saeed saman

‫‪ 2‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒـﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ« ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴــﻢ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒﺶ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻨــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﮕﺮﺵ« ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ »ﻛﻼﻡ« ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻃــﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﺔ ﻋﻬﺪ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ »ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﻰ »ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺸﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﺭﺩﺍﻯ« ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ« ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ« ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﺑﺎﻓﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ »ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻘــﺶ« ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺿــﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ« ﺭﻧــﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ »ﭘﻴﺸــﻘﺮﺍﻭﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺮگ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨــﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﺋــﻰ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﻄــﻒ« ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻴــﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ »ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮ »ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﻮﺭﻡﭘﻮﺵ« ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﻮﺭﻡﭘﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﺧﻮﺕ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻼﺩﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺮﻣﺎﻧﺔ »ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻰ!«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻴــﺎﻥ »ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ »ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﺎﺥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺪﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ« ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﺎﻟﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﻼﻥ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ« ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤــﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺎﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺧﻮﺩﺟــﻮﺵ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ! ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً »ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻢ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ« ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ« ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ »ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫــﺎ« ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧــﻪ »ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ« ﺻﻨﻔــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗــﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﺋﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﮔﺮﻯ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺻﻔﺖ »ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﻮﺭﻡﭘﻮﺵ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚ ﻛﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻃﻰﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ؛ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻔﻮﺭﻡﭘﻮﺵ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ؛ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﺔ« ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ!‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔــﻮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻙﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﻨﺒــﻰ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﻭ »ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ« ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ »ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴــﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺷﺎﺧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺦ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1390‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪ؟« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﺧﻂ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ »ﺧﺮﺭﻧﮓﻛﻦ« ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ »ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨــﺪ ﺟﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ »ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ »ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﻟﻘــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1332‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻡ ﻟﮋﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ« ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ! ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻟﻨﮓﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻙ‪...‬ﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺻﺪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ! ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﺟﺐ!« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻃﻮﻃــﻰﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻣﻨﺸــﺎء ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎء ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻻ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻔﮕﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻣﻨﺸــﺎء ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺎﺱ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻞ ﺑﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻭﺷــﺎﻭﺭﻫﻢﻓﻰﺍﻻﻣﺮ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺣﻖﺍﻟﻨــﺎﺱ« ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﻼﺏ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺍﺯ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭﺳﺖ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ »ﭘﻮﺯﻩ« ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﻪﮔﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ »ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪» ،1357‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ«ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺦ »ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﻗﺪﺭﺕ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻧﺎﺱ« ﻭ »ﺧﻠﻖ« ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻔــﺮﻩ ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺠﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻴﺎﻻﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻠﻒ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ؛ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪.‬‬