25ﺳﭙﺘـﺎﻣﺒﺮ 2011
ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ،ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ،ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ،ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ،ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ـ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ،ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ،ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﺌﻮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ »ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ .ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ 33ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ
ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ،ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﺮﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ .ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ، ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓــﻮﻕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ .ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ »ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ« ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ،ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ،
ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ »ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ» .ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ »ﺳــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ« ،ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ،ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ» .ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ »ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ،
ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ »ﺳــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ« ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ »ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ،ﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯﺍﻯ؛ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ ،ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ« ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ. ﻭ »ﻧﻜﺘــﺔ ﺁﺧــﺮ« ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ،ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖﺍﺵ »ﻗﺸﻮ« ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ« ،ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﮔﻮﺵ »ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ« ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ »ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺁﺧﺮ« ،ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ »ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ،ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ، ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ،ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ،ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ،ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ،ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ،ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻧﻞ« ،ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ.
ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ،ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ،ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺑﻴﻦ »ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ» ،ﻣﺨﺮﺏ« ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ .ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ »ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻴﻜﻦﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪ .ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﺓ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔــﺎﻯ »ﺟﺎﻥﭘﻨﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ« ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ،ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ .ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨــﺪ ،ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ،ﻋﻤ ً ﻼ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ـ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺷﺪﻧﺪ. ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ،ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻮﻯ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ،ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ، ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ. ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ »ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ .ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ
ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ،ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ. ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ »ﺑﻴــﻦﺩﻭﻝ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ .ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ،ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ 11ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ. ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ »ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﺓ »ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ .ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ،ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻋﻤ ً ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ »ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ .ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ،ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ
ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ .ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﺩﻳﻦ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﻭ »ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ« ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺍﺕ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ،ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ »ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ »ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ! ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ،ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﺷــﻮﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ،ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ،ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ. ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ »ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ،ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ،ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﺓ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ، ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﻠﻖﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻋﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ،ﻭ ﻫﻮﻝﻭﻭﻻﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ،ﻧﻘﺶ »ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺔ« ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ .ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ،ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ 1967ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ »ﻭﺗﻮ« ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻫﺮﺍﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ »ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ،ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺒﺎﺯﺩ. ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ »ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ« ،ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ،ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ »ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ .ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣــﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ،ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ .ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺟــﺰ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺠﺰ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ .ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻏﺮﺏ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ. ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ» ،ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ
ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱﭘﺮﻭﺭ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ، ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﺎﻯﻭﻫﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ، ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ، ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ،ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ 22ﺑﻬﻤﻦ 57ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ـ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧــﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ .ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ،ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ« ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ. ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ.