برج و عاج

‫‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘـﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ »ﭘﺴــﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ‬

‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﺔ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﻗﺼﺔ »ﺣﺴﻦﻛﭽﻞ« ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺔ »ﺣﺴﻦﻛﭽﻞ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺧﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐﺷــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺯ« ﻭ »ﻛﺮﺍﻳﺴﻠﺮ« ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﺔ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ‪ 4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻴﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺰﺳــﺮﮔﻠﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ« ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﮓ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤــ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣــﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺳﺎﺯ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺍﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻓﻘﻴﺎﻧﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻴﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ« ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ« ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ« ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻭﺣﺸﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ »ﭘﺸــﺖ« ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺔ »ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﻪﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﻭ »ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ »ﺷﻜﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﻝ« ﺑﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ »ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ« ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﻣﺰﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺒﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷﻜﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ »ﻫﻮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ »ﺑﺰﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ »ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ؛ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ؛‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ »ﺭﻓﺎﻩ« ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻫﺸــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ؛ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ«‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ؛ ﻧﻪ »ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﭽﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻼﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺗــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﻃﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﻚﺑﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﺔ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ« ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬