﺷــﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺯﻳﻨﻮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩﺍﻥ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺑﻌﺚ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰﻧﻤﺎﻯ« ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ! ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ. ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ، ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ،ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ،ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ،ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ،ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ...ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ .ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ،ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ« ﻛﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ »ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴﻠﻜﻰ ،ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ،ﻭ ...ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ، ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ.
ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﻄﺐ« ،ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ 22ﺑﻬﻤﻦ 57ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺟﻔﻨﮓﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ،ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ،ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ،ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ،ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ...ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ،ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ »ﺳــﻮﻏﺎﺗﻰ« ﺟﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ،ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣ ً ﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ. ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ،ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ« ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ،ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡ ،ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ« ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ،ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ، ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ« ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ. ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺖ؛ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ ،ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺩﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ،ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ،ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ...
ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ـ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﺩﻭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ، ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ،ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ،ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ،ﻭ ...ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ،ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ .ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻀﺎﺩ« ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ »ﻛﻔﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ،ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﺔ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ـ ﻋﻤ ً ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻒ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ »ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ، »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ! ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳــﺪﺍ ،ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ
ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ، ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻼژﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﺎ ،ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ »ﺣﻤــﺎﺱ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ،ﻣﻮﺭﺥ 9ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ: »»ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ .ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ،ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«. ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎً ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺗﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ،ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﺪ .ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ،ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ،ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒــﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻜــﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻪ »ﻛﻔﻦﭘﻮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺿﺪﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻦﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎ؟! ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ 22ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ 1388ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻠﺴــﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ 22ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺬﺍ ،ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ .ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ،ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻔﺖﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟
ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ »ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗــﻮ« ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺟﻴﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳــﺪ .ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ! ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺯﻭﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ »ﺑــﺎﺝ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ،ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺯﻫﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭗ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ« ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺧﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎً ﺍﺣﻤﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ .ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ »ﻣﻮﺯﻣﺎﺭ« ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﺖﺷﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ. ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ. ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ .ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ.