Sadiyah Tijani New Typologies In Housing
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Chapter 1 1.1 The vernacular 1.2 The Dutch Invasion
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Chapter 3 Pressure to Re-Design 3.1 Informal Housing Settlements 3.2 Case Study: Joe Slovo Housing Settlement
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Chapter 4 4.1 The Table House 4.2 The Empower Shack 4.3 Planning Phase 2.Larger scale development. 4.4 Reflections
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Chapter 2 Theory 2.1 Marxist Ideology 2.2 Liberalist Ideology
Conclusion
Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Appendix D
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References Bibliography
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Figures
ENTS 2
CONT Birmingham City University Level 6, ARC6010, 2020 3
The Question Driven by key factors such as affordability, space, sustainability and ageing populations, new housing typologies are becoming more widespread in the UK, Europe and beyond. These include Co-living schemes, cooperatives and multi-generational housing and new social housing typologies. Explore the legacy of a housing project and analyse its typology, design intent and architectural detail, with relation to its position in an urban settlement, architectural ideology and sense of place in its community. You must highlight its innovation in design and function, contextualising its new mode of living with the cultural and political climate of the time.
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How did the social and political climates from the 1940’s to today influence the social housing approaches and typologies produced in South Africa?
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Figure 2 Tijani. S (2020)
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1
Introduction
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This essay will discuss the impacts the apartheid had on the social housing structure in South Africa. The question aims to answer how the negative events of a country can lead to a catalyst in design that sparks discussions on the way we live and if it is at a good enough standard. The main themes that will help to explain these ideas include looking at the mechanics of redesigning existing typologies and the theories that have allowed for this change including territorialism, exploitative capitalism and others that resulted in pressures to rethink and redesign.
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Zimbabwe
MAP OF SOUTH AFRICA South Africa’s Population 2019
58,775,000
01 Northern Cape
04 Lesotho
02 Western Cape
05 Gauteng
03 Eastern Cape
06 Bloemfantein
5
Johannesburg
Namibia
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1
4
Delft Joe Slovo Settlement
3 2 Cape Town
Khayelitsha Port Elizabeth
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Tailored to my relevant case studies.
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1.1 The vernacular
Figure 3 Tijani. S (2020)
The study of the built environment in South Africa is often split into two parts. The vernacular that is based on the archaeological findings and the ‘high style’ that came after the European invasion (Rapport 1992) Vernacular is an informal dialect used as a way of directly translating tradition into architecture in South Africa (before colonial influence) with most materials coming from what the land produced. Most settlements pre-apartheid were located in rural areas allowing for a variation in styles due to the different interpretations of cultural, ritual, economic and physical factors that were passed down generations. The housing structures are made informally compared to traditional architecture(refer to figures 4&5) however skill is still taken to make these sustainable and complex forms. As tourism began to grow in the region smaller settlements and their buildings typologies reduced with tribes that originated in South Africa such as the Ndebele tribe moving to Zimbabwe to retain traditions and culture. (Rapport 1969, Maio 2017)
1.2 The Dutch Invasion
The next stage of Architecture is known as the ‘Cape Dutch’ this was introduced when Van Riebeck from the Netherlands stopped at the Cape of Good Hope in 1648, a watering place for rest stops used when travelling long hours from Europe to Asia. Later the British came to occupy the Cape, more specifically Port Elizabeth in 1806. (Cohen 1986) Local tribes such as the Kausa people had their settlements on the coast so once their land had been taken over many were sold as slaves and shipped to other countries under British colonism or remained in South Africa, separated under white ruling. During this time many Indians were brought to the country creating a mixing of cultures, additionally rapes and intermarriages would often occur between the Europeans and the indigenous women of South Africa generating ‘coloured; people. These intersections created diversity in the country’s diaspora that is deep rooted from the generations of development shown in Figure 1. (Refer to Appendix A)
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Figure 4 (1988) Straw Vernacular Dwelling
Figure 5 (1998) Interior of a Vernacular housing typology.
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2
Theory
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It is often discussed that housing is a simple structure for living
however research has become abundant in this area, particularly in urban
housing as the factors are heightened with the intensity of living in an urban area. The first point of contact must be the state as they have the power to shape
communities. The state is not just one method of authority but rather a set of institutions that work together in keeping societies under control through the uses of violence and coercion(Hall 1988)They are able to inflict targeted violence in order to keep control of their designated area through their supporting institutions including the police and military to carry out their ideas of societal jurisdiction. This territorialism makes them the superstructure of society. In this case therefore Marxist ideology is correct. The world is not centred about money and profit but rather issues in society. When discussing this in the context of housing it is important to remember the over-arching superstructure that were a stable part of shaping and exacerbating the events that occurred and the way these events were portrayed to people within and outside of South Africa during Apartheid. Ideologies are a shared set of assumptions among a group (Heywood 2012) The colonial history of the South Africa is based on shared economic, political and religious ideologies of racial superiority that began from the time the Dutch had the ammunition to push people out of their settlements and employ Dutch
Architects in South Africa to reshape settlements for their personal benefit. This idea of personal interest if further highlighted in upcoming case studies. (Hall 1997) (Appendix B) 2.1 Marxist Ideology The Atlantic slave trade in South Africa was developed purely for the economy, to simply distinguish the exploiters and those to be exploited for apartheid capitalism. Developments more recently have changed so that judgements are made on finances which for much of South Africa’s urban poor limits them certain housing typologies. (Biko 1981). (Appendix C) 2.2 Liberalist Ideology Liberal ideology spread in the Cape colony in 1910.It was heavily supported by the British at that time as the Liberal views in free markets and non-violent change benefited them. These beliefs were opposed to the that of the Afrikaners that were in favour for the racist policies as they believed liberalism would break their control over the state if everyone was ‘free’. (Martin 2019) The liberal ideology in South Africa links back to the consistent theme of blind ignorance that white people held in failing to understand the lived realities for black Africans at the time as there is a complexed dynamic of liberalism’s rights-based theory overplayed with the
colonial legacy. Robertson describes liberalism as being focused to the original owners of the land (Robertson 1971) making it seem that British South Africans were non-racist however critics question the ability of liberalisism as the Neo liberal policies that followed limiting people to
certain townships and reducing the mobility of black South Africans did not match this.
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Formal policies outlinig restriction to certain residences for only Africans.
Institutional racism of only relating conviction for the offence to the race of Africans.
Figure 6 Parliament of South Africa (1950) Group areas act of South Africa
Friction theory gave reason for the Group Areas Act in 1950 (Western 1984) It was the belief that contact between races would cause friction therefore segregated
spaces are needed. The Areas Act in 1950 solidified this and was the foundation for the residential apartheid. Architects and chief ministers at the time believed that territorial spaces needed to be marked to avoid racial troubles. (Figure 6) Neo Liberalism further supported this through their agreement focused on accumulation by dispossession (Holdt 2013) which aided social reproduction.
TNC’s continued to gain profits by displacing the rural and urban working class,
evidence of this is shown in figure which clearly states the limitations of Africans in South Africa during the 1950’s.
Though Neo-liberalists believe the economy can solve societal issues in this case
their model for development weakened the black working class and by the late 1920’s policies based on these ideologies had become solidified in the
mechanisms of labour exploitation. From all this it is clear that there are particular theoretical influences that gave reasoning as to why certain decisions were made in spatial planning during the early post-apartheid era.
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3
Pressure to Re-Design 16
3.1 Informal Housing Settlements South African cities experienced large numbers of urban migration during world war two as industry was expanding and rural settlements were declining in Johannesburg with populations jumping from 244,000 in 1939 to 400,000 in 1946 (Harrison.P) The lack of affordable housing and housing subsidies forced many to live in inner city slum dwellings, otherwise known as informal settlements, the definition is as follows 1. Areas where groups of housing units have been constructed on land that the occupants have no legal claim to, or occupy illegally; 2. unplanned settlements and areas where housing is not in compliance with current planning and building regulations (unauthorized housing). Glossary of Environment Statistics 1997 South Africa does have a framework for state subsidised housing that is important to those in poor and low-income households. The implementation for good and affordable housing has always been the aim however poor planning, coordination and other factors can lead to housing improvement projects not being fulfilled adequately. These issues are heightened in inner city dwellings that have, poor maintenance and are often heavily filled with fear due to crime rates and eviction threats. In 2006 researchers examined key factors to measure how the quality of life of urban settlements in Durban and Buffalo City in East London. (Refer to figure 3) They found that 80-90% of people felt that situations had worsened compared to the year before with life satisfaction rates being below 15% in both cities. Governments recognised the issues with informal settlements based on numerous studies conducted like this so began working towards building affordable formal dwellings. (Richards, O’leary and Mutsonziwa 2006) 3.2 Case Study: Joe Slovo Housing Settlement Post-apartheid families and individuals fled from the plantations and farms to new urban areas that were ‘zones of transition’ (Cohen 1986) leading to the growth of informal settlements in the 1990’s, shown in Figure 1. Many settled along the N2 freeway in Cape Town, South Africa. It’s closeness to the business district in Pinelands created various job opportunities nearby. Amidst the initial threat of removal from councils black South Africans remained causing governments to rather rethink ways to rebalance the housing scenario by clearing the housing backlog of the large number of people in informal settlements and create formal housing typologies. In order to build South Africa introduced a National capital subsidies scheme for low income households in which you had to be married or cohabiting to qualify. Prior to Phase 1 construction in 2004 N2 freeway residents were confirmed to be made priority in being allocated a home. After a fire that impacted some of the local shacks residents were moved to a temporary relocation area (TRA) in the Delft (see fig.1) despite initial plans of TRA’S to be in the community of local Epping and Pineland where locals’ jobs and work was located.
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Overt racism meant white South Africans in those areas did not want there to
be a TRA, the costs it would take for the Government to take the matter to court
would cost too much therefore they settled on moving 4,000 dwellings to the Delft despite resident frustrations. These were only the beginnings of the tensions between community and state. (Cohre 2009) Meanwhile phase 1 homeowners had frustrations towards the building standards
constructed by Thubelisha homes. Many had leaking roofs causing mould build up while others had security issues. Fears among women were particularly high as unique locks were not given to individual properties allowing people to gain
access to multiple flats leaving many feeling unsafe in their own spaces. The N2 committee initially stated lower subsided rents for low income families however
policy changes meant this only applied to the first 5/6 families that signed up for
flats in Phase 2 with the other flat prices being increased. Options from Thubelisha homes were to simply take the offers or leave them. As housing qualities
worsened a rent boycott was launched and tenants marched in 2007 (Chance.K
2008) demanding for change due to the large flat defects impacting the health of residents.
Thubelisha homes did not respond, continued construction and erected 3,000
homes in Slovo but also the Delft, of which this location was not mentioned prior. Again, prices were advertised outside of the budgets for many limiting many wanting to live in their original homelands. Fears for safety and housing quality were high among residents as an interview COHRE revealed how neighbours watch out for each other’s properties when residents are at work as
many cannot afford private security therefore move to the Delft would break these relationships (COHRE 2009) (Appendix D)
This perhaps the links to the idea of friction theory mentioned earlier in that there
were fears for white people to live so close to Africans in Pineland. The complexed social climate that South Africa was still in at the time clearly influenced the way the government approached settlement upgrading by making sure groups were separated throughout. On a wider scale it shows the long-term impacts of the
apartheid as these forms of segregation were still being implemented 10 years
post-apartheid. Arguments could be made that tensions between groups were still high even though time had passed. If work towards integration was not occurring 10 years after, then would it ever? It is clear that the initial focus was on in-situ
upgrading that was part of government policy though when this could not be met, decisions continued to run opposed to that. In 2009 a parliamentary hearing took place to hi-light the mismanagement of the project. Table 1 shows the initial outputs for the project and the shortcomings of what actually occurred.
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Table 1, Tijani (2020) National Department of Housing) Report of the auditor-general on. The special audit of the special audit of the N2 gateway project.
REPORT OF THE AUDITOR-GENERAL ON THE SPECIAL AUDIT OF THE N2 GATEWAY PROJECT AT THE NATIONAL DEPARTMENT OF HOUSING
Outputs based on section 26
Outputs of N2 gateway
(i) Administering the housing process in a transparent, accountable and equitable manner,based on the principles of good governance; (ii) Determining national policy; (iii) Identifying and designating land for housing development; (iv) Driving community participation and support; (v) Funding the housing programmes; (vi)Compiling a detailed project implementation plan indicating cash flow, agreed project milestones and progress payments; (vii) Ensuring that the project is conducted in accordance with national legislation and policies; (viii) Signing contracts with the project manager and the various implementing consortia.65
(i) The certificate of completion for the building contract issued by the principal agent was erroneously issued; (ii) Compliance with registration and inspection procedures ranging from the National Building Regulations to the National Home Builders’ Registration Council (NHBRC), construction regulations, inspections by local authorities and professionals and occupation certificates, could not be verified; (iii) Fourteen instances were identified where “as built” specifications did not comply with minimum specifications for social housing; (iv) Nine instances of deviations from contract specifications were identified; (v) The large public storm-water canal constituted a foul health hazard; (vi) Site inspections revealed numerous cracks in the walls and floors, peeling paint, doors that were not fitted properly, loose fittings and uncovered drain pipes and blocked drains.
Figure 7 (2008) A South African woman and baby run with others away from South African police as they fire stun grenades and rubber bullets to disperse a crowd opposing evictions of their illegally occupied houses in Delft, Cape Town.
Outside of the law was the reality for many South Africans that had been living in the Delft desert with some for over a decade, some illegally in the Thubelisha built homes as many were desperate as the promise of relocation into Thubelisha homes is yet to occur. This added mental, physical and emotional burdens on low income households, particularly women that are often primary carers. The relocation meant many children were far away from their schools leading to high dropout rates, these factors among others forced many to return back to Cape town. After being evicted from their original homes in 2004 and leaving their shacks in the Delft, over 1000 people including children were classed as homeless. Some were moved to a new TRA by Symphony way known as ‘Blikkiesdorp’, (a tin can in Afrikaan terms) in 2008 with many still there today, awaiting to be rehoused. (COHRE 2009 pp 25)
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In some cases, in-situ upgrading is simply not viable due to land availability. For new infrastructures such as roads and paths for re-blocking to be built clearances need to happen. In this case the lack of space in around the N2 freeway meant relocation was the only option however the Department of Housing recognise the burdens and vulnerabilities this creates therefore appropriate strategies if needed should be well communicated prior so that multiple solutions can be made viable to all involved. (Chapter 13 of the Housing Code, dealing with the Upgrading of Informal Settlements Programme, the Department of Housing, Marx 2003) Zille points out the reasons for in-completed development being down to the 22 (Zille 2018) families refusing relocation to allow for the next stage of construction. Complexed reasons for this are apparent. After many years’ residents are aware of how much governments can be pushed and, in this case, know that eventually they’ll be offered formal permanent living accommodation. This form of dependency on the state has remained among residents preventing them from
developing from where they were in 2004. It could be said that this cycle may have been purposely put in place as a type of social control, that links my theme of territorialism based on Marxist theory. Housing in the country is a
superstructure with the ability to control society through keeping certain people in certain places. In contrast recently leaders within the shacks have developed as the demand for tents and land on the peripherals of the city have increased over time. More people are moving into the area and paying local leaders’ money to build a shack on the site linking to the union of industrial proletariats introduced by Marxists, locals when upon agreeance have the power to resist governmental forces which is clearly demonstrated among the residents living along Symphony way. (Marx 2003) This business cannot be shut down without a court order which can take years to process in the context of informal settlements. Though it may seem like perhaps some residents are comfortable with resistance interviews with COHRE show that ultimately many simply want to raise their children in a clean safe environment that the shacks do not provide.
The housing policy currently works against many families with two incomes as many are provided affordable homes that are located much further out the city with little transport links to schools and jobs that many uneducated settlement residents can do. Alternatively, those that qualify for the free homes are so poor they end up not being able to keep up with costs and therefore many end up renting their homes to others while living in the back gardens. These examples show that the system is set up to allow for policies to be broken as there are limited options for people which again highlights the complexed dynamic of
liberalism’s rights-based theory overplayed with the colonial legacy as freedom is not always an option when state policy creates indirect limitations. (Robertson 1971) Earning a steady income allows for you to afford rents in places outside your community, far from informal economic communities. In contrast not earning an income places you in inadequate forms of housing, waiting on the government for a real home. The Cape Flats area overall has a low rent payment record at just 30% (Zille 2018) showing that people in the area are not use’t to paying towards housing however it arguably it cannot be put down to the government to give out free housing. Solutions could be to transfer state land into private housing at 20
Figure 8 (2009) Children protesting evictions along Symphony Way.
discounted rates as there is a clear there is a lack of trust between the community and housing officials. This would allow for many to be taken off waiting lists and housed in their communities, those that can’t afford these typologies would be given formal sites where they’re able to develop and build they’re on homes with the help of NGO’s that work closely with locals. (Zille 2018) This case study shows the failure of a top down approach in developing housing for the urban poor. Though initially the ethos was to resolve the housing backlogs in Cape Town South Africa, racist undertones are prevalent in both the time taken and responses to protests. Thubelisha homes were employed under the national Department of Housing, the provincial government and the city of Cape Town (Chance.K 2008) allowing for multiple points of contact yet the rates of production did not change. Additionally, the case study shows the faults of neo-liberalist theory, market fundamentalism. Trust was put into the separate housing institution to perform and provide better infrastructures however as mentioned earlier this ultimately allowed for the displacement of the urban poor as though Africans were free, they were still under control of the housing superstructure.
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4
Mechanics Of Re Development 22
This chapter will detail the planning and design framework used to rethink social housing typologies in more recent periods. 4.1 The Table House Today efforts are being made to work more closely with communities in improving living standards of poorer areas. The common result of redevelopment of poor areas like shanty towns and informal settlements are that people are often displaced (Noero 2019). As a response, smaller scale projects allow for locals to remain in their townships while exploration in new housing typologies is still able to occur. Architect Joseph Noero was one of the people able to do this in South Africa. The Architect followed these beliefs by generating the ‘Table House’ a simple design that works in putting a platform above an existing shack which is then moved up, this configuration is shown in figure.
Figure 9 Figure Noero.J (2019) Axonometric Drawing of the Table house construction design.
Axonometric Drawing of the Table house construction design
Stage 1
Stage 2
Intital Building Platform built around exisiting shack.
Stage 3
Platform placed over the shack.
Once raised, slabs are inserted.
Stage 4
PVC drainpipes make shuttering for concrete columns.
3.6m by 3.6m by 3.2m space
Stage 5
This principal follows form but also does good for the local dwellers (Young 2019) This small scale in situ- upgrading allows for communities inside townships to remain as well as providing better standard living as people are able to be feel safer and have more space in their homes linking to the theme of ownership that is being given back to people who had it taken away from them during merchant capitalism. Although positive the scale of the project is limiting. Noero’s Red Location housing in Port Elizabeth (Young 2019) has been delayed by housing subsidy.
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focused on building a more equitable, inclusive, and sustainable future for African cities
They give Africa’s urban poor access to quality building materials, physical infrastructure, and planning and construction support.
Figure 10 Tijani. S (2020) Mind map of NGO’S
Bottom-up, people-centered, incremental approach
Ikhayalami
NGO’S
‘Non govermental organisations’
A not-for-profit, voluntary citizens' group, which is organized on a local, national or international level to address issues in support of the public good.
Established by ECOSOC resolution E/RES/3(II) of 21 June 1946.
A not-for-profit, voluntary citizens' group, which is organized on a local, national or international level to address issues in support of the public good.
Work to bring stakeholders and goverements together to implement policies that benefit civill society.
Timber frame construction
First Empower Shack in Khayelitsha 2013 Four day construction process
First floor
Local involved in the design and build workshop
Single storey structure demolished on day one.
Plastic rain covering allowed for leaking and mould.
Parts of the land were filled with concrete for level surfacing.
Phumezo Tsibanto, a community leader and his family. Low cost Raised platform reduces flood risk.
Figure 12 Empower Shack (2017) BT North Construction section.
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Red Location housing in Port Elizabeth (Young 2019) has been delayed by housing subsidy. For many social housing schemes, projects are only able to be made physical and revived when money is available from the government, preventing the scheme’s ability to become a formal framework, particularly when there is an over growing demand for housing. A perhaps more successful development is Urban think tanks scheme of the Empower Shack in collaboration with the local South African NGO Ikhayalami. Figure gives more detail to this. As predicted by Cohen the shifts of spatial relations have moved from race to wealth which has caused need for third party intervention of NGO’S to help create a link between locals and officials. (Cohen 2003) Tsibanto family home (Phase 1) 4.2 The Empower Shack As shown in the figure above NGO Ikhayalami worked with the Venezuelan design practice Urban think tank to develop the Empower shack. A project that works to liberal ideologies of allowing natives to be freer in their own land (Robertson 1971) They began designing to filter out the social consequences of social/economic and political decisions such as sanitation, electricity and other effects that come with informal settlements. Phumezo Tsibante, a community leader in the Khayelitsha township was the first to be selected to have his home be part of the Figure 11 Daniel Schwartz (2014) Comparison prototype due to his investments in to the first in-situ re-blocking project with of new and old home for the Tsibanto Ikhayalami in 2010. The project worked in collaboration with the re-blocking stratfamily. egy, giving more access for emergency services due to organised pavements and pathways as well as creating public spaces. This relationship he had with the NGO was built upon as he and many others became stakeholders in the scheme when chosen to have their homes developed allowing for future longevity in new social housing approaches as pre-existing relationships are kept and further grow. His single-story structure was re-configured with a vertical expansion principal, similar to Noero’s. Locals were part of the construction training (Tory-Henderson 2016) programmes allowing them to partially self- build their townships to higher standards. The figures shows this process. One question that needs to be asked, however, is if investment into upgrading projects like Empower shack both physically and economically by residents is always positive. Some governments may see it as an opportunity for free labour, particularly when it comes to re-blocking. These ideas compliment traditional Marxist theory that views the proletarian (Black South Africans) as being the labourers to produce entire products meanwhile Capitalists (Housing government officials) come to distinguish what they want and take ownership of. (Cohen 1978) In regard to re-blocking some locals are against wanting to contribute as often locals do not have a guarantee of being re-situated in the same area as was the case in the Joe Slovo settlement so fear the change. Ultimately some shacks often have to be destroyed in the process of housing densification combined with re-blocking to allow for efficient land-use and long-term success. (Hawkins 2016) 4.2 Planning Phase 2.Larger scale development. Following the success of Tsibanto’s home redesign second iterations were made with more permanent materials to expand the empower shack to the BT section of 25 Khayletisha. (Refer to Figure 1)
The following figures show the methods of construction and process that allowed for the expansion of the Empower Shack. Figure 16 shows the difference between the areas organised by the re-blocking layout and the existing shacks within close proximity. There is a clear spatial improvement as houses are organised and placed row by row, introducing a sense of formality that helps to distinguish house numbers making it easier for when emergency services need to access settlements if called to a property. Additionally the advancement of public space allows for a new type of informal engagement for home dwellers and the community. When comparing the layout of the dashed lines in the two settlements it is clear that fire risks are higher in the traditional settlement where access into the area would be more difficult, as well as the close proximity of the shacks that allow for fires to quickly spread. With the redesign of the settlement the chair of information Architecture created an algorithm to allow for the most optimised form of reblocking including fire hazards as a main component. Residents can also use the user-based technology to input preferences and allow them to think about designing their spaces for the future (Hawkins 2016)
Homes are designed with tensional components for hazard protection.
Figure 13 David Southwood (2017) BT North Construction.
Long span capacity and adjustable vertical elements allow construction under a variation of site conditions.
Figure 14 David Southwood (2017)Empower shacks close to completion
The iron sheets are replaceable when rusted
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Dwelling layout of Empower shack typologies The circle sizes in the elevated plan correspond to the storeys and sqm of the shack dwellings.
Figure 15 Tijani. S (2020) Dwelling layout of shack typologies.
Figure 16 Tijani. S (2020) BT North Spatial Planning
D3 2nd and 3rd floor 3 story unit
D2.5 2 storey unit
D4 2nd and 3rd floor 3 story unit
D2 2 storey unit
BT North Spatial Planning Empower shack re-design settlement
Clear emergency access with Empower shack re-design.
Traditional Settlement
Access into exisitng traditional and settlements
Public Spaces
Private Spaces
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BT North Adjustable Room Layouts
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D68
D88
3 Main Bedrooms
3 Main Bedrooms
D56
D48
One main rectangle plan bedroom with potential to split.
Deep set entrance One main rectangle plan bedroom.
The diagrams show the spacial configuration for each home with the help of a computational planning synthesis that allows scenario’s to be generated based on location and cluster preferences.
D40
There is a clear variance in the dwellings shown. Entrances are placed in different locations depending on the site, as well as the room sizes that though are allocated depending on the number of people are flexible with the families and individuals that will grow with the properties over time showing a thoughtful, more individualistic design process tailored to residents.
One main rectangle plan bedroom with potential to split. Neighbouring House Attached First Floor Ground Floor
Main Door Entrances
D40 One main square plan bedroom. Figure 17 Tijani. S (2020) Dwelling layout of shack sizes.
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Scalability can often be limiting as discussed with Noero’s Red Location housing.
In this case NGO Ikhayalami have an in-house scheme that work with the locals
considered for a empower shack re-design based on repayment capacity so that affordable amounts can be payed every month over a thirty-month period with
the help of micro-credit financing (MFI). Consultations were also organised with
locals to educate them on the economic choices available allowing them to make informed decisions. This links to liberalism ideology as people are given choice when it come to their financial decisions and therefore §allowing low income households to become beneficiaries of the Empower Shack. However, with
scalability interests increases on the small loans being given out to locals which will increase to cover growing administration costs. Private investment provides
solution to funding the loans however this often comes with high returns that will not be sustainable for residents or Ikhayalami to cover in the long term.
Government financial dependence to aid projects are not reliable as state priorities are constantly changing. Private philanthropy and sponsorships have
helped aid the project so far however financial movements will have to occur as
sporadic donations and micro-financing are not long-term funding strategies for ethical scalability. (Rosenburg 2013, Hawkins 2013)
Though the investment into housing schemes creates a safe urban environment it
does not correlate to the increase in township revenue as too many on the outside the area is still seen today as dangerous zone (Marx 2003) however having secure contracts and micro- debt repayment schemes with the help of Ikhayalami allow for townships to develop and reintegrate slowly with other South African formal
dwelling communities aiding a reduction in displacement and progress for locals. Figure 21 shows the versatile cladding system enabling facades to be re-config-
ured for business ventures. Shack owners are able to work from home enabling
single family households to earn money while also allowing for adults to look after
their child/children. The Joe Slovo study showed the effects of city workers having travel miles from the Delft into the city for informal work. Family ties, safety, finances and well-being were all pressurised due to this daily commute. The vertical expansion allows people to work from home helping them to keep up with repayments while also removing them on a larger scale from apartheid
capitalism as a micro-economy in the townships offering goods and services can be established. (Biko1981)
The Empower Shack is an example of the trust in relationships that can be built to
allow for successful re-design. Throughout the process the community were
centred as the focus of the agenda. The NGO organised design meetings with
locals as shown in the figure allowing for opinions on layouts, mobility and other
factors to be discussed. Although in this case community inclusion efforts added
30 to the
The Empower Shack is an example of the trust in relationships that can be built
to allow for successful re-design. Throughout the process the community were centred as the focus of the agenda. The NGO organised design meetings with
locals as shown in figure 20 allowing for opinions on layouts, mobility and other factors to be discussed. Although in this case community inclusion efforts added to the project’s success it is not always the case. Stakeholders may hold
personal interests that contradict the need of locals. Nonetheless, recognition
before projects are undertaken must establish the levels of decision making and where inputs can be taken so that all parties are involved. In Joe Slovo there
was little attention to community participation due to the already large number of stakeholders that perhaps had private interests leaving little space for locals to
have a say. Though initially stated by officials that housing would be made priority
to them, there are questions are around who the social housing was really built for
as when rent prices were suddenly increased very few shack dwellers were able to afford their previously promised permanent homes reflecting on the importance of transparency between all parties in order for smooth transition, particularly when groups are being temporarily moved. (Emmet 2000)
There are remnants of the apartheid all over South Africa, from the street names to the benches that people could sit on. By allowing Black Africans to take
ownership and collaborate to make their homes it can perhaps acts as a way of self-healing.
Maintainability is key for insitu-upgrading. Social networks and communities must
be protected so that these relationships can be kept after projects have been
completed. Governments also have a responsibility as improvements and cannot work without governmental inclusion as their financial backing and political support can either aid or limit expansion, as shown in my case studies. 4.3 Reflections It is clear to see that townships were simply a typology to Architects and planners
that acted as a way of distinguishing infrastructures. In reality these areas were
places of freedom. Though poor there was a sense of safety from being part of a
community that had a shared experience compared to the white groups that had an unreality to the black experience of the apartheid and therefore held a blind
ignorance(Biko.S 1978) Interestingly beyond the crime, post-apartheid townships acted as places of freedom comparison to the suburban cities that had always
been free. Roles seem to have reversed as many homes are covered in security
guards, fences and remain in gated communities, acting in a slight paradox to the apartheid. Where blacks were kept in isolation it seems now the gated
communities are experiencing similar senses of isolation as a form of protection
linking to Robertson’s ideas of the natives taking back their land. (Barac. M 2007)
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Figure 18 David Southwood (2014) Land Readjustment Workshop Section C.
Figure 19 Tijani. S (2020) Dwelling layout of shack sizes mixed with new shacks and their store fronts
Figure 20 Johnny Miller(2019)Left: Johannesburg surburbs,South Africa, Right: Informal Settlement. The inequalities in South Africa
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In this regard there are questions for the future are around spatial interventions that as highlighted in my case studies have begun developing. The shacks in Khayelitsha were setup based upon individual desires allowing for natural daily interactions vs Western spatial design that has become so institutionalised that there is an insubstantial link between culture and form. As shown in figure 22 there is a clear difference between the two areas, though so close they’re experienced differently, it could be argued whether new approaches based on the colonial import from that period has influenced the ready acceptance to change traditional vernacular spatial patterns. However, the social climate of that time is not completely to blame. Pre the Dutch invasion settlement homes were built based heavily on physical constraints, with technological developments physicality is no longer the focal design, rather socio-cultural factors could operate which perhaps in an area like Khayelitsha is more important for development. Plans for community centres, urban management apprenticeships and other ideas introduced by UTT are all important in providing opportunities to the urban poor. (Rapoport 1969, UTT 2016)
Western influence has however helped to improve issues suc as sanitation and water access due to their modern forms of construction. NGO’s like UTT also work to prioritise communities that the government originally wanted to locate and trap due to their territorialism combined with colonial powers (Gotz&Simone 2001)
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5
Conclusion
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The Apartheid created a social and political climate that influenced housing policy and design both positively and negatively as shown through this essay. It is clear to see the transition from traditional implementation of formal housing based on theories such as Neo-Liberalism that worked actively to keep people segregated, to new ‘in situ’ approaches with the help of NGO’S like Urban Think Tank. Despite this there is still a large housing backlog in South Africa which in-situ upgrading cannot be replicated due to land availability, rather adjustments can be made to help develop informal settlements in South Africa and other places in the world. For this backlog to be addressed collaborative governmental involvement is needed, not just for physical infrastructure but to help address the over arching post-apartheid climate that sits in the context to the existing communities that inhabit re-designed spaces. Ultimately informal settlements are a housing typology that’ve been part of urban areas since the apartheid so the support into improving them with collaborative Western influence rather than complete eradication is the best response to helping develop social housing in areas with heavy social and political climates.
5,377 words
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Appendix A Within this there are groups including the Malay, a Muslim subgroup that are from descended from Dutch settlers and the Khoekho tribe and slaves brought by the Dutch from their travels to Asia. From this dialect were created including the main spoken in South Africa of the ‘Afrikaans’ made up from the mix of European languages that merged with the indigenous influences (Gale 2016)
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Appendix B Colonialism is the main theory in this case. The morality of colonialism is an ongoing conversation. Some may see it as a rescuing of people that have nothing however many believe colonialism in South Africa created an exploitative, aggressive form of control by imperialist powers (R.J Harvath) Whether you agree or not colonialism was the catalyst for segregation, redesign and a Eurocentric standard that are still reinforced within society today through neo-liberalist policies of housing.
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Appendix C The South African apartheid was about white domination is South Africa that covered all aspects including land rights and housing. Marxist views were the first types of ideologies that explained the deeper reasoning behind why certain actions occurred during the period of the apartheid. (Rukundwa,. Aarde 2007)
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Appendix D Eviction orders were sent to those that would not relocate for Phase 2 however residents argued that they were informed 70% of new housing would be allocated for them in Slovo and 30% in Langa which did not occur in phase one, additionally the violation of credit linked bonds that were mentioned in initial plans. Despite this courts allowed relocation for 10 months breaking up communities and families as many could not live in the same TRA’S together. (Cohre 2009)
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Sadiyah TIjani