saeed saman

‫‪ 19‬ﻣـــﻪ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‬

‫ـ ﻛﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺓ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ »ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺔ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻮﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫»ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ« ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﺷــﻠﺘﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻔﻠــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ »ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ« ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳــﺎﻥ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓــﻰ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜــﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻪﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ »ﺑﺰﺍﻳــﺪ«! ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ« ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻰ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻖ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ« ـ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ـ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺘﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻰ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫــﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ »ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳــﺞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً »ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ!« ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟!«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ »ﺷــﻘﺎﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷــﻘﺎﻕ« ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺔ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺩﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ »ﻛﻨﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻨﺎﺭ« ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﻛﻨﺎﺭ« ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻁﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﭘﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﺔ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺪﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯﺍﻯ« ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻠﻨﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺰ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻦﮔﻴﺮﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺪﺓ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﻮچﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ »ﺗﻌﺒﺪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ »ﺗﻌﺒﺪ« ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓــﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ! ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1967‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 29‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1390‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1967‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ ،1967‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ـ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒــﻰ« ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤــﺮﻭﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒــﻰ ﻭ »ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻓﺘــﺢ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑــﻮﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺯﺩﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺭﻣﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ »ﻏﺎﻳﺐ« ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺐﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﺑﺬﺏ ﻭ ﻟﻜﻨﺖﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 29‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣــﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ِ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ! ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠــﺐ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻤــﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﺪﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ـ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳــﻚ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠــﻮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺋﻴــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ« ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻜﺎﻓﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺧﺰﻋﺒﻼﺕ«‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ »ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ« ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺍﻯ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﺔ »ﺿﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺖ ﻣﻰﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ »ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻳﺴﻢ »ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ« ﻭ »ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬