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PALAZZO FACADES of Florence R.F.A. Cuijpers A. Barbosa V.A. van Spaendonk GSEducationalVersion

Colophon TECHNISCHE UNIVERSITEIT EINDHOVEN Course: 7QX5M0 (2020-GS1) Seminar urbanism and architecture, 5 ECTS

CONTRIBUTORS Tutor: Dipl. -Ing. Haike Apelt, h.apelt@tue.nl

Students: Ana Barbosa, a.l.fernandes.moreira.barbosa@student.tue.nl Robert Cuijpers, r.f.a.cuijpers@student.tue.nl Vincent van Spaendonk, v.a.v.spaendonk@student.tue.nl

Eindhoven 21 October 2020

Preface This book is a result of a seminar, organized by the chair of Rational Architecture at the TU Eindhoven. It is the result of a two months’ work undertaken by students of the Master’s Program Architecture, Building and Planning in the winter semester of 2020. The seminar wants to address both general themes in architecture (representation, tectonics, composition, etc.) and specific aspects that belong to a place and its building culture. Florence, with its layered history, visible in the facades of the palazzi, has a character that is recognizable immediately. While the building type of the palazzo is related to a greater European tradition and has developed defiantly in different European cities, in Florence it has developed early in a way that has deeply influenced not only the type, but architecture in general. Within this seminar we try to inquire into the origins and transformations of the palazzo as a building type specific to Florence, with a main focus on the period of the Italian Renaissance and the problem

of the façade. For this reason, the work is divided into three parts. The first part tries to sketch a brief history of the Palazzo in Florence as a residential building type. In the second part, three specific themes concerning the problem of the façade are discussed. The third part then is comprised of an architectural analysis of three Renaissance Palazzi in Florence, focusing on the subject of the façade. All three parts are supported by extensive literature study, focusing on -as said- general as well as specific architectural aspects. We are thankful for the insights Karin Templin shared with us on the Palazzi of Florence in an online lecture early in the process. Her research-based knowledge of the morphology of the city and the role the palazzi play in it, where very instructive to our work. Finally: why the focus on the façade? Because today it sometimes is the last resort of architecture, when structure and program are already decided by demands of efficiency and program. Because the façades form the face of our streets,

alleys and squares and accordingly determines the face of a city. Because only the architect will ever bother with proportions, with tectonic expression and the proper use of architectural language, and it is his obligation to do so for the good of the entire city. Also, because the subject of the façade involves the complex and contradictory interplay between inside and outside, private and public space. Its study involves the study of the relationship between what Andrea Battista Alberti once called materia and lineamenta, the material (visible) dimension and the immaterial (invisible) dimension of architecture, in other words the rules themselves and how we are able to perceive them. “Just to make a façade”, Adam Caruso once said in a lecture, “is actually high architecture!”.

Haike Apelt

Introduction

Florence and its Palazzi

Rusticated significance

Superimposition of Roman and Florentine Architecture

The Problem of Proportion

Palazzo Medici-Riccardi Michelozzo di Bartolomeo Michelozzi

Palazzo Ruccelai Leon Battista Alberti

118

Palazzo Gondi Giulianno Sangallo

152

Complete reference overview

158

Image referencing

Introduction The 15th century in Florence, or the Quattrocento, was distinct due to the evolution of the Renaissance style of architecture, which appeared not as a slow evolution from preceding styles, but rather as a conscious development put into motion by architects seeking to revive a golden age. The Renaissance style of these buildings eschewed the complex proportional systems and irregular profiles of Gothic structures. Instead, Renaissance architects placed emphasis on proportion, symmetry, geometry, and regularity of parts as demonstrated in classical Roman architecture. They also made considerable use of classical features such as orderly arrangements of columns, pilasters, lintels, semi-circular arches, and hemispherical domes (Goldthwaite, R. A., 1982).

better known as Palazzi. The Florentine Palazzi were examples of monumental architecture mostly built by noble families. This building typology played a key role in city-planning and were instrumental in defining the various civic spaces in the city, becoming a model for the ideal city (Templin, K., 2020). Therefore, it is relevant to look at its origins and development throughout the Renaissance period, as well as its architectural characteristics.

Image: Buonsignori map Buonsignori, S. (1594) Goldthwaite, R. A. (1982). The Building of Renaissance Florence. Amsterdam University Press.

The shift in appearance of Florence’s public realm during the Quattrocento was therefore greatly influenced and characterized by various architectural manifestations, such as private buildings in the domestic sphere,

Templin, K. (2020). Lecture on Firenze. Retrieved from https:// web.microsoftstream.com/ video/23833b2d-632a-4eb69434-c27c8dd45f1e

Florence and its Palazzi Living, I despise what melancholy fate has brought us wretches in these evil years. Long before my birth time smiled and may again, for once there was, and yet will be, more joyful days. But in this middle age time’s dregs sweep ‘round us, and we bend beneath a heavy load of vice. Genius, virtue, glory now have gone, leaving chance and sloth to rule. Shameful vision this! We must awake or die. These are the words with which Francesco Petrarca illustrates 14th century life. A time of war and disease, causing steep inclination in population. Amidst these wretched times, which he dubbed the ‘Middle Ages’, Petrarch referred back to a period he called ‘the old age’, turning to the work of great thinkers such as Plato and Cicero to find a remedy. The 13th century historian Leonardo Bruni argued that ‘Francesco Petrarch was the first with a talent sufficient to recognize and call back to light the ancient elegance of the lost and extinguished style.’ (Vickers, 2002). The Renaissance, as the term may suggest, was a

time of rebirth and re-appraisal of the bright lights of antiquity, focusing especially on the studies of the ‘humanities’; directing the discourse form the divine and the heavens to that of human grammar, rhetoric and logic. It was a golden age that restored the liberal arts, which almost had gone extinct during the preceding centuries of darkness, shedding light again on the artistic domains of poetry, painting, sculpture, architecture and music, to name but a few (Burckhardt, 2000). Escaping from a gradually progressing historical development of generations slowly building upon the ideas and theories of their recent predecessors, the Renaissance marked the first moment in history in which a break was sought in this progression, to consciously refer back to a period of choice. (Wölfflin, 2017).Yet the artistic endeavours of the time, went beyond merely referring to antiquity. They rather tried to take ‘the classical’ as a starting point to be built upon, expanding its ideals to a different time and place. Despite its common recurrence in history books, historians working on the

Francesco Petrarca Epistulae metricae, III, 33 Dagenais, J. (2000). Decolonizing the Middle Ages: Introduction. Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 30(3), 443–448. . Vickers, B. (2002). The Idea of the Renaissance, Revisited. SEDERI: Yearbook of the Spanish and Portuguese Society for English Renaissance Studies, Vol. 12 (2002), 69–95. Burckhardt, J. (2000). The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy. Penguin Random House. Wölfflin, H. (2017). Renaissance und Barock. Hansebooks.

Trexler, R. C. (1991). Public Life in Renaissance Florence. Amsterdam University Press. Lane, F. C. (1970). Private Wealth in Renaissance Florence: A Study of Four Families. Richard A. Goldthwaite. Speculum, 45(1), 132–134.

problem of ‘Renaissance’ have however never been able to reach consensus on the large looming question if there was even such a thing as ‘the Renaissance’, and if so, where did it take place and for whom was it? Who recognized the period as such? To bluntly reply to such question is to point at Florence as being the commercially thriving and culturally flourishing centre of Western civilization starting in the early 15th century. In the Italian city-states of that time, cultural advancements were possible through a fruitful combination of young artists, writers and composers together with an increasingly commercially flourishing group of urban merchants supporting Renaissance thinkers and artists through a system of patronage. Such families of merchants and bankers gained through their immense wealth an increasingly important position within city life as they started funding public events and the construction of civic monuments (Trexler, 1991). The support of these families certainly was a catalyst that drove the artistic development of the time. Yet it was not only

for the love of beauty that such bankers and merchants funded these artistic endeavours but it was also a manner of building status and recognition within the city. It was a way of legitimizing wealth towards the greater public and institutions, a dynamic that reached its apotheosis at the point in which neither state nor church - both having become reliant on private funding - could no longer condemn the riches of the families. (Lane, 1970). It is a curious fact that much Renaissance churches in Florence seem to lack a completely finished exterior: Basilica San Lorenzo with its bare exterior seems to cry for a new façade on its east elevation. Santa Maria Novella’s prayers have been answered yet she has only gotten a new south elevation. However rich the Florentine merchant families may have been, their ambitions for construction were often larger than their budget. Therefore a strategy was often taken in which one would start with the renovation of the interior of an existing church, to only later, if funding allowed, construct a facade against it. Because of this dynamic most of

the artistic endeavours were restricted to the interior, concentrated behind closed church doors (Goldthwaite, 1982). The change in appearance of quattrocento Florence’s public sphere was therefore largely defined by architectural manifestations of a different kind, that of private building in the domestic realm of the construction of private palaces better known as Palazzi. The Florentine Palazzi during the Renaissance period were examples of monumental architecture mostly built by noble families. The Palazzi played a key role in town-planning and were instrumental in defining the various civic spaces in the city, such as piazzas and as well as the back drop for civic life (images on page 13). In 1484, the Florentine Palazzo became a model for the ideal city. Therefore, it is relevant to look at its origins and development throughout the Renaissance period. The origins of the Renaissance Florentine Palazzo come from the medieval tower

house, a key housing type in Florence. In order to show wealth and power, the noble citizens of Florence during this time built their houses as tall as possible. The characteristics of the towers allowed the inhabitants, wealthy Florentines, to be kept safe from the street wars and fights between the two main factions of this period (the Guelphs and the Ghibillines). The crenulation on top allowed for strategical views, the facades had a sporto mobile that served as balcony. This would allow the inhabitants a way in which they could participating in street life. This atmosphere of danger in the city lead to ally families forming urban blocks amongst themselves in the case where their buildings were situated next to each other. The consortium concept originated from these tower-groups, both suburban and civic, and together the idea of communication around a central safe space became a model for the Florentine Palazzo (image on page 13) (Fanelli, G., 1972). In 1299, the city of Florence built its town hall,

Image top left: View of the Palazzo del Sig. Principe Strozzi, and of the street that leads to the Bridge S. Trinita. Zocchi, G. (1744). Image top right: View from the Piazza, and Church of S. Giovannino de PP. Gesuiti, and of the Palazzi dei SSri. Marchese Riccardi, and Panciatichi. Zocchi, G. (1744). Image bottom left: View of the Bridge S. Trinita, of the Church S. Trinita, and of the Colonna lifted up by Cosimo I. Zocchi, G. (1744). Image bottom right: Games of Saracino on Via Larga. Templin, K. (2020). Goldthwaite, R. A. (1982). The Building of Renaissance Florence. Amsterdam University Press. Fanelli, G. (1972), Firenze Architettura e Cittá. Vallecchi editore Firenze.

the Palazzo Vecchio. As the importance of the town hall should be visible, the municipality dictated that no one could build a tower higher than the tower of Vecchio. However, the nobility of Florence was still interested in showing their power and importance. This caused a shift in the mass of the palazzi. They became wider as the Nobel families started to build horizontally instead of in height. The city skyline changed, some of the existing towers were demolished and wider palazzi allowed for different street scape and different levels of interaction between the owners of the palazzi and the city. The Palazzo Spini Feroni is one example of this change. Its façade shows a more regular appearance than the façade of the medieval time. Symmetry and composition are also visible here (Fanelli, G., 1972). In 1350, another transformation happened, this time with Palazzo Davanzati, originally three family houses that were put together through a unifying four storey façade. This palazzo had an open ground floor loggia used

for family recreational activities, business discussions as well as political discussions. This loggia worked as a public display were the family could share with the city their intimate family life. It also marked the emergance of the regular courtyard. The Palazzo Bardi alle Grazie, built in 1410, is another example of the unification of tower houses, with some characteristics that make it very close to the palazzi of the renaissance. This palazzo is the unification of a series of medieval family towers that were joined together to create a more regular courtyard and a much more regular façade. This façade was added and it is tri-partied façade, a very important characteristic of the facades of the renaissance. In the 15th century the Palazzo Medici marked a key moment when the palazzo acquired the characteristics of a renaissance palazzo and at the same time a change in volumetric properties of the palazzi occurred. The cubic shape became the most important form to be

Image: The Builders of Florence Templin, K. (2020).

achieved in the Renaissance period and the focus on the design of pure shapes translates the achievement of a higher level of perfection in architecture. The representation of power by the nobility is no longer created by building on height with the tower, but on the façade which takes a different role in the city and on the street scape. Adding to this, the palazzo defined new axis and new main routes in the city. It is placed in a crucial point related to three centres of power of that time, the Piazza Duomo, the Cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore and the Battistero of San Giovanni. Another Palazzo that influences the urban tissue of Florence is the Palazzo Rucellai, built from 1446-1451. It translates a Florentine house behind a roman façade and it is another case of a palazzo defining city space. In the late 15th century the palazzi started to close the ground floors and the loggias due to new tax laws. However, Giovanni Rucellai requested for one to be used by the family for recreation. This is a detached loggia

built across the street. This loggia created a piazza – Piazza Rucellai – a space in between the palazzo and the loggia, which plays an important role in public life. Forty years later, the Palazzo Strozzi, built from 1489-1534, brought the semi-detached isolated urban block in opposition of the existing palazzi built either between a block or in the corner of a block, to the city. This transforms the palazzo into an object in the city with different routes around it. The façade has an impact on the street scape, due to the grandiose dimensions of its elements, such as the size of the rustication, the horse rings and the torch holder. The Palazzo Guadagni (1503-06) is a corner palazzo, with a tri-parted façade and introduces the roof-top loggia. This loggia is used also for recreational activities, but in a more contained atmosphere than on the ground floor loggias. This shift happened because Florence stabilized and became safer, so the families could now flaunt

themselves on the piazzas. As a consequence, the loggia gained a more private and intimate atmosphere and was moved to the roof-tops of the palazzi (Templin, K., 2020).

Templin, K. (2020). Lecture on Firenze. Retrieved from https:// web.microsoftstream.com/ video/23833b2d-632a-4eb69434-c27c8dd45f1e. Goldthwaite, R. (1980). Building Renaissance Florence An Economic and Social History. National Endowment for the Humanities.

Towards the end of the Renaissance period in Florence, in the 16th century, the centre of power shifts to Rome, with the Vatican becoming wealthier and more powerful. A different architectural style based on the ancient roman language started to be developed, a style called alla romana, which was brought to Florence (Goldthwaite, R., 1980). The Palazzo Pandolfini (Raffaello, 1515-20) is one example of a palazzo alla romana. It marks the birth of the urban villa which translates as a major transformation in the evolution of the palazzo. This palazzo doesn’t have the tri-partide façade, but instead, a two-storey façade. There is the addition of a new element on the garden walls, windows, which influences the type of spaces created in the public surroundings. At this moment, when entering in the palazzo, the dominant

element is the garden and the palazzo itself becomes secondary. Palazzo Bartolini Salimbeni (Baccio d’Agnolo, 1520-23) is characterized as the roman palazzo. It has a very limited footprint and there is the introduction of new elements in the façade, such as, the pediments, niches with statues. Palazzo Niccolini (Baccio d’Agnolo, 1548) is a combination of the Florentine palazzo with ancient and contemporary roman influence. This is a palazzo that has the characteristics of the Renaissance palazzo (tri-parted façade, roof-top loggia, marcapiani) and a garden space. The front entrance has a direct connection with the street and it leads directly to the first courtyard and a further series of enormous gardens (Templin, K., 2020). The different palazzi brought various and different urban elements to the urban street architecture of Florence. The palazzi

facades, their elements and the loggias had an impact on the participation and the roles the buildings play on the public space (Fanelli, G., 1972). So what is the relevance of this historic background for the definition of the type of the Florentine Renaissance palazzo? The definition of ‘type’ by Anthony Vidler and Giulio Carlo Argan put great emphasis on the historic formation of buildings, which is the result of all its predecessors (Vidler & Quincy, 1977) . By doing so, the intention (cause for existence) that binds the antecedents together is put at the center of the definition of type. Giulio Carlo Argan describes type as a common root from, resulting from the ‘’confrontation and fusion’’ of all buildings within a specific series. By reducing the common root form to its uttermost basic elements, all buildings of the same type will possess these similar characteristics, within their own individual and varied existence (Argan, 1963).

When the Florentine Renaissance palazzo is concerned, the palazzi that are build in Florence between 1440 and 1550 will be taken into consideration. Despite their formal differences, each of the examples contain common characteristics that lead to a rootform of the Florentine Renaissance palazzo typology. The common characteristics of the Florentine Renaissance palazzo in plan are a symmetrical and centralized plan with at the center the semi-public courtyard that also contains the most important circulation spaces (Goldthwaite, 1972; Kent, 1987). The stairways of the palazzi are usually positioned on the left and/or right flank of the main axis of the plan of the palazzo. Besides the main axis of the building, there are many sub-axes, which are defined by aligned wall openings of doors and windows. Often directly readable from the exterior, the tripartition of the façade is visible through three, functionally and aesthetically divided floors. Following the Florentine tradition,

Vidler, A., & Quincy, Q. d. (1977). Type. Argan, G. C. (1963, December). On The Typology of Architecture. 242-246. Goldthwaite, R. A. (1972). The Florentine Palace as Domestic Architecture. The American Historical Review, 977-1012. Kent, F. W. (1987). Palaces, Politics and Society in Fifteenth-Century Florence. In I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance (pp. 41-70). The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Villa I Tatti, The Harvard.

Turrini, D. (2011, November 1). Renaissance rustication. Retrieved from Architetura di Pietra: http://www. architetturadipietra.it/ wp/?p=5057 Baile, L. L. (2010). Staging Privacy: Art and Architecture of the Palazzo Medici. Eugene: Department ofArt History and the Graduate School ofthe University of Oregon.

the rustication in the facade becomes less articulate and more subtle at higher floors (Turrini, 2011). The façade compositions of the palazzi are ruled by symmetry, proportion and harmony, with often a centralized entrance, coinciding with the main symmetry axis in the plan (Goldthwaite, 1972). In contrast to the exterior façade, which has more closed wall, the courtyard façade has a more open facade through the loggias and windows (Baile, 2010). Seen from the interior, the windows on the piano nobile are placed on an elevation, looking outside is to stand on elevated step. This indicates a strong separation between the inside and outside of the building. The upper floors of the palazzo were used to create a world of privacy for the family, where they could live a full life without having to go outside the palazzo. The family, which lived in the palazzo consisted out of the family patriarch with his wife, children and sometimes additional relatives (Goldthwaite, 1972). Because of this retreat into the private, many rooms had their own specific function,

which were richly decorated to match their function. This specific aesthetic for each room was established, not in the specific shape or the position of the room, but through the decoration, added to the room. Adding to this interior structure of privacy is the central courtyard, which acts as the nucleus of life inside the palazzo. All life is centered around it (Goldthwaite, 1972). Early Florentine renaissance palazzi often had loggias, open to the street where merchants could put up their shop. Later, when the tax-rules changed and the owners had to pay rent for these spaces, these loggias were often closed off from the street. And lastly, in the urban relations, the palazzo can mainly be found in the Florentine building block as part of a building block. Florentine palazzi rarely are a building block on their own. The palazzo also creates a buffer zone between the private and the public by adding a bench to its façade and by an overhanging cornice. When the palazzo typology came into being, many functions that still had their place in the urban life were moved to the

Plan

Centralized and symetric plan

Centrally planned courtyard

Stairways on the left and/or right flank of the main axis

Alignment of wall openings in facade and plan

Rustication thickness becomes thinner with each higher level

Centralized entrance with symmetric and harmonious facade composition

Open courtyard facade

Facade

+2 +1 0

Tripartition of the facade

Section

High window placement on piano nobile

Private living arrangements on higher floors, focussed on atrium

Richly decorated interiors with specific functions

Open groundfloor loggia (later often closed)

Transition zone between public and private

Urban functions are moved to the groundfloor of the palazzo

Urban beautification to give back to the city

Urban relation

Often part of a composite block (rarely takes up a whole block)

interior of the palazzo. The loggia and the defensive family-tower used to be types, spatially separated from the residence, where members of the family used to meet or defend themselves from rivaling families. Later, the loggias were either incorporated in the façade of the palazzo or in the interior of the palazzo. The palazzi themselves were also used to defend the family from rivaling families (Goldthwaite, 1972). Although this declined the amount of functions in the urban space, the palazzi also included an enhancement of their surrounding urban space, as a way of giving something back to the city. As the urban surroundings often determined the way the palazzo was seen from the outside, the urban enhancements of the public domain also had the purpose to make the palazzo itself look more beautiful.

Rusticated Significance When observing Florentine Renaissance palazzi from street level, they may appear as majestic townhouses, carved out of monolithic stone. Despite their robustness, they have a deliquiate and refined quality. When taking a closer look, some things become visible which might not be logical at first. Looking at the garden wall of Palazzo Medici-Riccardi, where the rustication of the palazzo-wall stops and continues into the garden wall, the rustication stops and from under the rustication, a rectangular half-stone bond runs over the length of the garden wall, implying to be made out of these almost identically sized stones. At some points in the wall, along the Via de’Gori, the upper layer is damaged and gives away some of the palazzo’s secrets. Behind this thin layer of plastered shapes is a second, white plastered layer. Around the corner, along the Via de’Ginori, another conveniently damaged wall shows that behind this second plastered layer, the main constructive material is in fact a masonry brick wall. When looking at the corners of the larger palazzi,

which are exposed on more than one street (e.g. Palazzo Medici-Riccardi, Palazzo Gondi, Palazzo Strozzi), they show something unexpected. One might expect a singular cornerstone, exposed on two sides of the corner. However, on either side of the corner, thick rusticated blocks end just before they reach the corner of the building, exposing a small, continuous 90 degree angle. Due to the absence of any structural argument for such an open corner, it suggests the decorative function of the rusticated blocks. Does that make the rustication, its open corners and the plastered layers superfluous and purely ornamental? What is then the relation between construction and decoration in the Florentine Renaissance palazzo? To answer these questions we will look into some Florentine Renaissance palazzi and link them to theoretical writings. Examples of rustication can be found as far back as the Persian example of the tomb of Cyrus II the Great in Persia, build in 560BC. Also in ancient Greek architecture, rustication

Top left image: Conceptual (horizontal) detail of a single cornerstone Top right image: Conceptual (horizontal) detail of the open corner Botom image: Transition from rustication to block-pattern at Palazzo Medici, Via de’ Gori (Hyman, 1975)

was a recurring theme, just as in ancient Roman times (Lotha, 2011). In Florence, rustication created a reference to this Roman motif and became symbolic for political power. This can be seen in the use of rustication in Palazzo Vecchio, the political seat of power of Florence, built from 1299 till 1315 by Arnolfo di Cambio. One of the first buildings that combined the Florentine tradition of differentiating thickness of rustication per floor, with these new Renaissance principles of compositional regularity, symmetry and expression of wealth and power is Palazzo Medici (1444-1456) by Michelozzo di Bartolomeo Michelozzi (Turrini, 2011). The rusticated walls of the ruins of the Forum Augustus, along the Via de’Conti in Rome are almost identical to the groundfloor of Palazzo Medici (Turrini, 2011). The damaged walls of the Forum of Augustus, show an identical build-up of the wall as well. Analogy with construction According to Leon Batista Alberti, the aesthetical appearance of a building is

determined by beauty and ornament. Here beauty is an inherent quality, the harmony and agreement between the different parts of a building, so nothing can be added or taken away without damaging the harmony and beauty of the whole. It comes into being through reason, not fantasy and lays focus on creating right proportions for the different parts of the building. On the other hand, ornament is something that is added or applied to the building to enhance its beauty (Wittkower, 1946). In book VI, chapter IX of his ‘’De Re Aedificatoria’’, Alberti writes about the construction of façade incrustations: ‘’In all incrustations there must be at least three coats of mortar; the first is called rough−casting, and its office is to stick as close as possible to the wall and to bind on the two outer coats; the office of the outer coat, is to make the work shew neat, smooth, and polished; that of the middle coat, which we call plastering, is to prevent any faults or defects in either of the other two.’’ (Alberti, 1452)

Image left: Forum of Augustus, large, rough rusticated blocks from 2BC (Roma Ieri Oggi, 1910) Image right: Corner of Palazzo MediciRiccardi (Mapio, 2020) Lotha, G. (2011, January 06). Britannica. Retrieved from Rustication: https://www. britannica.com/technology/ rustication Turrini, D. (2011, November 1). Renaissance rustication. Retrieved from Architetura di Pietra: http://www. architetturadipietra.it/ wp/?p=5057 Wittkower, R. (1946). Grondslagen van de architectuur in het tijdperk van het humanisme (3 ed.). (K. v. Dooren, Trans.) London: Uitgeverij SUN. Alberti, L. B. (1452). The architecture of Leon Batista Alberti in ten books (1755 ed.). London: Edward Owen.

What can be taken from this is that each consecutive layer has its own function. From flattening out imperfections to creating a neat rendering of the façade, none can be taken away. He continues to write about the exact construction methods used to create these layers (Alberti, 1452). Here, rustication falls under incrustations, as it forms the hard, outer layer of the wall-surface. Besides the various forms and appearances in which rustication can exist, its function as hard, outer layer of the façade is constant. Because of this rational and functional relation, it tends more to beauty than ornament, in the description of Alberti. This point is strengthened by Antonio Monestiroli, who writes that the main construction system of ancient Rome and the Renaissance is the masonry system and that this system itself does not have architectural value, as it is purely construction. In order to achieve value, analogical decoration is applied to create a dual relationship with the construction. Monestiroli here uses the

description of Quatremere de Quincy where analogical decoration, assigns a sense of character to the parts of the construction. On the other hand, ornamental decoration is a secondary, superfluous system (Monestiroli, 2005). In the Florentine Renaissance palazzo, analogical decoration can be found in the façade, where conceptual meaning is communicated through the decorative rustication. Expressing gravity plays an important role, as the enormous blocks create a readable expression of a system which transfers the compressional load of the building, making the building appear heavy, yet stable and firm. In Palazzo Medici, this principle of heaviness is amplified by the Florentine tradition of differentiating the thickness of rustication per floorlevel of the building. The blocks that seem to carry the heaviest load (on groundfloor) have a heavier expression. They are rough and extrude out of the façade, as if the blocks came from the quarry untouched. With each

Images left: Classical wall types. From top to bottom: brick, cement and chequered wall construction. According to Palladio, the brick wall was most common in Roman construction(Palladio, 1768) Image right: Types and application of rustication (Istrador, 2019) Monestiroli, A. (2005). Lecture 6: The metope and the triglyph. In A. Monestiroli, Nine lectures on Architecture (pp. 72-101). SUN.

Greek

Grooved

Rectangular

Prismatic

Beveled

Figured

Rounded

Chipped

Greek

Rust

Rounded

Grooved

Figured

Prismatic

Chipped

floor, the rustication becomes less heavy in expression, as it also carries less load. The top level has an etched stone pattern, similar in block size to the lower levels, yet flat in surface. The expression becomes thin, but the grooves are deep enough to create a thin shadow, making the pattern of the lines, cast by the rusticated blocks a harmonious whole. As the added decoration has the purpose to represent a specific property of its architecture and is in analogy with the construction, it can be considered necessary (Monestiroli, 2005).

on Architecture’’ decorum is explained by linking the proper decorative elements and the proportions of the constructive elements of the orders, to the deity worshiped in that temple (Vitruvius, 1960). Despite being decorative, the elements are crucial to the understanding of the building and its function. It is this principle, which elevates the building into a temple. It can be said that the decoration is necessary. Without it, the temple would lose its recognizable relation to its devoted deity and with that, loose its identity and meaning (Monestiroli, 2005).

Propriety The works of Vitruvius and his insight into the classical thinking, regarding construction and architecture greatly defined the way of thinking in the Renaissance. Vitruvius defined six principles on which architecture depends. One of these, propriety, or decorum under another name, becomes majorly important. Here the concept of propriety coincides with the analogical decoration, as defined by Monestiroli. In Vitruvius his ‘’ Ten books

Returning to the Florentine Renaissance palazzo, propriety can be found in the façade and its multiple layers. The rustication and other layers may not be part of the structure, but they do give meaning to it. Without them, the bare structure would lose part of its meaning and purpose. Just as devoted deity could be identified by the temple’s expression, so is the resident, a Renaissance patron and his family, identified from the palazzo façade. As Alberti explains, ‘’the magnificence of the

Vitruvius. (1960). The ten books on architecture. New York: Dover Publications, inc.

Goldthwaite, R. A. (1972). The Florentine Palace as Domestic Architecture. The American Historical Review, 977-1012.

building - should be adapted to the dignity of the owner’’ (Goldthwaite, 1972). During the renaissance a new system, in which the originally Roman motif of rustication became part of the expression of wealth and power through the façade was developed by Filippo Brunelleschi and Michelozzo (Turrini, 2011). Just as Vitruvius explained decorum through the proper use of orders and decoration for the respective devotion to a deity, the same can be said for the palazzo and its use of analogical decoration, which is a necessary expression of both construction and the status of its residents. It cannot be removed, without destroying the harmony and beauty of the whole. Where we see the open corners in the palazzi, the buildings themselves hint at this system. By the absence of a cornerstone, the rustication itself shows its function as a decorative element as opposed to a structural one. It is here, at the open corner where the expression relates the most to the dignity and power of the owner. This also explains why these corners would often bear the family crest of their

respective residents, to further strengthen the expression of wealth. From all the theory and examples we have seen we can thus deduce that the relation between construction and decoration in the Florentine Renaissance palazzo is one of finding a proper expression of identity. The typical Florentine Renaissance palazzo does this by applying the decorative, motif of rustication, derived from the Roman examples. Decoration here is a necessary part of the building, without which the building would neither refer to its function, the residency of a wealthy and powerful family, nor would it have a readable expression of construction. Without its decorative rustication and corresponding coats of mortar used to construct it, the Florentine Renaissance palazzo would be a bare masonry structure. It would be only construction, not architecture.

Superimposition of Roman and Florentine Architecture In the 15th century a new architectural period started with the Renaissance (Goldthwaite, R., 1980). Renaissance architecture started to be developed in Florence and represented a conscious renewal and development of ancient Roman architectural elements. The architects of this period embraced this new style to revive the golden age, the grandiose period. They put emphasis on proportion, symmetry, regularity and geometry of parts as shown in classical Roman architecture. Filippo Burnelleschi (1377-1446) is know for being responsible as the originator of the Renaissance style. He was the creator and architect of the Duomo, an enormous brick dome that covers the centre of the Florence Cathedral. The structural system of the Duomo is inspired by the great domes of Ancient Rome, such as the Pantheon (Goy, R., 2002). Another important architect that took part in the growth of Renaissance architecture was Leon Battista Alberti (1402-1472), who

besides being an architect was an important Humanist theoretician and designer, and wrote the first architectural treatise of the Renaissance, De re aedificatoria. Alberti designed two of the main 15th century buildings of Florence, the Palazzo Rucellai and the church of Santa Maria Novella. The façade of Palazzo Rucellai has a combination of Roman classical orders with Florentine characteristics. Alberti used a proportional relationship between the columns, the pilasters and the entabulatures. The façade of Santa Maria Novella also shows Renaissance innovations with influence on classical Roman architecture. In this façade Alberti combined the ideals of humanist architecture and proportion in the existing medieval façade. He included a classically inspired frieze decorated with squares, four pilasters, and a round windows crowned by a pediment with the Dominican solar emblem. The aesthetics of the pediment and the frieze were inspired by classical architecture. The scrolls used design had never been used before in architecture. It was from

Image: The Duomo (Britannica, n.d.) Goy, R. (2002). Florence: The City and Its Architecture. Phaidon Press. Tavernor, R. (1998), On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London.

this point on that they started to become a popular architectural feature in churches all over Italy (Tavernor, R., 1998). Roman and Florentine influences on their facades. They are symmetrical around their vertical axis. For example, the church facades are surmounted by a pediment and organized by a system of pilasters, arches and entabulatures. The columns and windows emphasize a progression towards the centre of the façade. One of the first examples of this, is the Cathedral of Pienza (1459-62), designed by Bernardo Gambarelli (known as Rossellino) (Fanelli, G., 1972). Renaissance architects also integrated columns and pilasters in the facades, following the Roman orders of columns - Tuscan, Doric, Ionic, Corinthian and Composite - as inspiration. The orders were used as either structural elements, supports for architraves or arcades or were purely decorative. In the case of them being decorative they would be known as pilasters. Burnelleschi was one of the first architects to apply this

integrated system of columns, pilasters and entabulatures with the Old Sacristy (Chitham, R., 1985). As the Florentine bourgeoisie rose up in society, this led to significant shifts in the urban fabric of Florence. The large numbers of tower-houses that were previously built on urban fabric were transformed into palazzi for the wealthy merchants. These palazzi provided an opportunity for the merchants to display their wealth and the facades of these palazzi acted as a canvas for architects of the time to show their architectural ability and sophistication (Fanelli, G., 1972). One of the main aspects of renaissance theory was to first analyse and then understand the detail on Roman constructions. This is evident in the façades of the palazzi where a high level of detail can be observed, such as, courses, mouldings and other elements that are carved with high level of precision. The windows are disposed as pairs and set within a semi-circular arch, and they have square

Fanelli, G. (1972), Firenze Architettura e Cittá. Vallecchi editore Firenze. Chitham, R. (1985), The Classical Orders of Architecture. Butterworth Architecture.

lintels and triangular segmental pediments, used alternately. In most cases, the doors have square lintels, and are set within an arch or surmounted by a triangular pediment. The external walls of the palazzi are made of brick, rendered or faced with stone in exceptionally well finished ashlar masonry, laid in straight courses. The corners of the buildings are accentuated with rusticated quoins. The ground floors are often rusticated, as can be seen at the Palazzo Medici Riccardi.

Goy, R. (2002). Florence: The City and Its Architecture. Phaidon Press. Benevolo, L. (2017). Storia dell’architettura del Rinascimento. Edition Laterza.

The Palazzo Medici, contracted by Cosimo de Elder to Michelozzo, can be seen as the archetype of the early Renaissance palace, it is a ‘stone die’ with the external facades made of exceptionally well finished, rustic ashlar masonry, laid in straight courses, reflecting elements from the medieval public buildings. This option for the rusticated façade was the opposite of the Palazzo Rucellai, a palace with the articulation of the surfaces through orders of semi-pillars.

Later in the middle of the Renaissance, Raffaelo and Bramante presented new proposals of facades for palazzi, with the combination of ashlar on the ground floor and flashing the façade with the classical roman orders in relief (Goy, R., 2002). In Florence, the buildings of the Renaissance period exemplified a sense of enlightenment of the mind of people of the times accentuated by the glorification of humanist philosophy. And through inspiration from the past this enlightenment was driven even further. The forms and functions of the buildings changed with time, but the differentiating characteristics of Classical Roman architecture were followed by the Renaissance architects, whose work served as an inspiration throughout Italy and Western Europe (Benevolo, L., 2017).

The Problem of Propotion The problem of proportion is a subject that has been able to maintain an almost constant presence within the architectural discourse for at least the last three millennia (Weber & Larner, 1993). It is not, as often believed, an invention of late European civilization. The urge to find harmony in cosmic concepts and the life of man, based on numbers and relations of numbers, is something that almost all higher civilizations throughout history possessed (Wittkower, 1978). The quest for such harmony seems to stem from a piece of evidence very close to us. The human body itself is a direct testimony of nature being subject to mathematical orders and proportion. The better it conforms to such numerical ratios, the more beautiful it appears to us. The urge to find basic order and harmony is something that lies deep in our human nature. Unlike primordial hunger and thirst, it is a subconscious impulse that needs to be given direction through intellectual processes. To understand the world we live in, we try to understand what the things around us and how they are related

to one another in a working relationship. The laws that we extract from the phenomena occurring around us are predominantly expressed in the abstract language of mathematics. However complex and abstract these terms might be, the essence of the understanding of our world is believed to be best expressed in terms of proportion. When Galileo studied the laws of motion he measured the acceleration of falling bodies and stressed the importance of proportion as the requisite for the understanding of its rates of acceleration. His law discovered that in equal successive periods of time, the distances travelled by a free-falling body are proportional to the succession of odd numbers 1,3,5,7 (Drake 1969). It was however not in the 16th century, but already in ancient Greece that we find the first attempts made towards a systematic understanding of nature in mathematical terms. (Wittkower, 1978). And It is exactly these Greek concepts of proportion that have remained current in the Western world, albeit

Weber, R., & Larner, S. (1993). the concept of proportion in architecture: an introductory bibliographic essay. Art Documentation: Journal of the Art Libraries Society of North America, 12(4), 147–154. Wittkower, R. (1978). Idea and image: Studies in the Italian Renaissance (The Collected essays of Rudolf Wittkower) Thames and Hudson. Drake, S. (1969). Galileo’s 1604 Fragment on Falling Bodies (Galileo Gleanings XVIII). The British Journal for the History of Science, 4(4), 340–358.

Wittkower, R. (1978). Idea and image: Studies in the Italian Renaissance (The Collected essays of Rudolf Wittkower) Thames and Hudson. Wittkower, R. (1945). Principles of Palladio’s Architecture: II. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 8, 68.

in different forms and interpretations. One of the defining figures in Greek mathematics is undoubtedly Pythagoras with his work on theoretical geometry. He applied his abstract theories to natural phenomena to try and capture numerical relationships that were previously hidden in our world, stemming from his belief that the basic structure of the universe lies in ratios and proportions. He found support for his belief in the observation of musical consonances in which ratios of small whole numbers are created by the invariable fixed relation of strings of musical instruments (Wittkower, 1945). Rudolf Wittkower underlines the importance of this discovery for the further history of proportion in Europe and provides us with a detailed account of the observation. He explains that: ‘If two strings are made to vibrate under the same conditions, one being half the length of the other, the pitch of the shorter string will be one octave (diapason) above that of the longer one. If the lengths of the strings are in the relation of two to three, the difference in pitch will

be a fifth (diapente), and if they are in the relation of three to four, the difference in pitch will be a fourth (diatessaron). Thus the consonances, on which the Greek musical system was based-octave, fifth and fourthcan be expressed by the progression I :2:3:4. And this progression contains not only the simple consonances octave, fifth and fourth, but also the two composite consonances which the Greeks recognized, namely octave plus fifth (I :2:3) and two octaves (I :2:4).’ (Wittkower, 1978). Pythagorean thinkers recognized three distinct types of proportional systems that accorded to the Greek Musical scale. The first of those is Geometrical Proportion, a system directly stemming from division of strings, following a progression of 1:2:4 (or ac=b2). The second is dubbed Arithmetic Proportion and describes a ratio in which the second term exceeds the first by the same amount as the third exceeds the second. Its ratio defined the division of the fourth and fifth octave in a numerical progression of 2:3:4 (or a+c=2b). The final type is dubbed

Harmonic Proportion and is slightly more complex to grasp. It essentially is an inversion of the previous case in which three terms are in harmony when the distance of the two extremes from the mean is the same fraction of their own quantity and is described in the progression of 6:8:12 (or 1/a+1/c=2/b). The discovery of the arithmetic expression of music in ratios and the interrelation of sound and space (length of the string) was absolutely staggering for the time. It made people believe that they were now able to seize upon unexplored regions of the mysterious harmony of the universe they were subject to. Pythagoras too subscribed to these cosmological conceptions of our universe, and through his observations he arrived at a belief in which the cosmos and the human body existed in one coherent and harmonious unity. Plato in his Timaeus took the Pythagorean mathematical mysticism and casted it into a cosmological myth, giving mankind the most coherent explanation of the world yet. He outlined his well-known

macrocosm-microcosm conception in which he argued that both human beings and universe are composed of elemental bodies with a rational soul. He defined a partto-whole relationship in which the human body is derived from the universe’s body and consequentially the human soul must be derived from the universe’s soul. “The body of the world was created, and it was harmonized by proportion”, he argued. (Zoller, 2007). However interesting this metaphysical consideration of proportion might be, it goes beyond the scope of this essay to discuss it in greater detail. The reason why the Pythagorean-Platonic tradition is treated so extensively in this article, is because it has in fact proved to be the principle foundation for the problem of proportion for the many years to follow. So too, in our period of study. As explained in an earlier chapter, renaissance artists and thinkers sought a re-appraisal of ancient theories of Greek and Roman times, trying to escape from a time of cultural stagnation

Left: Mythical acoustic experiments on a variety of instruments. Franchinus Gaffurius, Theorica musicae (1492). Right: Pythagorean Theorem on ‘The School of Athens’ by Raphael (1509–1511) Zoller, C. (2007). Plato on Hypothesis, Proposition, and the Education of Philosophers. Auslegung: a Journal of Philosophy, 52. https://doi. org/10.17161/ajp.1808.9674

they had known in the Dark Ages. To reconcile Christianity, attempts were made to interpret the great harmony created by God in terms of Pythagorean-Platonic numerical orders. Renaissance artists started to subscribe to a belief in which their work should echo the universal harmony of the world and so their work should be in harmonious tune with universal principles (Wittkower, 1971). Since Renaissance was not a mere revival of antiquity, it saw ancient theories transcribed to a different time and place, starting an exploration of new applications and meaning. These ideas of the presence of cosmic orders had gotten entirely absorbed and were made applicable to the architectural domain. We find in Alberti’s De Re Aedificatoria a direct reference to Pythagorean-Platonic theory as he states that ‘the numbers by means of which the agreement of sounds affects our ears with delight, are the very same which please our eyes and our mind’ (Alberti, 1988). This doctrine of proportion found in musical consonances, proved to be fundamental to the Renaissance conception of proportion.

Such reference to music might seem very mythical or far-fetched in this phrasing, yet Alberti was able to explain his theory with more depth and clarity. He writes: ‘We shall borrow all of our rules for harmonic relations (‘finitio’) from the musicians to whom this sort of numbers is extremely well known, and from those particular this wherein nature shows herself most excellent and complete’ (Alberti, 1988). For Alberti, harmonic relations hidden in nature are revealed through the syntax of music. The architect, as often misconceived, does therefore not translate music into a spatial terms. He rather makes use of a universal harmony of nature revealed through music: the musical scale is thus an audible proof for the beauty of the ratios of small whole numbers. (Wittkower, 1978). Sharing the common denominator of musical theory, the discussion of which of the three types of proportion to use (geometric, arithmetic or harmonic), greatly abound within treatises written between the 15th and 18th century. Not only in Renaissance however, but also in medieval times, the knowledge

Wu, N. Y. (2005). Ad Quadratum: The Practical Application of Geometry in Medieval Architecture. Nancy Y. Wu. Speculum, 80(1), 350–352. Wittkower, R. (1978). Idea and image: Studies in the Italian Renaissance (The Collected essays of Rudolf Wittkower) Thames and Hudson. Alberti, L. B. (1988). On the Art of Building in Ten Books. Amsterdam University Press.

Wittkower, R. (1971). Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism. W. W. Norton. Alberti, L. B. (1988). On the Art of Building in Ten Books. Amsterdam University Press. Wittkower, R. (1978). Idea and image: Studies in the Italian Renaissance (The Collected essays of Rudolf Wittkower) Thames and Hudson.

of proportion was believed to be of practical use for masons and architects alike. While both times derived from PythagoreanPlatonic theory, there are two distinct classes of proportion. The middle-ages derived their proportional system - in a very familiar way to Vitruvius - from perfect geometrical bodies such as tetrahedron, octahedron, cube, icosahedron and dodecahedron; the only five solids with equal sides, equal faces and equal angles. From the projection of these three-dimensional bodies they would arrive at derivative plane configurations of two dimensional squares and equilateral triangles. These two projections proved to be dominant for the configuration in their church design, abounding in a tiresome discussion of whether to build ad quadratum or ad triangulum (Wu, 2005). For the Renaissance artist, with his obsession of perfect whole numbers, such system proved to be problematic. The medieval geometric proportions cannot be expressed by integral numbers or simple fractions; they are incommensurable and thus irrational. Rudolf Wittkower stresses this by

stating that: ‘It is not going too far as to regard commensurability of measure as the nodal point of Renaissance aesthetics.’ (Wittkower, 1978). These observations were of course famously written down by Alberti who sees measuring as a reliable and commensurable annotation of dimensions, by which as much knowledge is gained about the relation of single parts of a body to each other as about their relation to the whole of body (Alberti, 1988). He shows a clear distinction from the medieval practice in which proportion is used as a practical design tool but hardly ever as an integrated principle in which parts relate to the whole. Even though Renaissance proportion primarily relied on arithmetic and harmonic proportion, geometrical bodies remained important too. Yet they had gotten a different meaning so that they would fit into the beliefs then current. Before, the medieval artist tended to project a pre-established geometrical norm into his imagery. This is clearly illustrated in their use of the ‘just measure’ in which

squares are subsequently rotated and fitted in one another; using geometry to express geometry. The renaissance artist, however, worked the other way around and tried to connect geometry to number. The Vitruvian (geometrical) module system for example, was now fully embraced as the primary system to guarantee a rational numerical relationship throughout a whole building (Eck, 2001). The square with its simple numerical ratio of 1:1 was now given a new identity as being metrical and rational and so moved away from its existence as a geometrical body in an irrational context. The shape was no longer there to express a geometrical figure as such but to represent the harmonic ratio of its unison: 1:1 (Cohen,2016). The irrationality of geometry had thus been overcome, yet, interestingly enough, one incommensurable ratio remained throughout the strict renaissance doctrine of proportion. The ratio 1:sqrt2 is as an exception quite commonly mentioned irrational ratio in scholarly literature of the time. The root-2 rectangle is quite elegantly constructed by

taking the unison form of the circle over which a square is drawn from its centre to meet the arc-line with its upper right corner. The remaining arc length then defines the slightly stretched rectangle. Yet, keeping in mind that Wittkower argued that ‘irrational proportions would have confronted the renaissance artist with a perplexing dilemma,’such an irrational geometrical body remain in their strict numerical doctrine? (Wittkower, 1978) The answer does not seem to be settled on amongst theorists and historian. I however believe a possible explanation could be found in the theory Jay Hambidge in which he ascribed this specific ratio to belong to dynamic symmetry in its progression of 1:sqrt2, 1:sqrt3, 1sqrt5 described the logarithmic growth of shell formations and has proven to be very useful in the structural understanding of Greek art and architecture (Hambridge,2018). The ratio thus reveals a proportion hidden in the natural world in similar to the space-ratio relation found in the theory of musical consonances, yet in incommensurable terms.

Eck, C. V., Hart, V., Hicks, P., Payne, A. A., & Wohl, H. (2001). Paper Palaces: The Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatise. The Art Bulletin, 83(1), 145. Wittkower, R. (1978). Idea and image: Studies in the Italian Renaissance (The Collected essays of Rudolf Wittkower) Thames and Hudson. Hambidge, J., & Hambridge, J. (2018). Dynamic Symmetry. Amsterdam University Press.

Yet, what did this very precise theory of proportion mean for the building production of the Renaissance? Do these mythical cosmological conceptions actually give any direction to which we perceive built work of the time? Some argue that, without proportion, it is impossible to understand the intentions of the Renaissance architect. Wittkower argues that ‘the simple shapes, plane walls and clear divisions were the vehicle for the expression of the polyphony of proportions that the renaissance eye was able to see and the renaissance mind was able to understand.’ (Wittkower, 1945). But what about the non-renaissance eyes and minds? Was it all just an intellectual exercise of a small elite of a town in 15th century Italy? Or did its artists achieve the unthinkable? Were they finally able to lay their finger on an invisible vehicle that defines a universal beauty understood by all? For this question I would like to refer to the doubledimension of proportion, something which Matthew A. Cohen dubs the Wittkowerparadigm (Cohen, 2019). He distinguished

a difference between proportion as a an abstract quantitative comparison as opposed to a qualitative aesthetic assessment of an identified object. This belief is the backbone of Alberti’s theories of beauty as the belief that the concord of number, proportion and arrangement (numerus, finitio and collocatio) reach his ultimate desire of Concinnitas: a total congruity of building elements of parts and the whole in which it is impossible to take away or to add anything, without impairing its beauty. However much I would like to follow Alberti in his thoughts and theories, I find myself confronted with issues of real life aesthetic perception. Is Renaissance architecture not just a specific aesthetic impulse masked by intellect? Can mathematics be perceived in space by the layman unfamiliar with such theory? How do facades - perfectly proportioned in their elevation drawings behave when viewed upon the perspective angle of the observer? Is beauty really as objective as Renaissance thinkers want us to believe? I cannot deny however, that much

Wittkower, R. (1945). Principles of Palladio’s Architecture: II. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 8, 68. Delbeke, M., & Cohen, M. A. (2019). Proportional Systems in the History of Architecture: A Critical Reconsideration (Critical editie). Leiden University Press.

of the structures built during renaissance are now monuments which we greatly admire. It might just be that their embodiment of proportion made them stand the test of time. I think I could spent nearly a life time on unravelling the sense or non-sense of proportion in architecture. And many of the architects and theorist I look up to so greatly, have done exactly so, either developing their own system as Hans van der Laan and Le Corbusier or researching its genesis, application and meaning like Wittkower. So too, this essay might be a mere beginning in a quest into the complicated and mythical world of proportion.

Palazzo Medici - Riccardi Michelozzo di Bartolomeo (1444-1458) Michelangelo Buonarroti (1417) Via Camillo Cavour 3 Firenze

Palazzo Medici-Riccardi The wealth Florence gained through the years from its wool industry gave rise to a new dominant occupation, banking. Within this field, the most important actors were the Medici family, who grew into the ranks of the richest and wealthiest families within Florence. Cosimo de’ Medici lived at Casa Vecchia, his father’s home on the Via Larga (Saalman & Mattox, 1985). Plans were made for a new Medici residence. As part of larger urban transformations the architect Filippo Brunelleschi drew up plans for the residence. These plans included a large palazzo near the site of the Baptiserium of San Giovanni. The immense proportions and prominent location led to the rejection of the plan by Cosimo de’ Medici (Beltramo, Cantatore, & Folin, 2016), who then turned to an architect the family had worked with before, Michelozzo di Bartolomeo Michelozzi. Michelozzo grew up in humble circumstances, in contrast to Brunelleschi. His education as an architect is unknown. He was a sculptor before he turned to architecture (Heydenriech, 1996). Although nothing is known of his education, Michelozzo successfully combined gothic architecture with the upcoming classical aspects (Heydenriech,

In 1444, the building work commenced by deconstructing buildings along the Via Larga and Via Gori, which were property of the Medici family (Beltramo, Cantatore, & Folin, 2016). Michelozzo’s preference for combining gothic and classical design can also be seen in the façade. Within the design of the façade, the Palazzo della Signoria is used as a model, illustrating the competition between the seat of power and the Medici family. The palazzi were a ’manifesto of nobility’’, the family which could afford to build a palazzo could greatly increase its status within the city (Beltramo, Cantatore, & Folin, 2016). The design included rational floorplans and elaborate planning considering the sequence of spaces, which are often adorned with sculptures. The main axis, going through the main entrances, the garden and the courtyard has Donatello’s David at its center (Beltramo, Cantatore, & Folin, 2016). The proportions and sequence of window openings in the façade of the palazzo are determined by the harmony of the façade, not the interior arrangements (Heydenriech, 1996). An autonomy of the groundfloor from the upper floors is established with different arrangement

1996).

systems for façade openings, resulting in an

Image left: Palazzo Medici and Casa Vecchia (Millen & Wolf, 1987) Image right: The extended Palazzo MediciRiccardi (Zocchi, 1744) Saalman, H., & Mattox, P. (1985, December). The First Medici Palace. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, pp. 329-345. Beltramo, S., Cantatore, F., & Folin, M. (2016). A Renaissance Architecture of Power. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. Heydenriech, L. H. (1996). Architecture in Italy 1400 - 1500. Yale University Press Pelical History of Art.

unaligned whole within the façade. It is on this groundfloor, that the work floor for the banking used to be. Also on the groundfloor, was the open loggias, rented out to other merchants. To top the building, a cornice, filled with classical motifs is applied. Special emphasis is laid on the corner of the building, an important feature in renaissance architecture. The corner is created with ‘’open rustication’’ and highlighted by the placement of the Medici coat of arms. The application of the cornice in the palazzo is the first of its kind in the 15th century, a motif that would often be replicated (Beltramo, Cantatore, & Folin, 2016). In the year 1458, Cosimo de’ Medici moves into the palazzo, only a few years later Cosimo dies, having only spend a few years in his recently completed palazzo.

property in 1659, they planned to continue the levels of rustication on the adjoining Riccardiproperty along the Via Larga (Millen & Wolf, 1987). At that time, the public opinion on the intervention was negative, fueled by a sense of conservatism. Partially due to the critique on the plans, it was chosen to continue the existing design without innovations, which was approved. The extension of the façade was only motivated by the unification of the amount of property, the Riccardi family had in its possession (Millen & Wolf, 1987). This increased the amount of window bays from ten to seventeen (Beltramo, Cantatore, & Folin, 2016).

Later interventions to the palazzo include the 1517 closing-off of the open loggias of the original building by ’’finestre inginocchiate’’ or ‘’kneeling windows’’, designed by Michelangelo Buonarotti (Zanchettin, 2011). These windows have become a work of art in themselves and became a popular motif in architecture. However, the largest intervention was done by

For the analysis of the façade, it is chosen to use the state of the building before the Riccardi expansion. This includes the un-expanded façade of Michelozzo and the 1517 kneeling windows by Michelangelo. This is due to its original architectural value and since this is the phase of the building that has functioned as an architype for the many palazzi that came after it. In the upcoming pages, the various parts of the façade of the palazzo will be analyzed to find the systems and logic that hides behind its

the Riccardi family. When the family bought the

harmonious and well-proportioned façade.

Image right top: Design by Michelozzo (City of Florence, 2020) Image middle: Kneeling windows by Michellangelo (City of Florence, 2020) Image bottom: Riccardi extension (City of Florence, 2020) Zanchettin, V. (2011). A new drawing and a new date for Michelangelo’s ‘finestre inginocchiate’ at Palazzo Medici, Florence. The Burlington Magazine, 156-162. Millen, R. F., & Wolf, R. E. (1987). Palazzo Medici into Palazzo Riccardi: The Extension of the Façade along via Larga. Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 81-120.

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Ground Floor Plan 1:1000 - Palazzo Medici-Riccardi 56

Ground Floor Plan 1:500 - Palazzo Medici 57

Piano Nobile Plan 1:500 - Palazzo Medici 58

Second Floor Plan 1:500 - Palazzo Medici 59

Elevation South-East 1:300 60

Section 1:300 61

Isometric Projection 62

Combination Drawing 1:300 GSEducationalVersion

Cornice Etched ashlar

Biforium String course smooth-faced rustication Voussoir

String course Keystone

Barred window Rough-faced rustication

Public bench

Elements 64

Roofline Dentil Modilion Egg-and-dart Ovolo

Springer Pennant Biforium

Voussoir Decorative medalion

String course

Corintian capital

Keystone String course Pediment Frieze Springer

Winow barrs Impost Torch holder

Corintian colonet Pennant

Aedicules Public benches

Elements 65

Base facade of Palazzo Medici - South-east elevation

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Kneeling windows - Lines from original facade rythm

Kneeling windows - Proportion analysis

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Window Composition 71

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Among the reoccurring themes, which can be found in the facade are the concepts of propriety and proportion. Propriety can be found all over the façade. Its rustication, voussoirs and detailing are used as an analogical expression of both its construction and the nobleness of its residents. These façade elements create a readable significance and give architectural quality to tis structure. Here the separation between the groundfloor, which was mainly used for the banking business of the Medici, and the levels above, used for residence, can be noticed. The groundfloor has thick, unruly rustication, which becomes more smooth and regulated to the higher floors. In terms of proportion, there is a significant separation in the design as well. The groundfloor is ruled by a square base-form, which is then subdivided by half and by eight to get to the base proportions of the façade elements. The same can be said for the upper floors, which are ruled by a 1:√3 bas-form. This form can be found in the

shape of the whole façade, the subdivision of the upper floors and the proportions of the façade openings. From this we derive that this aesthetical separation, both in propriety and proportion was a way for Michelozzo, to lay emphasis on the different functional parts of the building, while creating a suitable, innovative and harmonious whole.

Palazzo Rucellai Leon Battista Alberti (1446-1451) Via della Vigna Nuova 18 Firenze

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1:300 Elevation South of Palazzo Rucellai

Palazzo Rucellai Giovanni di Paolo Rucellai (1403-81) was from a wealthy family of wool traders and became one of the wealthiest men in Florence through his significant business acumen. In 1448, Giovanni began to build, expending a considerable part of his wealth on monuments intended to promote and preserve the family name. His plans didn’t comprise only of monuments, but also residential buildings, such as the Palazzo Rucellai, which became Rucellai’s family residence. The palazzo consists of the merging of eight houses

and proportion and the link between body and architecture. Alberti also explored Vitruvius’ notions of disposition and symmetry together to define what is believed to be concinnitas, a term that is the ‘chief characteristic’ aspect to achieve beauty in a building. The definition of this term is not certain, but it is believed that is related to proportion and with the ‘classical idea of maintaining a uniform system of proportion throughout all parts of a building’ (Tavernor, R., 1998). Furthermore, Alberti in the second half of

together, three located on the Villa della Vigna and five located behind those houses (Tavernor,

his treatise explores the concept of ornament. He argues that for a building to achieve beauty

R., 1998). The façade of the Palazzi in Florence during Renaissance were of great importance to

it must be properly composed and it is the role of ornament to enhance its form and offer it

show the wealth of families and, between 14461451, its design was commissioned to Leon

character and presence. To summarise, Alberti

Battista Alberti, who became Rucellai’s principal architectural adviser for most of his Florentine

architecture as the following: “Beauty is a form of sympathy and consonance of the parts

buildings (Fanelli, G., 1972). Leon Battista Alberti (1404-72), part of the

within a body, according to definite number, outline and position, as dictated by concinnitas,

major Florentine banking family, had a supreme knowledge of antiquity – not just the buildings but also his thought process around those buildings. During his lifetime, Alberti’s search for beauty and how it can be achieved in architecture was admirable. He was greatly influenced by Vitruvius, his laws of symmetry

the absolute and fundamental rule in nature” (Alberti, L.B., 1988; book ix). Furthermore, Alberti also considers that beauty is achieved through a “reasoned harmony of all the parts within a body, so that nothing may be added, taken away, or altered, but for the worse.” (Alberti, L.B., 1988; book vi). 84

defines

beauty

Image: Oblique view of the façade of Palazzo Rucellai Mitchell, D. (n.d.) Alberti, L.B. (1988), Leon Battista Alberti On the Art of Building in Ten Books. (Rykwert, J., Leach, N., Tavernor, R.). The MIT Press. Fanelli, G. (1972), Firenze Architettura e Cittá. Vallecchi editore Firenze. Tavernor, R. (1998), On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London.

The Palazzo’s construction sequence The façade of the palazzo went through various developments throughout the years. Nowadays, the façade consists of seven bays. Its lack of symmetry and the inferior workmanship of the stone work on the two bays at the right end confirm that Alberti’s original design was fivebays wide and that the right two bays were added after the Rucellai family acquired the property next door in 1558. The unfinished edge of the masonry suggests that the acquisition of another property had probably been planned.

into the Piazza Rucellai (Tavernor, R., 1998). The attribution of the design of the loggia raises some questions. Some scholars attributed its design to Alberti, however its style is quite different from the Palazzo Rucellai style. Adding to this, the relationship of palazzo – piazza – loggia is poorly coordinated making it difficult to understand them as a unified project (Preyer, B., 1977).

of a central door (Tavernor, R., 1998).

The loggia and the piazza will be shown in this document in order to better comprehend its relation, but an analysis of their design will not be made.

The following analysis in this document will then be focused on the Palazzo’s façade with eight bays.

The completion of an eighth bay on the right would have achieved symmetry despite the lack

The Rucellai Loggia & The Piazza Rucellai The Rucellai loggia was built in 1460s by Giovanni Rucellai. It stands opposite Palazzo Rucellai in the Via della Vigna Nuova and faces

Alberti, L.B. (1988), Leon Battista Alberti On the Art of Building in Ten Books. (Rykwert, J., Leach, N., Tavernor, R.). The MIT Press. Preyer, B. (1977), The Rucellai Loggia. Mitteilungen Des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 21(2), 183-198. Retrieved November, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/ stable/27652431 Tavernor, R. (1998), On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London.

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Piano nobile 1:500 - Palazzo Rucellai 91

Elevation South Palazzo Rucellai 1:200 92

Elevation West Rucellai Loggia 1:200 93

Isometric Projection of Palazzo Rucellai 94

Isometric Projection of Palazzo Rucellai, Piazza Rucellai and Rucellai Loggia 95

The Roman Influence and the Superimposed Classical Architectural Orders in the Façade of Palazzo Rucellai After living in Rome for a short period, Alberti’s approach to architecture was highly influenced

across the facade. Throughout each entabulature a different classical architectural order is used

by the Roman style and when he returned to Florence with greater knowledge of Roman

to indicate upward advancement, comparable to the Colosseum. The first tier functions as

architecture, he implemented it in his buildings. Consequently, these buildings would appear

the root of the building, providing a perception of strength. This character is accomplished by

to be different than the existing Florentine Renaissance buildings. The Palazzo Rucellai is

using cross-hatched rusticated stones that run across the very bottom of the building and

one of these examples. It differs in the structural system of the façade and on its design and ornamentation.

through the implementation of square-shaped windows and thresholds (left image on page 97). Also, the use of post and lintel construction in the place of arches helps to transmit this sense of strength. The second tier exudes a softer feeling due to the use of smaller stones, which is emphasized by the rounded arches of the windows. The third tier is identical to the second tier except the height, which decreases in this higher tier. Each tier decreases in height from the bottom to the top and it is tied together through the use of pilasters running across the façade. These pilasters are only interrupted by the horizontality of the entabulatures. They are of a different order: in the first tier they belong to the Tuscan order, in the second tier to the Ionic order and, third tier to the Corinthian order (Tavernor, R., 1998).

In regards to the structural system of the Palazzo Rucellai, Alberti chose to use the trabeated system instead of the combination of column and arch, as he considered that this is a more durable approach to construction. With this system, when looking at a façade, it’s visible that the strongest visual element is the wall, which is weakened with openings only as necessity demands. Alberti also argues that the columns are the principal ornaments to be applied to a building. The palazzo’s facade is composed of three tiers divided by horizontal entabulatures that run

Chitham, R. (1985), The Classical Orders of Architecture. Butterworth Architecture. Tavernor, R. (1998), On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London.

Prominent cornice Stone

Superimposed orders

Round-headed biforate windows

Trabeated portal

Continuous bench

Diamond pattern imitating ‘opus reticulatum’

In Classical architecture, the orders are defined by a specific type of column and entabulature

the striking capital, which is carved with two staggered rows of stylized acanthus leaves and

they use as a basic unit. The column is composed by a shaft together with its base and it’s capital

four scrolls. The height of this entire order is diameters high (Chitham, R., 1985).

and supports a section of an entabulature. The form of the capital is the most distinguishing

In the case of the façade of the Palazzo Rucellai,

characteristic of a particular order.

there are no columns but instead pilasters. To understand the orders in the façade it’s

The Tuscan order (image right bottom left on page 99) is a Roman adaptation of the Greek Doric order. It has an unfluted shaft and a

imperative to analyse the composition -pilaster, base, capital, and entablature- instead of -column, base, capital, and entablature.

simple echinus-abacus capital. The height of the entire Tuscan order – column, base, capital and entabulature – is seven diameters high and its capital and base have a small number of mouldings. This order is the most solid in appearance of all the three orders present in Palazzo Rucellai. The Ionic order (image right bottom on page 99) has a few flutes on the shaft and in the volutes that droop over the front and rear portions of the echinus in the capital. The height of the entire Ionic order is nine diameters. The base of the column has convex mouldings separated by a scotia. The Corinthian order (image right top on page 99) , present in the third tier of the palazzo, is the most elegant of these

Image left: The cross-hatched rusticated stones and the square-shaped windows and thresholds on the ground floor (Tavernor, R., 1998) Image right top: Corinthian Order (Tavernor, R., 1998) Image right bottom left: Tuscan Order (Tavernor, R., 1998) Image right bottom right: Ionic Order (Tavernor, R., 1998) Chitham, R. (1985), The Classical Orders of Architecture. Butterworth Architecture.

three orders. Its distinguishing characteristic is

Cornice Corinthian order capital Voussoir

Entabulature (‘marcapiano’) Ionic order capital Round-arched biforate window Window colonette Entabulature (‘marcapiano’) Tuscan order capital Barred window Trabeated portal Decorated door Rusticated stones resembling ‘opus recticulatum’ Public bench Elements 100

Crown mouling

Cornice Frieze Architrave

Modillion course Dentil course

Window threshold

Cornice Frieze Architrave

Metal bar Door cornice Door frieze Door architrave

Rucellai family crest Medici family’s circular devices Window trabeated system Round colonette capital

Door decoration

Round colonette Round colonette base

Elements 101

Base facade of Palazzo Rucellai - South elevation

Main division of tiers

1x0.65

1x0.65/2

1x0.75

1x0.75/2

1:1

1:1/2

First proportional division

Subdivision of main division

102

1x0.65/2

1x0.75/2

1:1/2

Horizontal division of tiers

Window colonettes

Location of facade openings

Voussoirs and trabeated system

103

Proportions 1:200 104

Plasticity 1:200 105

‘Portone’ - Lines from main facade division

‘Portone’ - Proportion analysis

106

Base window

Colonettes

Square

Biforate window

Circle

Window Composition 107

108

109

110

111

112

113

114

The design of the façade of Palazzo Rucellai as a response to the site constrains The façade of Palazzo Rucellai, and its proportional relationship between the pilasters and entabulatures, was one of the first buildings to affirm new ideas of Renaissance architecture in Florence. In Book IX of ‘The architecture of Leon Battista Alberti in ten books’, Alberti describes the ornaments and the dimensions and proportions between the different elements of a façade of private buildings. After reading, it was possible to compare this information with the Rucellai façade and draw some conclusions. The dimensions and proportions present on Rucellai’s façade don’t follow Alberti’s ideas present on his treatise. A hypothesis can be drawn to explain the lack of correspondence between what is written in his treatise and what is designed in the Rucellai façade:

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Alberti may have found visual constrains in Via della Vigna due to its narrowness that would have made the façade hardly noticeable. It is important to state that Alberti designed the façade before the Piazza Rucellai and the Rucellai loggia were created. Following this hypothesis, Alberti may have composed the effect of a well-proportioned façade to be appreciated from restricted points of view instead of appreciated in toto. He might have compensated for the distorted proportions received by the eye when viewing the façade from a sharp angle by exaggerating the height and width of the pilasters (image page 112). Furthermore, the proportions of treabeated, post and lintel frames around the windows don’t follow his description on his treatise. The rusticated zone above each window of this façade would not have been as high, and the windows more tightly framed. Alberti made these changes as a need for distortion, so the building ‘looks’ correct.

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Alberti’s intention was also to attain the illusion of visual correctness in acute circumstances, which may also clarify the partial ornament at the corner of the façade on Via dei Palchetti (image page 114). Like stage scenery, the ornament would give the effect that the palazzo is more three-dimensional and grander than it actually is. As Robert Tavernor states on the book ‘On Alberti and the art of building’ , the standard of measure used by Alberti to design the Palazzo Rucellai façade has not been identified with any certainty. Although it is possible to affirm that the pilaster and bay widths are sub divisible by multiples of 582mm, about 2mm shorter than the official Florentine building measure, the braccio da panna.

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Palazzo Gondi Giuliano da Sangalo (1490) Giuseppe Poggi (1874) Via dei Gondi 2 Firenze

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Palazzo Gondi Among the most prominent families during the Florentine Renaissance, the Gondi are one of the most ancient with roots tracing back to the year 787 in which their alleged founder Braccio di Filippi was knight of Charlemagne. During the fourteenth-century the Gondi knew great financial success stemming from multiple goldbeater workshops and an active engagement in trade networks throughout the greater Eurasian region. Prudence and shrewdness were the virtues behind the Gondi’s success which eventually led them to open acknowledged banking institutions in both Florence and Lyon (Ladee, 2016) The economic prosperity and political stability achieved by his father and grandfather, led Giuliano gondi in 1455 to purchase an estate situated between palazzo vechchio and the bargello belonging to the Giugni. Giuliano had become an authoritative member of the the Florentine merchant elite, creating an urge to map out a more decisive position of his family within the polical arena of the city: a palazzo to rival those other great dynasties. In the course of the following decades he began to nurture the idea of transforming the estates he previously

both the family residence combined with gold working facilities and spaces for trading activities on the plinth (Pellechia, 2003) Giuliano entrusted the design to Giuliano da Sangallo, a man greatly recognized among the Florentine elite through his previous work for the Medici family and the King of Napels. The construction of the Palazzo began 20 July 1490, shortly after sunrise (Lane, 1970). In the following nine years Giulliano saw his magnificent palace slowly rising from the ground of Via de’ Leoni. Due to the untimely death, the palace was not finished in the lifetime of neither Giulliano Sangallo nor in that of his patron, Giulliano Gondi. The preservation of his memory and the honor and status of his family were directly linked to the new family palace. He therefore stated its importance in his 1501 testament stipulating that his Domus Magna was built to preserve and to be completed by his heirs (Pellechia, 2003). His heirs were however less interested in the palazzo than their father and seemed more concerned with the consolidation of a patrimony which had to been divided into six. Interestingly enough, Giuliano suspected the possibility of disagreement amongst his sons or a lack of

bought, into a domus magna destined to house

enthusiasm for the completion of his

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Top: Luigi Mulinelli, View of Piazza San Firenze, 1775. (Palazzo Gondi on right-hand side) Bottom: Giovani Signorini (1808-1862), View of Piazza San Firenze Ladee, C. (2016). Non Sine Labore: Cultural Endeavours of the Gondi Family in Cinquecento Florence. Rijksuniversiteit Groningen. Lane, F. C. (1970). Private Wealth in Renaissance Florence: A Study of Four Families. Richard A. Goldthwaite. Speculum, 45(1), 132–134. https://doi. org/10.2307/2855998 Pellecchia, L. (2003). Untimely Death, Unwilling Heirs: The Early History of Giuliano da San-gallo’s Unfinished Palace for Giuliano Gondi

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building and took an unconventional course. He left all matters concerning construction to his executors, going as far as to give them the power to seek redress in court should his heirs ignore their judgement and giving them the freedom to spent more as long as it would not financially harm his sons. (Tönnesmann, 1983). Both executors died shortly after Giuliano himself, which made his sons to leave the their family Palazzo unfinished. That the palazzo with its six-bay facade was unfinished is evident from multiple points of view. A clear indication is its very ‘renaissance improper’ asymmetry that seems to be crying for an addition of a seventh bay on its lefthand side. Not only that but the old façade is squeezed in uncomfortably tight between Palazzo Giugni on its left and the Asini house on its right. The façade seems to be that of just another house and is thus certainly not demanding the prominent position in Florence city-scape as Gondi so greatly desired. What he did exactly intended for his palace however, remains a conundrum. Gondi stated before his death, a great desire to improve regularity in his palazzo. Yet the only explicit instructions are on

rustication should be completed exactly as it had been begun (Tönnesman 1983). The exact intentions of both Gondi and Sangallo remains a topic of debate amongst historians, each subscribing to a different proposal for the final design of the façade. Andreas Tönnesman imagined an 11-bay facade It would have been on of the largest palazzo on Florence and would rival the Strozzi palace (13 x9 bays)(Tönnesmann, 1983). While the 11-bay facade would look grand in elevation, it would however induce problems in plan. What strikes immediately is the contrast between the facade and the size of the courtyard which would be rendered minuscule with the 11-bay proposal. Not only that, but the proposal would also imply that the courtyard would be offcentre in plan, defying the rules of symmetry. Sangallo’s courtyard was certainly designed as a centrepiece and certainly not as an afterthought. Furthermore, the atypical exterior staircase in the courtyard, as Tönnesman points out, seems to have been a response to limited space (Pellecchia, 2003) So why, one might ask, would Gondi plan an 11-bay facade if he knew space would be limited? And finally: what would the

the issue of exterior finishing, stating that the

rooms look like north and south of the courtyard?

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RIght: Exterior staircase in Palazzo Gondi’s courtyard Pellecchia, Linda. (2003) Untimely Death, Unwilling Heirs: The Early History of Giuliano da Sangallo’s Unfinished Palace for Giuliano Gondii Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft.

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They would have either been gigantic, defying al rule of Quattrocento practice, or there would have been a double row of rooms in each wing, many lacking natural light (Pellecchia, 2003). Tönnesman informed his hypothesis mainly on the unfinished rustication on the upper floor and abruptly ending cornice on the right-hand edge of the eastern facade. This observation does indeed seem to indicate that the facade was left incomplete in the hopes getting permission to extend the facade to restore symmetry in its composition. Yet, keeping in mind the awkward spatial implications, it does not necessarily indicate the intent to construct four extra bays. In 1598 Vasari il Giovane drafted a 7-bay proposal for Gondi’s eastern facade, which is in line with the eventual expansion Giuseppe Poggi accomplished in 1874. Poggi picked up where Sangallo left off, extending the 6-bay facade to a 7-bay facade. (Pellecchia, 2003) This expansion was made possible through the widening of the road running from Piazza della Signoria to Piazza San Firenze, located south of Palazzo Gondi. With the demolition of Palazzo Giugni, Palazzo Gondi was no longer awkwardly squeezed in as it was before. It was now able to extend around

of Poggi’s hand on Via dei Gondi. The original eastern facade facing Piazza San Firenze got its long awaited bay on the left-hand side, finally achieving the axis of symmetry stemming from its central door. Poggi’s extension seems to have accomplished what Gondi and Sangallo so much desired: its 7-bay facade conforms to Sangallo’s concerns of symmetry and proportion and the courtyard is now centrally located and lies perfectly behind the central gate on the axis of symmetry of its eastern facade. Not only was the facade restored to Sangallo’s wishes but also Gondi’s wish of establishing a prominent position within the city of Florence seems only to be fulfilled after Poggi’s intervention. The Palazzo had gotten a much greater visibility after the widening of the cities medieval tissue. It was no longer just a facade in the street, its new corner configuration gave the palazzo more visibility and a sense of grandeur that it previously lacked. It is quite the irony that only in the 19th century, the Gondi were able to position themselves as they wished in the 15th century. Yet they did leave a lasting mark with their elegant Palazzo: a physical evidence of the family’s dignified position in the history of

the corner with an entirely new 6-bay facade

Florence.

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Top: Six-Bay Facade Elevation. Giuliano da Sangallo. Middle: Seven-Bay Facade Elevation. Giuseppe Poggi. Bottom: Eleven-Bay Facade Elevation. Andreas Tönnesman Pellecchia, Linda. (2003) ‘Untimely Death, Unwilling Heirs: The Early History of Giuliano da Sangallo’s Unfinished Palace for Giuliano Gondii’

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Via del Proconso

Via Ghibellina

Via della Condotta

Piazza della

Piazza di San Firenze

Via della Vigna Vecchia

Signioria

Via d

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Via dei Gondi

Borg

o de

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dei Leo n

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129

ngu

illara

Ground Floor Plan 1:500 130

Piano Nobile Plan 1:500 131

Section 1:300 132

Combination Drawing 1:300 133

Elevation East 1:300 134

Isometric Projection 1:300 135

cornice ashlar

window casing

rusticated ashlar

spandrel stone

string course rusticated arch barred window

rustication

public bench

Elements 136

crown moulding modillion course

keystone

dentil course

cross-shaped spandrel springer

single-arched window

incised ashlar

bulging rustication

bond-cut voussoir smooth rusticated ashlar

torch holder cyma-recta moulding

plinth

Elements 137

Outline

Ratio

Rhythm

138

Symmetry

1: 1

1:√ 1

Horizontal rhythm

139

1:2

1:√ 2

1:√ 3

Geometrical Proportion 140

Arithmetic Proportion 141

Arithmetic Proportion 142

Arithmetic Proportion 143

Window Composition 144

Plasticity 145

146

147

148

149

150

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Complete reference overview Introduction Goldthwaite, R. (1980). Building Renaissance Florence An Economic and Social History. National Endowment for the Humanities Templin, K. (2020). Lecture on Firenze. Retrieved from https://web.microsoftstream. com/video/23833b2d-632a-4eb6-9434c27c8dd45f1e

Florence and its Palazzi Argan, G. C. (1963, December). On The Typology of Architecture. 242-246. Baile, L. L. (2010). Staging Privacy: Art and Architecture of the Palazzo Medici. Eugene: Department ofArt History and the Graduate School ofthe University of Oregon. Burckhardt, J. (2000). The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy. Penguin Random House. Dagenais, J. (2000). Decolonizing the Middle Ages: Introduction. Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 30(3), 443–448.

https://doi.org/10.1215/10829636-30-3-431 Faneli, G. (1973). Firenze Architettura e cittá. 235-237 Goldthwaite, R. A. (1972). The Florentine Palace as Domestic Architecture. The American Historical Review, 977-1012. Goldthwaite, R. (1980). Building Renaissance Florence An Economic and Social History. National Endowment for the Humanities Goldthwaite, R. A. (1982). The Building of Renaissance Florence. Amsterdam University Press. Kent, F. W. (1987). Palaces, Politics and Society in Fifteenth-Century Florence. In I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance (pp. 41-70). The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Villa I Tatti, The Harvard. Lane, F. C. (1970). Private Wealth in Renaissance Florence: A Study of Four Families. Richard A. Goldthwaite. Speculum, 45(1), 132–134. https://doi. 152

org/10.2307/2855998 Mack, C. R. (1983). Building a Florentine Palace: The Palazzo Spinelli. Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 261-284.

Vickers, B. (2002). The Idea of the Renaissance, Revisited. SEDERI: Yearbook of the Spanish and Portuguese Society for English Renaissance Studies, Vol. 12 (2002), 69–95. Vidler, A., & Quincy, Q. d. (1977). Type.

Tafuri, M., Sherer, D., & Hays, M. K. (2006). Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects (Harvard University Graduate School of Design) (First Thus editie). Yale University Press Templin, K. (2020). Lecture on Firenze. Retrieved from https://web.microsoftstream. com/video/23833b2d-632a-4eb6-9434c27c8dd45f1e Trexler, R. C. (1991). Public Life in Renaissance Florence. Amsterdam University Press Turrini, D. (2011, November 1). Renaissance rustication. Retrieved from Architetura di Pietra: http://www.architetturadipietra.it/ wp/?p=5057 153

Wölfflin, H. (2017). Renaissance und Barock. Hansebooks.

Rusticated Significance Alberti, L. B. (1452). The architecture of Leon Batista Alberti in ten books (1755 ed.). London: Edward Owen. Goldthwaite, R. A. (1972). The Florentine Palace as Domestic Architecture. The American Historical Review, 977-1012. Lotha, G. (2011, January 06). Britannica. Retrieved from Rustication: https://www. britannica.com/technology/rustication Monestiroli, A. (2005). Lecture 6: The metope and the triglyph. In A. Monestiroli,

Nine lectures on Architecture (pp. 72-101). SUN. Turrini, D. (2011, November 1). Renaissance rustication. Retrieved from Architetura di Pietra: http://www.architetturadipietra.it/ wp/?p=5057 Vitruvius. (1960). The ten books on architecture. New York: Dover Publications, inc. Wittkower, R. (1946). Grondslagen van de architectuur in het tijdperk van het humanisme (3 ed.). (K. v. Dooren, Trans.) London: Uitgeverij SUN.

Superimposition of Roman and Florentine Architecture Benevolo, L. (2017). Storia dell’architettura del Rinascimento. Edition Laterza Chitham, R. (1985). The Classical Orders of Architecture. Butterworth Architecture Fanelli, G. (1972). Firenze Architettura e Cittá. Vallecchi editore Firenze

Goy, R. (2002). Florence: The City and Its Architecture. Phaidon Press Tavernor, R. (1998). On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London

The Problem of Proportion Aiken, J. A. (1980). Leon Battista Alberti’s System of Human Proportions. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 43, 68. https://doi.org/10.2307/751189 Alberti, L. B. (1988). On the Art of Building in Ten Books. Amsterdam University Press. Cohen, M. A. (2016). Review: Beyond Beauty: Reexamining Architectural Proportion through the Basilicas of San Lorenzo and Santo Spirito in Florence, by Matthew A. Cohen. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 75(4), 500–501. https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2016.75.4.500 Conclusion: Ten Principles for the Study 154

of Proportional Systems in the History of Architecture. (2014). Architectural Histories, 2(1), 7. https://doi.org/10.5334/ah.bw

Dynamic Symmetry. Amsterdam University Press

Delbeke, M., & Cohen, M. A. (2019). Proportional Systems in the History of Architecture: A Critical Reconsideration (Critical editie). Leiden University Press.

Padovan, R. (1999). Proportion: Science, Philosophy, Architecture. Taylor & Francis. Proportional Systems in the History of Architecture: A Conversation with James S. Ackerman. (2014). Architectural Histories, 2(1), 20. https://doi.org/10.5334/ah.bk

Drake, S. (1969). Galileo’s 1604 Fragment on Falling Bodies (Galileo Gleanings XVIII). The British Journal for the History of Science, 4(4), 340–358. https://doi.org/10.1017/ s0007087400010244

Rehding, A. (2016). Instruments of Music Theory. Music Theory Online, 22(4), 3. https://doi.org/10.30535/mto.22.4.4

Eck, C. V., Hart, V., Hicks, P., Payne, A. A., & Wohl, H. (2001). Paper Palaces: The Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatise. The Art Bulletin, 83(1), 145. https://doi. org/10.2307/3177195 Fletcher, R. (2007). Dynamic Root Rectangles Part One: The Fundamentals. Nexus Network Journal, 9(2), 327–362. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00004-007-0047-9 Hambidge, J., & Hambridge, J. (2018). 155

Tafuri, M., Sherer, D., & Hays, M. K. (2006). Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects (Harvard University Graduate School of Design) (First Thus editie). Yale University Press. Weber, R., & Larner, S. (1993). THE CONCEPT OF PROPORTION IN ARCHITECTURE: AN INTRODUCTORY BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY. Art Documentation: Journal of the Art Libraries Society of North America, 12(4), 147–154. https://doi.org/10.1086/adx.12.4.27948585

Williams, K. (1997). Michelangelo’s Medici Chapel: The Cube, the Square and the Root2 Rectangle. Leonardo, 30(2), 105. https:// doi.org/10.2307/1576419 Wittkower, R. (1945). Principles of Palladio’s Architecture: II. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 8, 68. https://doi. org/10.2307/750167 Wittkower, R. (1971). Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism. W. W. Norton. Wittkower, R. (1978). Idea and image: Studies in the Italian Renaissance (The Collected essays of Rudolf Wittkower) (1st editie). Thames and Hudson. Wu, N. Y. (2005). Ad Quadratum: The Practical Application of Geometry in Medieval Architecture. Nancy Y. Wu. Speculum, 80(1), 350–352. https://doi. org/10.1017/s0038713400007661 Zoller, C. (2007). Plato on Hypothesis, Proposition, and the Education of Philosophers. Auslegung: a Journal of

Philosophy, 52. https://doi.org/10.17161/ ajp.1808.9674

Palazzo Medici - Riccardi Beltramo, S., Cantatore, F., & Folin, M. (2016). A Renaissance Architecture of Power. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. Heydenriech, L. H. (1996). Architecture in Italy 1400 - 1500. Yale University Press Pelical History of Art. Millen, R. F., & Wolf, R. E. (1987). Palazzo Medici into Palazzo Riccardi: The Extension of the Façade along via Larga. Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 81-120. Saalman, H., & Mattox, P. (1985, December). The First Medici Palace. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, pp. 329345. Zanchettin, V. (2011). A new drawing and a new date for Michelangelo’s ‘finestre inginocchiate’ at Palazzo Medici, Florence. The Burlington Magazine, 156-162. 156

Palazzo Rucellai Alberti, L.B. (1988). Leon Battista Alberti On the Art of Building in Ten Books. (Rykwert, J., Leach, N., Tavernor, R.). The MIT Press Chitham, R. (1985). The Classical Orders of Architecture. Butterworth Architecture Fanelli, G. (1972). Firenze Architettura e Cittá. Vallecchi editore Firenze Preyer, B. (1977). The Rucellai Loggia. Mitteilungen Des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 21(2), 183-198. Retrieved November, 2020, from http://www. jstor.org/stable/27652431 Tavernor, R. (1998). On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London

Palazzo Gondi Bazzani, G. (2013). Gondi: Una dinastia fiorentina e il suo palazzo / A Florentine dynasty and its palazzo (Italian Edition). Edizioni Polistampa. 157

Ladee, C. (2016). Non Sine Labore: Cultural Endeavours of the Gondi Family in Cinquecento Florence. Rijksuniversiteit Groningen. Pellecchia, L. (2003). Untimely Death, Unwilling Heirs: The Early History of Giuliano da Sangallo’s Unfinished Palace for Giuliano Gondi. Kunsthistorische Insititut in Florenz. Pellecchia, L. (2011). FROM AESOP’S FABLES TO THE “KALILA WA-DIMNA”: GIULIANO DA SANGALLO’S STAIRCASE IN THE GONDI PALACE IN FLORENCE. I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 14/15, 137–207. https:// doi.org/10.1086/its.14_15.41781525 Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft.

Image referencing Introduction P9 Buonsignori map Buonsignori, S. (1594). Wikipedia. Retrieved from Buonsignori map: https://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Buonsignori_Map#/media/ File:Pianta_del_buonsignori,_1594,_00.JPG

Florence and its Palazzi P13 Image top left: View of the Palazzo del Sig. Principe Strozzi, and of the street that leads to the Bridge S. Trinita Zocchi, G. (1744). The British Museum. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum. org/collection/object/P_1922-0410-142-16 P13 Image top right: View from the Piazza, and Church of S. Giovannino de PP. Gesuiti, and of the Palazzi dei SSri. Marchese Riccardi, and Panciatichi Zocchi, G. (1744). The British Museum. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum. org/collection/object/P_1922-0410-142-22 P13 Image bottom left: View of the Bridge S. Trinita, of the Church S. Trinita, and of the

Colonna lifted up by Cosimo I Zocchi, G. (1744). The British Museum. Retrieved from https://www.britishmuseum. org/collection/object/P_1922-0410-142-17 P13 Image bottom right: Games of Saracino on Via Larga Templin, K. (2020). Lecture on Firenze. Retrieved from https://web.microsoftstream. com/video/23833b2d-632a-4eb6-9434c27c8dd45f1e P15 The Builders of Florence Templin, K. (2020). Lecture on Firenze. Retrieved from https://web.microsoftstream. com/video/23833b2d-632a-4eb6-9434c27c8dd45f1e

Rusticated Significance P25 Palazzo Medici garden wall Hyman, I. (1975). Notes and Speculations on S. Lorenzo, Palazzo Medici, and an Urban Project by Brunelleschi. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 98-120.

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P27 Forum of Augustus Roma Ieri Oggi. (1910). Retrieved from Via Tor de’Conti (1910).

britannica.com/place/Cathedral-of-SantaMaria-del-Fiore

P27 Palazzo Medici Mapio. (2020, 11 10). Retrieved from Palazzo Medici-Riccardi, Flroence: https://mapio.net/ pic/p-14940288/

P39 Left Mythical acoustic experiments on a variety of instruments. Franchinus Gaffurius, Theorica musicae (1492).

P29 Wall construction Palladio, A. (1768). Quattro Libri dell’Architettura. London: John Watts.

P39 Right Pythagorean Theorem on ‘The School of Athens’ by Raphael (1509–1511)

P29 Rustication types Istrador. (2019, July 14). Retrieved from Rusting, Types of Rust Plaster Forward: https://istrador.ru/sq/steny-i-potolok/ oshtukaturivanie-rustov-vidy-fasadnoirustovannoi/

Palazzo Medici - Riccardi

Superimposition of Roman and Florentine architecture P33 The Duomo Britannica. (n.d.). Cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore. Retrieved from https://www.

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The Problem of Propotion

P48 Facade Beltramo, S., Cantatore, F., & Folin, M. (2016). A Renaissance Architecture of Power. Leiden/Boston: Koninklijke Brill NV. P49 Corner archimaps. (2020, 11 11). Retrieved from palazzo: https://archimaps.tumblr.com/ tagged/palazzo/page/3

P49 Rustication Beltramo, S., Cantatore, F., & Folin, M. (2016). A Renaissance Architecture of Power. Leiden/Boston: Koninklijke Brill NV.

P76 Courtyard Ames-Lewis, F. (1989). Donatello’s bronze David and the Palazzo Medici courtyard. Renaissance Studies, 235-251.

P51 Painting Palazzo Medici Millen, R. F., & Wolf, R. E. (1987). Palazzo Medici into Palazzo Riccardi: The Extension of the Façade along via Larga. Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 81-120.

P77 Facade perspective Firenze Online. (1930). Retrieved from Foto Storische Firenze: https://www.firenzeonline.com/conoscere/foto-storiche-firenze. php

P51 Painting Palazzo Medici-Ricciardi Zocchi, G. (1744). View of Via Larga, Florence. Views of Florence and Tuscany. New york. P53 Parts of facade drawing Florence, S. a. (2020, 11 11). Inexhibit. Retrieved from Medici Riccardi Palace Florence Magi Chapel: https://www.inexhibit. com/mymuseum/medici-riccardi-palaceflorence-magi-chapel/

P77Cornice Beltramo, S., Cantatore, F., & Folin, M. (2016). A Renaissance Architecture of Power. Leiden/Boston: Koninklijke Brill NV. P77 Rustication Hyman, I. (1975). Notes and Speculations on S. Lorenzo, Palazzo Medici, and an Urban Project by Brunelleschi. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 98-120.

Palazzo Rucellai P82 Courtyard Palazzo Rucellai Lorda, J. (n.d.). Universidad de Navarra.

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Retrieved from http://www.unav.es/ha/005PALA/palazzo-firenze.htm. P83 View of the Palazzo Rucellai and Rucellai Loggia from the Via del Purgatorio Tavernor, R. (1998). On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London. P85 Oblique view of the façade of Palazzo Rucellai Mitchell, D. (n.d.). Leon Battista Alberti Palazzo Rucellai, Florenz. Retrieved from https://davidhannafordmitchell.tumblr.com/ post/151546600728/leon-battista-albertipalazzo-rucellai-florenz. P99 Image left: The cross-hatched rusticated stones and the square-shaped windows and thresholds on the ground floor Janulardo, E. (n.d.). LES MEMOIRES. Retrieved from http://lesmemoires.free.fr/ Alberti/Alberti.html

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P99 Image top right: Corinthian Order Tavernor, R. (1998). On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London. P99 Image right bottom left: Tuscan Order Tavernor, R. (1998). On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London. P99 Image right bottom right: Ionic Order Tavernor, R. (1998). On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New Haven and London. P112 Image left: Detail of the square-shaped windows and thresholds Mitchell, D. (n.d.). Leon Battista Alberti Palazzo Rucellai, Florenz. Retrieved from https://davidhannafordmitchell.tumblr.com/ post/151546600728/leon-battista-albertipalazzo-rucellai-florenz.

P112 Image right: Portico per il grande signore The editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Palazzo Rucellai. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/topic/PalazzoRucellai. P113 Image left: Detail of a window with the Rucellai family symbol Mckay, G. (n.d.). misfits’ architecture. Retrieved from https://misfitsarchitecture. com/2019/05/05/100-ideas/. P113 Image right: Detail of a window on the wider bay Mckay, G. (n.d.). misfits’ architecture. Retrieved from https://misfitsarchitecture. com/2019/05/05/100-ideas/. P114 Geometry and the relationship of eye to distance (column height) to ensure acceptable proportions Tavernor, R. (1998). On Alberti and the art of building. (Malpass, G., Tavernor, R., & Robson, J., Eds.). Yale University Press New

Haven and London. P116 View of the corner of the façade on Via dei Palchetti Teggelaar, R. (n.d.). Florence day 1 (continuation 6). Retrieved from https:// www.teggelaar.com/en/florence-day-1continuation-6/

Palazzo Gondi P120 Frontal picture Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. P121 Left and right image of the courtyard Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. P123 Top painting Luigi Mulinelli, View of Piazza San Firenze, 1775. (Palazzo Gondi on right-hand side)

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P123 Bottom painting Giovani Signorini (1808-1862), View of Piazza San Firenze P125 Courtyard Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. P150 Door Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. P150 Courtyard Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. P151 Shield Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges.

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1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. P151 Thick rustication Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. P151 Windows Tönnesmann, A. (1983). Der Palazzo Gondi in Florenz. - Worms: Werner’sche Verlagsges. 1983. IX, 155 S., 41 Bl. Abb. 8°. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft.