saeed saman

‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘـﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ »ﻭﺗﻮﻯ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺗﻮﻯ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧــﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪» ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﻨــﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻠﺐ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ »ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺋﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻴﮋ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ژﺳﺖﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼــﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻴﺰ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ »ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﻭﻳﺘﻮﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺳﻴﻜﺎ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ »ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ« ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻣﻼﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻼﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺮﺧﻰ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﮔﻮﻻﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻼﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ« ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﻖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺰﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ »ﺧﻂ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ« ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻍﻭﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﻋﺮﺏﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ!«‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻨﺶ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ« ﻭ »ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ »ﻗﻄﺐ« ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳﻮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ« ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻗﻄــﺐ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﻄﻮﻁ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﻋﻔﻠﻖﺍﻳﺴــﻢ« ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﺵﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﭼﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ« ﺷــﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺯﻳﻨﻮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩﺍﻥ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰﻧﻤﺎﻯ« ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ!‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ« ﻛﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ »ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴﻠﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﻄﺐ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺟﻔﻨﮓﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ »ﺳــﻮﻏﺎﺗﻰ« ﺟﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ« ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ« ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ« ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺩﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺎﺯﻯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ـ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﺩﻭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻀﺎﺩ« ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ »ﻛﻔﻪ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﺔ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ـ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻒ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳــﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻼژﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ »ﺣﻤــﺎﺱ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 9‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫»»ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎً ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒــﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻜــﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﻛﻔﻦﭘﻮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻦﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎ؟! ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1388‬ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻠﺴــﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺖﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ »ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺗــﻮ« ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺟﻴﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ! ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ »ﺑــﺎﺝ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺯﻫﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭗ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ« ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺧﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎً ﺍﺣﻤﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ »ﻣﻮﺯﻣﺎﺭ« ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﺖﺷﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬