saeed saman

‫‪ 19‬ﺳﭙﺘـﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩﺭﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺷــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ »ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴــﺰ« ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨــﮓ« ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ »ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﺙ« ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻮﻯ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ »ﻣﺪﺭﻥﻧﻤﺎ!«‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ »ﻧﻮﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺸﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺑﺮ »ﺭﻗﺒﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎً ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻭ »ﭼﺮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ« ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ ،1930‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻨﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ »ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺩﻳﻦﻓــﺮﻭﺵ« ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﻛﻬﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺧﻴﺰ« ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﻄــﺔ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﺵ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺪﻳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﺎً ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻜــﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ!«‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺍﺵ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋــﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ« ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﺩﻳﮓ ﭘﻠﻮﻯ« ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭼﻤﺒﺎﺗﻤــﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋــﺮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻬــﻰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫»ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺳــﺎﺯ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﻣﺘﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﻣﺘﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﺪ »ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﻋــﺎﺩﻯ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ژﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ« ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﻋﺪﻡﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ »ﻣﺴــﻤﻮﻡ« ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ »ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ«‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻋﻤﻴﻖ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪» ،‬ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ« ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﻫﻰ« ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺶﻭﭘﺸﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ »ﺩﻛﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ« ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ »ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻧــﺪ«‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺑــﻼگ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫــﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ »ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬــﻰ« ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨــﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ »ﻋﻠﻨﻰ« ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳــﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ »ﻻﻧﺔ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺏﻗﻨﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺶﻭﻟﻮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ« ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ »ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ« ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ »ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ« ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ »ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﻠﻨﻰ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻐﺔ »ﻣﺴــﻤﻮﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‪» ،‬ﻗﻴﭽﻰ« ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ!« ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﻗﻴﭽﻰ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻐﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﺓ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻴﭽﻰ ﺿﺪﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻙ‪...‬ﻥ ﺧﻴــﺰﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻓﻜﻞﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ! ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ »ﺳﻨﺘﻮ« ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﭘــﺮﻭﺭ« ﺁﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻼﻅ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ« ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﺎﺩﻩ« ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ« ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﻳﻮﻧــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺘــﻰ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻼﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒﺷــﺪﺓ ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﺔ »ﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻧﻞ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻔﺘﻚﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻴﭽﺔ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ »ﻳﻮﻧﮕﻪﻭﻟﺖ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ »ﻳﻮﻧﮕﻪﻭﻟــﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰﺍﻯ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ« ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻏﺮﻏﺮﻩ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ« ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ »ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳــﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬