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Nov. 17, 2023 4 Kislev 5784 • Toldos • Vol 22, No 35

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Thousands march on rosh chodesh ‘for Israel,

to free the hostages, against antisemitism’

Ed Weintrob, The Jewish Star

By Ed Weintrob The frequently divided American Jewish community pulled off what some were referring to as a miraculous show of unity and determination on Tuesday, rallying in massive numbers on the National Mall in Washington to support Israel, oppose fast-rising antisemitism, and demand that the hostages seized by Hamas be freed.

Organizers said 290,000 people showed up on Rosh Chodesh Kislev, with another 250,000 livestreaming the event or watching on C-Span. The New York area was well-represented, with schools, synagogues and organizations sending hundreds of busses that joined those from a wide swatch of America. Many coming from further afield flew in.

“We have indeed made history today,” William Daroff, CEO of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, told attendees. “This is the largest proIsrael gathering in history,” “Look what we can do in just over a week,” said Eric Fingerhut, president and CEO of the Jewish Federations of North America.

The rally was broadly representative, drawing people with a full spectrum of religious and political views. While a number of charedi rabbis discouraged participation, some of their followers showed up nonetheless. “Two hundred and 30 years ago, President George Washington reassured the Jews of Newport [Rhode Island] that our new nation would give

bigotry no sanction and persecution no assistance; his meaning and his message were quite specific,” Deborah Lipstadt, US special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism told the crowd. “In the United States of America, the bigotry of antisemitism must have no place, no quarter, no haven, no home.” Echoing previous statements she See Organizers cheer on page 2

November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784 THE JEWISH STAR

In time of war, daffodils signal hope, community By Roksana Amid, LI Herald The air outside the entrance to the Holocaust Memorial and Tolerance Center was filled with the sweet scent of freshly turned soil. Children and their families worked to carefully plant daffodil bulbs along the center’s entranceway, ensuring that every plant found its place in the soil to honor the Israeli lives lost during the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks which killed more than 1,200 people. The event at the Glen Cove center was a joint effort with the Daffodil Project, an Atlanta based initiative of Am Yisrael Chai, a Holocaust education and genocide awareness organization. The Daffodil Project aims to create a living Holocaust memorial by planting 1.5 million daffodils around the world to remember and represent the one-and-a-half million children who died in Nazi occupied Europe. To date, more than 860,000 daffodils have been planted in 460 locations worldwide. The project also seeks to memorialize the recent deaths in Israel, and bring awareness to the 400-percent increase in antisemetic incidents in the United States. New York alone accounted for 15.7 percent of all documented antisemitic incidents nation-wide in 2022. “In the 29 years that we have been here, this is the first time that we need to have a police presence every single day,” said Jolanta Zamecka, vice-chair of the Holocaust center. “It is also the first time in those 29 years where people have canceled coming to today’s event because they’re afraid.” Mojgan (Moji) Pourmoradi, the center’s director, recalled conversations she had with some of its members days after the Oct. 7 at-

Two young women plant daffodils at the Holocaust Memorial and Tolerance Center in Glen Cove.

Roksana Amid, LI Herald

tack. Many who are the children of Holocaust survivors told Pourmoradi their parents cautioned them to always have a suitcase packed. The advice has deep resonance and familiarity for Jews and has its roots in thousands of years of dislocation, begging the question: Where is it safe for Jews to go? “It makes us feel like ‘never again’ was just something that we said, and nobody was lis-

tening,” Pourmoradi said. “It makes us feel like everything changed in a day.” Pourmoradi also noted the gathering coincided with Kristallnacht, when Nazis and their supporters destroyed Jewish homes, businesses, and synagogues across Germany from Nov. 9 to Nov. 10, 1938. Kristallnacht (Night of Broken Glass) was one of the first large-scale, open acts of violence the Nazi regime and

their collaborators committed against Jewish Germans. Alan Mindel, center chair, said the center has often confronted people who deny the Holocaust, and now will face those who deny the Oct. 7 attacks. “The Holocaust center is here for many purposes,” Mindel said. “We stand for those that no one else will stand for.” Originally, the Nazis made Jews wear a yellow star on their arms, a symbol of degradation, signaling that its wearers were less than fine, upstanding people, and eventually that they were less than human. Daffodils are planted because the shape and color of the plant recalls those yellow stars, with yellow symbolizing remembrance. Daffodils represent a poignant hope for the future. They are resilient and return with a burst of color each spring, signifying hope, renewal, and beauty. “The daffodils are resilient, and they come back every year, to remind us to take action, they remind us to think about what’s going on in the world today,” said Dr. Andrea Videlefsky, who launched the project in 2000. Dr. Videlefsky said. “One daffodil on its own is a beautiful flower, but as these daffodils run together to emerge from the darkness of winter, you will see that many daffodils standing all together bring hope, light and beauty — and a communal strength — as we remember the children and remind ourselves to take action.” “It’s more important than ever, for each of us to stand up against injustice,” Videlefsky said. “The world vowed ‘never again,’ and here we are facing this enormous tragedy.”

Organizers cheer ‘largest turnout’ by 290,000… Continued from page 1 has made describing the universality of antisemitism, Lipstadt described how hatred “comes at us from all political, religious and cultural directions. Groups that agree on nothing else, agree on their suspicion and hatred of Jews, and if we needed any reminder about the validity of that claim, the past five weeks have made it plain.” Actress Debra Messing, active on Israel’s behalf following the Oct. 7 massacre, empathized with the crowd. “I know you are in pain,” she said. “I know you are afraid. I know you feel alone and abandoned by people you thought were your friends. I know you feel misunderstood and maligned. I know because I do, too.” Messing, who is Jewish, still urged hope, prompting cheers from the crowd. “Looking out at all of us today, also know that we are not alone because we have each other,” she said. Dancer, singer and actress Montana Tucker, who has 12 million followers on TikTok and Instagram, appeared wearing an Israeli flag over her shoulders. Referring to the Shoah, which her grandparents survived, she said that young people must choose whether to remain silent and “let it all happen again,” or they can “stand together on behalf of Jews in Israel and around the world, who no longer feel safe at school, at work, and especially, online.” “Can you guys just say with me, ‘Am Yisrael chai’?” Tucker asked before blowing the audience a kiss. Columbia University student Noa Fay delivered a report from the trenches, reporting how over 100 professors on her campus have advocated for the destruction of Israel. “I am a Black, Native American Jewish American woman and I will

not be silenced,” said Fay. “I will continue to shout.” “We fight loudly and we fight peacefully. We are far from helpless, we are far from hopeless,” she said. Just as Jews with different political and religious orientations joined together on the Mall, congressional leaders did as well. Democratic and Republican leaders literally joined hands on stage, lifting their arms up and repeatedly chanting “We stand with Israel.” The crowd cheered both the Democrats —

Senate Majority leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries —and the Republicans — House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senator Joni Ernst, chair of the Senate Republican Policy Committee. Israeli President Isaac Herzog spoke to the crowd live from the Kotel in Jerusalem. “In the State of Israel’s darkest moment you stood up and declared: Hineini, I am here. We are here. There is no greater and more just cause than this.”

A sampling of local schools at Tuesday’s rally, clockwise from top left): MTA (the Yeshiva University HS for boys) on the Mall; eighthgraders from the Schulamith School for Girls enroute on a bus; SAR senior Abe Bensoussan marching with a “one heart” Israeli flag; and HANC students pose on the Mall before the rally began.

An estimated 10,000 people filled four blocks of Central Park West, spilling into side streets, during a rally last Monday evening organized by UJA-Federation of New York to mark the sheloshim, 30 days since the Oct. 7 massacre, and to demand the release of the hostages

kidnapped by Hamas. Speakers included actor Debra Messing (bottom left) and UJA-NY CEO Eric Goldstein (top right). Israeli singer Gad Elbaz is pictured with candle-holding students from the Ramaz School. Michael Priest

…and at Eisenhower Park in East Meadow on LI By Jordan Vallone, LI Herald Eisenhower Park in East Meadow was the scene of a Long Island Stands With Israel rally on Sunday. Several thousand people packed Eisenhower’s Harry Chapin Theatre, holding Israeli flags and signs saying “We Stand With Israel,” “Free Palestinians From Hamas,” “Bring Them Home” and “Let My People Go.” Spiritual leaders from Long Island synagogues blew shofars, officially signaling the start of the rally. “To me, the most painful experience in the last week was visiting the Tel Aviv center for Bring Them Back Now, for the hostages,” said Rabbi Ya’akov Trump of Young Israel of Lawrence Cedarhurst, who had just returned from Israel. “When you meet a family of somebody who has somebody in Gaza right now, the pain is so tangible, you can almost feel it in the room.” Jewish War Veterans Post 652 presented the color guard, and students from HAFTR, the North Shore Hebrew Academy and Solomon Schecter, sang Hatikvah and the Star Spangled Banner. In the weeks following the Oct. 7 attack, antisemitism and hateful acts against Jews around the world have been on a steady rise — up 400 percent, when compared to the same time period in 2022, according to the ADL. Pamela Barnett, chair of UJA Long Island, said it was hard to believe that only a few days before the rally, Jews commemorated the 85th anniversary of Kristallnacht, the organized violent attack against Jews and their

“I was the first elected official to go to Israel after Oct. 7,” he said, “and I got off the plane, and I said to Israel ‘We have your back.’ We feel your pain.” Rep. Nick LaLota, Republican congressman from Suffolk County, said that a ceasefire should not be considered. “A ceasefire would only give our common enemies more time to regroup, to reattack,” he said. “No American, no other friend of Israel throughout the world, should promote the notion of a ceasefire. We must eradicate the terrorists right away.” Todd Richman, the UJA’s co-chair of Long Island Global Jewish Affairs, encouraged the crowd to lobby extensively. “Go to House.gov, call the Capitol switchboard — just Google it — and make your voices heard on Capitol Hill,” he said. “For all of you that have children or grandchildren on college campuses, Three-thousand Long Island Jews rallied in Eisenhower Park on Sunday. Jordan Vallone, LI Herald make sure they do the same thing. Because members of Congress listen to synagogues and businesses in Germany in absolute obligation, to protect its citizens and their constituents.” 1938. Each speaker on stage stood at a podium, its country. And at the same time, we grieve “It truly feels like history is repeating it- for the suffering of innocent, innocent Pales- with over 200 chairs behind them — each self,” Barnett said. tinian civilians who are also victims of Hamas’ featuring the face of someone held hostage, Twelve-hundred innocent Israelis were brutality.” alongside a Teddy Bear. murdered and over 240 taken hostage, “in“I am a mother and have children the same She added that the increase in antisemicluding infants and children, grandparents, tism must not hinder the community from liv- ages as our soldiers, and many of our hostagentire families, people young and old, burned ing “proudly, public Jewish lives.” es,” Barnett added. alive, raped, beheaded, and for no other rea“I go to sleep every night praying for our New York State Senator Chuck Schumer, son than because they were Jewish,” she said. the Senate majority leader and highest rank- soldiers and hostages and wake up every “We stand unequivocally with Israel who ing Jewish official ever elected in the U.S., morning praying for them. We must not stop is fighting terror on its border, as every sov- said he is working tirelessly to ensure that Is- until every hostage is free. We refuse to be silent. Bring them home.” ereign nation must. Israel has the duty, the rael is supported.

THE JEWISH STAR November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784

UJA-NY rallies New York on Central Park West…

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By Ed Weintrob A Rotary Club in Brooklyn heard a 10-minute overview of the Hamas war last week. It concluded with a suggestion that the organization’s “Four-Way Test” offers a path to peace in the future. Rotary is an international volunteer association of 1.2 million business and professional leaders, in 32,000 clubs in more than 200 countries, committed to humanitarian service and to furthering goodwill and peace. Israel is home to 60 Rotary Clubs. Celia Weintrob, a Riverdale resident who is a board member of the Brooklyn Bridge Rotary Club, recounted the Celia Weintrob discusses the Hamas war at a meeting of the BrookEd Weintrob, The Jewish Star inspiring launch of the Rotary lyn Bridge Rotary Club on Nov. 8. Club of Jerusalem on March An estimated 3,000 terrorists infiltrated Is11, 1929. Over the years, she said, “Rotary Clubs in Israel and in the Palestinian Author- rael and murdered 1,200 people, “in villages ity have done wonderful service — feeding near the border, at a music festival, and on the the hungry, building playgrounds, educating roads,” she said. “Thousands more were seriyouth. Some of these clubs have also worked, ously wounded. More than 250 people, from in the spirit of the founding of the Jerusalem all over the world, were seized as hostages and club in 1929, to build bridges among different transported into Gaza — where they remain today. peoples.” “Despite this, there are those who, like HoBut “just five months after the Jerusalem club was established 94 years ago, Arab clerics locaust deniers, choose to deny that atrocities and politicians incited riots across British Pales- were committed by Hamas. “And there are many others who make extine, based on a fictitious story that Jews were going to desecrate the al-Aqsa Mosque. They cuses for genocidal war crimes. “There can be no excuses — no ‘buts’ — for called for the merciless slaughter of Jews — and got it,” Weintrob said. Jews were attacked and what happened in Hebron in 1929, in the Holotheir property razed in Hebron, Jerusalem and caust in the 1940s, in Rwanda in 1994. “Whatever dispute the Hamas terrorists might elsewhere in British Palestine. Bringing the storyline up to date, she re- have had with their Israeli neighbors, whatever isferred to the dangerously false and malicious sue the Hutus had with the Tutsis in Rwanda, they accusation that Israel has been guilty of a cam- cannot be used to excuse murderous pogroms.” “Without a doubt, there is a humanitarian paign of genocide. “We are all aware of the Holocaust — an ac- crisis in Gaza today, affecting untold numbers of tual genocide that killed 6 million Jews while civilians,” Weintrob continued. “Even as the Isattempting to eliminate all Jews from European raeli Defense Forces go to extraordinary lengths soil — and there were many slaughters in British to minimize civilian casualties, there will be Palestine and neighboring Arab lands as well,” many civilian casualties. “How can the casualty count be reduced? she said. “Humans have acted cruelly many “Hamas could let Gazan civilians leave the times, but actual genocide is mercifully rare. “We saw it in Rwanda, in 1994, where as northern areas that Israel necessarily is most many as 800,000 Tutsi were slain in just 100 heavily targeting … areas where Hamas has hiddays. In Rwanda, as in the Holocaust, the world den its military infrastructure and other resources among playgrounds, apartment buildings and watched and did nothing. “But what IS genocide? And in the context of hospitals. And Hamas could let the hostages go.” “Because high body counts tend to shift world Israel, Palestine and Gaza, who, if anyone, is dosympathy, Hamas is rooting for the death of its ing it? “An Oxford Languages definition says it’s ‘the own people,” she explained. “Responsibility for the deliberate killing of a large number of people fate of Gaza civilians rests mainly with Hamas.” Looking to the future, Weintrob found a ray from a particular nation or ethnic group with the aim of destroying that nation or group’. That’s of light in the “4-Way Test” that Rotarians apwhat the Hutus did to the Tutsis. And that’s what ply to “the things we think, say, or do:” •Is it the TRUTH? Hamas and its terrorist allies would do to Jews. •Is it FAIR to all concerned? “When they say, ‘from the river to the sea, •Will it build GOODWILL and better Palestine will be free,’ they are explicitly calling for the elimination of the sovereign state of Is- FRIENDSHIPS? •Will it be BENEFICIAL to all concerned? rael and the annihilation of its more than seven “Many of us believe that Palestinians on million Jews — an objective expressed explicitly in the Hamas founding charter. That is geno- the West Bank have gotten a raw deal over the years. This is the fault of both the Israeli cide.” Whatever “inadvertent and sometimes delib- governments and the Palestinians’ own leadererate” bad things Israel has done over the years, ship, in my view,” Weintrob concluded. “But the West Bank is not Gaza — and in “genocide was never on its agenda,” Weintrob any event, nothing should cloud our view of said. To illustrate this, she explained that “when the TRUTH of what actually happened on Oct. the modern Jewish State of Israel was estab- 7. We must tell the truth about what is going on lished in 1949, it was home to 150,000 people and not equivocate. “With clubs in both Israel and the Palestinian whom we would today call Palestinians. Today, in Israel proper, there are 1.6 million Palestin- Authority, Rotary could lead the way in buildians — plus an additional 3 million in the West ing “GOODWILL and BETTER FRIENDSHIPS” Bank, and 2 million in Gaza. That’s a population among everyone in the area, encouraging these very different peoples to reaffirm their common boom, not a genocide.” This brought her talk to Oct. 7, when “Hamas, humanity, working together to seek a solution the Iran-backed terror group that’s controlled that “will … be BENEFICIAL to all concerned.” The Brooklyn Bridge Rotary Club meets biGaza since 2007, launched an unprovoked and weekly at the Marriott Brooklyn Bridge Hotel. vicious surprise attack on Israel.”

5 THE JEWISH STAR November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784

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On its anniversary, Kristallnacht is linked to Oct. 7 By Ed Weintrob In the wake of the Hamas terror attacks on Oct. 7, people searching for historical antecedents sometimes cited Kristallnacht, the “night of broken glass” in Germany on Nov. 9 and 10, 1938. “This is not the first time that Kristallnacht is associated with a Jewish tragedy,” explained Dr. Shay Pilnik during a lecture on the broad historical context of Kristallnacht, at the Young Israel of North Woodmere on Nov. 7. “After the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting, there were some rabbis who drew the comparison between Pittsburgh, between the killing of 11 Jews at the synagogue, and Kristallnacht,” where at least 91 Jews were slain. “But we have to recognize the limitations of this comparison,” said Pilnik, director of the Fish Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Yeshiva University, who explained that despite the deaths, “Kristallnacht was not so much oriented towards Jewish lives, but rather Jewish institutions.” In just a few hours, it destroyed 267 synagogues and 7,500 Jewish businesses throughout Germany. “Jews knew that from that point on, their public life was completely shattered.” “The aim was to shake German Jewry, and to destroy the public presence, the public expression of Jewish life, in Germany.” “I still think about a lot of similarities between what we just witnessed,” he continued. “I am Israeli, born in Israel, so I experienced a number of wars, I served in the Army, there were two intifadas, two wars in Lebanon. But I never really had any kind of a feeling that when I read the history [of Kristallnacht], I can say this is something that I have lived through.” Until now. He recounted the story of a Jew who was asked to move from first-class to third-class on a train in 1935. “He came to a Nazi officer and insisted, I bought a ticket for first-class and I deserve to be here. And the officer accepted that ticket. In other words, there was still a sense,

Dr. Shay Pilnik discussed Kristallnacht’s broad historical context, at the Young Israel of North Woodmere on Nov. 7. Ed Weintrob, The Jewish Star

until Kristallnacht, that this is a place where you can live — as a second class citizen, you know you’re not equal, but you have a government that would somehow protect you, police that will protect you. And then it is all shattered violently.” He said that what happened on Oct. 7 “frighteningly gave us a glimpse into what happens when order turns into disorder — and what happens when Nazis can do whatever

they want without anyone who can stop them.” A comparison between Hamas with the Nazis is an apt one, he said, recalling that the Jerusalem mufti, leader of the Palestinians in the 1930s, was the link between the two. Did a culture of silence, or indifference, mute reaction to Kristallnact, similar to what some observers have reported following Oct. 7?

Most Germans did not participate in Kristallnacht and were not necessarily pleased with it, “because they understood that this was an act of terror by a terrorist regime and that, you know, if my Jewish neighbor is being attacked, his apartment is being ransacked, his father is being shot, what’s going to happen to me? Maybe I will turn into an enemy of the regime.” But “very few people show bravery to purposefully walk into a jewelry store to try to clean up, or into synagogues to save Torah scrolls,” he said. “The majority of them respond with this indifference.” The “reaction of the world leaders was of expressed horror, but ultimately, indifference as well.” “When you think about the world reaction, on Oct. 8 and 9, to Jewish suffering, for me, it rang a bell that there was a reaction, but the reaction was very brief. And ultimately, once the reaction is costly for politicians, they stop feeling so sorry for us.” “For as long as there are Jews, there are antisemites,” he said. “We have an obligation to remember and an obligation to fight.” Pilnik concluded with a hopeful thought, describing an encounter with a Moroccan student in a college course on basic Judaism where none of his students were Jewish. “At the end of the quarter, she says, professor, this class changed my life. And I said, why? And she said, I would like to be a diplomat, I would like to work on Moroccan-Israeli relations. But I have to tell you, what you taught me here stands in complete contrast to what I was taught in elementary school, middle school and high school in Morocco, where, I was taught that Jews are the source of the problems of the world, and the Jews are evil. That’s what I was taught as the only information I was exposed to.” Which means that we should not give up on education, “even though it’s not going to change everyone,” Pilnik said.

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9 big lies about Israel and what they mean GIL TROy Historian

n 1917, California’s isolationist senator, Hiram W. Johnson, captured the cynicism of politics during wartime. “The first casualty when war comes is truth,” he said, echoing earlier sages, as America embarked on a “war to end all wars,” which we now call World War I. While fabricating here and there may be every general’s pastime, Palestinian terrorists and their enablers have taken lying to a whole other level. Yet, despite building so much of their case on a foundation of falsehoods, they keep conning the world. Everyone “knows” that Israel occupies Gaza — despite Israel disengaging from it in 2005; that “From the River to the Sea” envisions a democratic Palestine — when it envisions an exterminated Israel; and, most outrageously, that hundreds of innocent Israelis, young and old alike, deserved to be massacred, maimed, raped and terrorized — while others deny all the evidence that the atrocities happened. This primer picks nine of the most popular New Big Lies Palestinians and their enablers propagate. Let’s leave the number 10 for more godly commandments, while stressing that despite being debunked repeatedly, these lies have countless lives.

From the River to the Sea…

Give the Palestinians credit here: At least they’re honest. Well, some Palestinians prevaricate. They claim the slogan imagines a secular democratic state with Jews and Arabs living together. In fact, the phrase’s history is exclusionary and exterminationist. In 1964, three years before the Six-Day War, the slogan was popularized by the Palestinian activists and terrorists who founded the Palestine Liberation Organization. Their war aims were not to liberate the “occupied territories,” which Israel only secured three years later. They wanted — and still do — to liberate the world from Israel itself. Similarly, since Hamas emerged in the late 1980s, the slogan has been a Hamas and Islamic Jihad mainstay. Oct. 7 offered at least one clear lesson: If your enemy calls for your destruction — your enemy is calling for your destruction. Jews should take the Palestinian death cries seriously, and Americans must start taking the Iranian mullahs’ death cries seriously. It’s actually bigoted not to take them at their word, to decide “they can’t really mean that.” “From the River to the Sea” leaves no room for Jews — or the Jewish state.

Decolonization…

The world is a tough place. Over the centuries, powerful countries have colonized other places, sending explorers, then groups of settlers, away from the mother country to establish settlements, usually in order to extract resources. Inevitably, especially as national self-determination became a virtue, colonization led to decolonization. On one level, decolonization is simply a historical process, whereby people in the colonies rebel, or the empire collapses. Over the decades, scholars defined decolonization as a state of mind, too. Frantz Fanon (1925-1961), born in Martinique, helped make decolonization trendy among some of the most settled and privileged people in the world’s richest and most expensive universities. As a psychiatrist, Fanon observed that colonized people often internalized a sense of inferiority. As a revolutionary, he wanted those colonies to break free — even violently. Considering violence cleansing, restoring some balance, some dignity to the powerless, he called violence “man recreating himself.” Fanon built on Marx’s binary, dividing the world between the oppressing ruling class and the oppressed proletariat. For Fanon, the foreverguilty oppressor was the colonizer, the forever-innocent oppressed was the decolonizer. For the colonized, Fanon preached, “there is no compromise,

no possible coming to terms; colonization and decolonization is simply a question of strength.” Fanon remains remarkably influential today. Call them woke. Call them postmodern. Call them identitarians. Today’s campus commissars have combined Marx’s seesaw between the oppressor and the oppressed with Fanon’s colonizer-decolonizer dynamic and deification of violence. These people frame the world — and America — as being caught in a zero-sum power struggle. The oppressive colonizers in this Manichean, black-and-white world are always guilty, while the oppressed are forever pure and innocent, no matter what they do. Viewing the world through this distorting prism, Israel is always guilty, the Palestinians forever innocent. As a result, the Oct. 7 barbarian bloodbath was exhilarating, joyous, justified. One influencer even injected the Hamas-romanticizing term “settler babies” into the mix. To see the world this way requires much fanaticism, many simplifications, multiple distortions and, at the end of the day, a very, very bruised soul. But those blinders explain how so many feminists fail to see Hamas’s rape culture and child abuse, how so many liberals fail to acknowledge the despotism, how so many humanists fail to cry out in shame and horror as Palestinian marauders crossed every civilizational red line.

Israel apartheid…

The Jews seem to have magical powers. Over the centuries, Jews attracted all kinds of labels: Jews were too rich and too poor, too capitalist and too socialist, too traditional and too modern, too anxious to fit in and too eager to stand out. Today, the Jewish state has similar plastic powers. As trends change, Israel is deemed guilty of the most heinous of national sins. Today Israel is a white-supremacist or, even better, Jewishsupremacist state, and a settler-colonialist enterprise. In the 1990s, Israel was racist, colonialist, and imperialist, as well as guilty of “ethnic cleansing” once the Balkan mess introduced that phrase into the international vocabulary. But since the 1970s, as the international community justifiably turned away in disgust from apartheid South Africa, Israel has been called an apartheid state. Apartheid was a system of racial differentiation — apartness — based on all kinds of racial classifications and perverse beliefs that whites and blacks and colored people were not equal. The Apartheid Wall in Johannesburg’s Apartheid Museum lists 148 laws sifting people into different racial categories to keep them apart and calibrate who deserved which privileges — and which restrictions. Israel never passed one law defining people by racial categories. In fact, Israelis and Palestinians are involved in a national conflict, not a race war. Moreover, if Israel’s goal was an apartheid state, it’s done an awful job. Israeli Arabs enjoy equal rights and have served as Supreme Court judges, Knesset members, key members of the last coalition. With about 20% of the population, Israeli Arabs are overly represented in Israel’s medical system: About 20% of the doctors, as much as 40% of the nurses and 43% of the pharmacists are Israeli Arabs. Finally, if Israelis hate Arabs so much and see them as inferior, why was there so much excitement about the Abraham Accords, and why are Hamas and Iran trying to subvert a Saudi Arabian deal with Israel? Maybe Israelis don’t hate Arabs — but only pass laws protecting themselves against enemies who seek to destroy them?

Israeli genocide…

Genocide, literally tribe-killing, is defined as a systematic series of violent acts “committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.” For decades, Palestinians have been crying “genocide,” claiming Israel seeks to wipe them out. Yet the Palestinian population has at least quintupled since 1967, from just over 1 million to nearly five-and-a-half million people. Zionists are even worse at genocide than they are at apartheid. Pure hatred often involves projection: You hate in others what you hate in yourself, you imagine

Israeli soldiers remove bodies of Israeli civilians in Kfar Aza, near the Gaza border, on Oct. 10.

Chaim Goldberg, Flash90

your enemies would do to you what you would do to them if you had a chance. These false cries that Israelis are targeting Palestinians for genocide reflect sweeping, categorical and thus genocidal tendencies in the Hamas charter, in the Oct. 7 sadism, and in too many twisted corners of the Palestinian national soul.

Disproportionate bombing…

When terrorists attack your civilians, then hide behind their civilians, what can a serious military do? Inevitably, some of those human shields will die. Moreover, when you have an air force, and you have a choice between bombing an enemy from the air and sending your troops in door-to-door, what’s the moral call? A leader’s primary moral responsibility is to the led — and a defender’s primary moral responsibility is to defend those unfairly and viciously attacked. In April 2002, Israel chose to send reservists into Jenin to apprehend terrorists instead of bombing from the air, US-style. The result was a Palestinian ambush that killed 23 Israelis. Israel’s supporters may have felt momentarily pure — but 23 families were scarred for life that day. When an enemy attacks and then cowers in mosques and hospitals and kindergartens and schools, those protected places become military objectives. Complaining about a “disproportionate response” from a regular army when fighting terrorists embedded in a city is in essence complaining about any response from the army. When your enemy calls for your annihilation, acts on it, then vows to try again and again, it’s unrealistic to expect no collateral damage. Let’s be clear: The moral onus for every death, every injury, every misfire, remains on Hamas for initiating this conflict. It’s unfair to forget that ultimately war is a clash of powerful, ugly forces. If you want to win, it’s logical — and moral — for your own side to mobilize as much force as it can, within the bounds of reason of course, while not being immediately criticized, as Israel is.

Occupying the West Bank and Gaza since 1967…

In June, 1967, threatened by three Arab armies, Israel fought for its life and more than tripled its size. It won the Golan Heights in the north from Syria. It took over Gaza and the Sinai in the South from Egypt. And it reunited Jerusalem, while securing the biblical lands of Judaea and Samaria from Jordan — which had, ahem, occupied what it called its “West Bank” territories, with no international authorization, since the Jordanian Legion invaded to its west during the 1948-1949 Israel War of Independence. While Israeli governments over the years wavered, using various legal theories including the laws of occupation to define Israel’s relationship to all the territories, calling them “occupied” was triply problematic — especially to historians.

First, in defending itself legitimately, Israel seized territory from a hostile neighbor with no legal claim on it. From 1949 to 1967, the Jordanian conquerors ignored the U.N. 1947 Partition Plan to make those areas an independent Arab state. The United Nations never recognized Jordanian sovereignty there, making the territories truly disputed, not occupied. Second, this was no colonial expedition, going to some exotic locale in pith helmets and safari suits. Jews had international rights to the territories and a deep history there, especially the biblical territories of Judaea and Samaria, which were deemed Jewish and open for Jewish settlement under the 1920 (often overlooked) San Remo conference and, subsequently, the British Mandate. Third, as Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan presciently noted in 1980, calling Israel an “occupier” implicitly compared Israel’s far more benign, legitimate and rooted policies “to the Nazi practice of deporting or murdering vast numbers of persons in Western Poland — as at Auschwitz — and plans for settling the territory with Germans.” This false comparison, Moynihan noted, played “perfectly into the Soviet propaganda position” and the Palestinian projection that “Zionism is present-day fascism.” Today, alas, the occupation preoccupation has become the main launching pad not only for the Bash Israel Firsters, but those hyper-critical Jews who habitually doubt Israel. Moreover, Palestinians use the words “occupation” and “settlements” promiscuously, to delegitimize anything Zionist. Israel is “occupied,” all of Israel. Every Israeli is a “settler.” The plundered kibbutzim of the southwest Negev are “settlements,” despite lying in pre-1967 Israel, within the “Green Line,” the borders from the 1949 armistice with Jordan, hastily drawn in green pencil. This sweeping Big Lie helped legitimize Hamas’s savagery, deeming every Israeli, every Thai volunteer, every tourist an “occupier” deserving of any violence Hamas and the other Palestinian murderers could mete out.

Open-air prison…

In 2005, Israel disengaged from Gaza, uprooting over 9,000 Israeli citizens living in 25 settlements scattered through Gaza and northern Samaria. Amid the anguish, military strategists lobbied intensely to keep a strip of land for defensive purposes — the Philadelphi corridor. The Duke of Disengagement, Ariel Sharon, resisted. He claimed that if Israel retained even one grain of Gazan sand, critics would claim it was still “occupied.” And he was confident that once Gaza was no longer occupied, Israel could live in peace as the Gazans prospered. If there is one word that best explains Israelis’ current frustration and fury, it is “disengagement.” Eighteen years ago, there were some weapons in Gaza, no tunnels and a limited terrorist infrastructure, because Israel still retained some control. Yet, almost immediately after withdrawing from Gaza, primitive Qassam rockets started bombardContinued on next page

A humanitarian ceasefire…

In the Middle East today, that phrase may be the ultimate oxymoron — like a moral terrorist, a pragmatic Hamasnik, a feminist jihadist, a liberal-democratic Palestinian Authority member, a healthy cancer. For 18 years the world has yelled “disproportionate bombing” and keeps demanding “humanitarian ceasefires” whenever Israel defends itself. For 18 years, much humanitarian aid has been diverted to Hamas itself. After Hamas invaded and raided and shattered so many lives, from an Israeli perspective, what would be “humanitarian” about a premature ceasefire?

Diplomats and pro-Palestinian demonstrators say “humanitarian ceasefire.” Israelis hear “a chance for Hamas to regroup” and “more of the same.” Many Israelis wonder: “When do the hostages get such a pause?” Until the hostages are released, Israel cannot relent. Israel can move to ease the burden of the truly innocent stuck between Hamas and the IDF. Israel can set up field hospitals or temporary refuges in empty parts of Gaza, in Egypt, or even in isolated parts of the Negev. But let’s not kid ourselves: Hamas will take advantage of any break or kindness. At least one-third of the first wave of what was supposed to be foreign nationals evacuated to Egypt were wounded Hamas terrorists trying to sneak away. Fuel delivered by international organizations has long been hijacked by Hamas for its war machine. Some claim Hamas is a small group holding the peace-loving Gazans hostage. But if Hamas is abusing people, a humanitarian pause giving the terrorists a break increases Palestinian misery, too. It delays the liberation they need. In fact, most Gazans, like most Palestinians, celebrated the carnage on Oct. 7, and many zealously participated. So, yes, try improvising ways to help, to minimize civilian suffering. But the phrase “humanitarian aid” sounds like resupplying Hamas, and “ceasefire” sounds like letting the killers regroup.

Two-state solution…

In 1947, the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 181. It was epic, recognizing the Jewish right to a national home — a right rooted in the Bible, promised in the Balfour Declaration and San Remo redeemed through the blood, sweat and tears of Zionist pioneers who had already built an impressive infrastructure for the state that would be declared in May, 1948. To treat — in the parlance of the time — the Palestinian Jews and the Palestinian Arabs fairly, the United Nations partitioned the area, envisioning a Jewish state and an Arab entity, while internationalizing Jerusalem, the Jewish people’s forever capital. The Jews found this compromise devastating. But Palestinian Jewry’s leadership, pushed

by David Ben-Gurion, decided that half a loaf was better than none. Two years after the Holocaust ended, Ben-Gurion feared more bloodshed. The Jews needed a state. The day after the U.N. Resolution passed, as Jews finished singing and dancing, Arab rejectionists rioted, trashing Jerusalem’s commercial district. That started an historic pattern. Again and again, the Jews — and after 1948 what became the State of Israel — offered compromises, were willing to split territory, to cede territory. Yet again and again, the Palestinian leadership rejected it. No wonder the leading historian Efraim Karsh titled his book about the era “Palestine Betrayed,” emphasizing that Hitlerian extremists like the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem betrayed their own Palestinian Arab people. In 1974, the United Nations passed a resolution endorsing “two States, Israel and Palestine … side by side within secure and recognized borders.” Thus began this diplomatic Holy Grail, pursuing a “two-state solution.” The most dramatic attempt to achieve it — the Oslo Peace Process of the 1990s — ended in bloodshed, when after the Camp David Peace Talks in 2000 Yasser Arafat rejected any compromise and led his people from negotiation right back to terror. So yes, for decades there has been talk of a “two-state solution,” and many Israelis would love to see a territorial split. But, especially after Oct. 7, the phrase stings. It reeks of three lies — the lies they tell us, the lies the world buys and the lies we tell ourselves. First, when Palestinian diplomats and propagandists play the two-state game, they imply that once they have their territorial share, one of two states, the conflict will be solved. But the Palestinian leadership consistently refuses even to adjust its sweeping, all-or-nothing rhetoric promising to wipe Israel off the map. The Americans worked so hard in the 1990s to get Arafat to change the PLO charter calling for Israel’s destruction — and were so desperate to succeed — they overlooked what Arafat kept saying in Arabic, when he thought Bill Clinton and company weren’t paying attention. Again and again, especially Arafat in 2000, Mahmoud Abbas when he rejected Ehud Olmert’s compromise

in 2008 and, most dramatically, Hamas in Gaza, 9 showed no interest in a true “solution” that leaves Israel intact. Hamas’s charter is explicit about that. Today, the phrase is even more misleading and infuriating because it’s usually used as code in the international community and certain parts of the Jewish community for “Israel, just do the right thing, give them their territory ‘back’ and we will have peace.” But, especially after Oct. 7, most Israelis know that the call on the Palestinian side is a ruse. Gazans had the potential to make a state. Israel and the international community would have showered peaceful, constructive Palestinians with money. Instead, they turned their strip of land into a multilayered stationary warship — and the international community still showered them with money. Most upsetting, “the two-state solution” represents the lies we told ourselves. Admittedly under great international pressure (don’t just throw Bibi under the bus) Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel’s military, diplomatic and intelligence establishment decided that Hamas was “pragmatic,” could be contained. After all, no credible person could really believe the rantings in Hamas’s charter using the Koran to justify destroying Israel and killing the Jews. This is not to say that the problem is insoluble. At certain moments, no one imagined peace with Egypt or Jordan or the United Arab Emirates. But that particular slogan is too compromised, and too associated with the lives and limbs and love and faith Israelis just lost. Clearly, the Palestinians and their propagandists have developed a whole lexicon, a series of talking points and slogans that distort words, negate history and obscure Palestinian intentions. Israel went along with these lies for too long, often bullied into guilelessness by a gullible international community. Oct. 7 was a nightmarish wake-up call. Israel must be moral — for its own sake, for its soldiers’ consciences and its national soul. The game of buying into Palestinian lies and international niceties ended when those terrorists swarmed the peaceful kibbutzim and villages, sowing death and destruction. The challenge now is creating a new reality — and a new lexicon to acknowledge that reality — and build a better, fairer and genuinely safer new Middle East from there.

THE JEWISH STAR November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784

Continued from previous page ing Israel — while critics kept bombarding Israel with the o-word, the occupation charge. The violence against Israel — and the criticism — intensified when Hamas seized power in Gaza in 2007, killing fellow Palestinians brutally. Under the gun, now facing an implacable foe vowing to exterminate the Jewish state and the Jews — see the Hamas charter — Israel tried blockading Hamas. As a result, a whole series of lies burst forth: that Israel is occupying the territory it withdrew from completely (in fact, note how little control it had and how ineffectual its blockade was as Hamas built its deadly arsenal); that Gaza is the “most densely populated place on earth” (it doesn’t compare to Manhattan, Hong Kong, and other super-skyscrapered city centers); and that the Zionists have made it an “open air prison” or concentration camp (when you can see on a map that Egypt controls Gaza’s southern border, and know it keeps Gazans far, far away from Egyptians). In short, Israel did everything it said it would when it disengaged. In doing so, Israel betrayed many of its own citizens. Nevertheless, Israel ended up with no peace, no peace of mind and a piece of territory that became Hamastan rather than the Mediterranean resort it could have been if its governing body had put its generous international aid to good use. Today, Israel has on its border a hostile, seething launching pad for tens of thousands of rockets and marauders, exporting so much trauma and misery — while those responsible treat their own people as cannon fodder, too.

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WINE AND DINE Key to easy Thanksgiving: Prep dishes early Kosher Kitchen

JoNI SChoCKETT

Jewish Star columnist

hanksgiving could not have been more Normal Rockwell traditional in my childhood home. I woke up to the scent of a turkey already in the oven and came downstairs to find pies and more already baked. Soon after breakfast, cousins began to arrive — a lot of cousins — and with them, came more food. Aunts and uncles brought all kinds of foods and things to drink (some of which we could not have). Soon, with at least a dozen kids hanging around, we were shooed out of the house to go play. We played football (making up our own rules, of course) or we built a fort from branches and leaves my dad was intending to burn over the weekend. Eventually, we all came in to eat and the kids gathered around the table. We ate in shifts because there were just too many of us. Once we were done, we were sent into the living room to play games and we grouped ourselves over chess, Monopoly, Candy Land, marbles, Life and more. We colored in coloring books, played with paper dolls and Ginny dolls and even, sometimes, set up my brother’s train set. Sometime after dark, we got called in to choose our desserts which we were allowed to eat on the blankets our parents somehow set up on the living room floor. When we were practically falling asleep, the cousins were bundled into their cars and they went home. Mostly, Thanksgiving was at our house and I liked it that way because I could just go upstairs and climb into my bed and, even better, my family got all the leftovers! Since my parents moved to Florida decades ago, Thanksgiving — and all the holidays — fell to me. I find Thanksgiving to be the easiest holiday to prepare for. The menu is practically dictated to us — a turkey, some sides, dessert. I do try to find ways to bring interest to the turkey and to change up some of the more traditional side dishes, but there must be stuffing, there must be cranberry sauce and there must be an apple pie. The differences are in the execution of each dish. There are hundreds of ways to make cranberry sauce. Even more ways to make vegetables. And while I have discovered lots of kinds of dressings (stuffing that is NOT stuffed into the bird) it seems my family only wants me to make the same ones over and over again. What makes Thanksgiving so easy for me is that I can also make lots of dishes ahead of time and freeze them. Dressing freezes well and cranberry sauce can be made a week ahead. Desserts freeze well as do lots of side dishes. Stock for gravy is easily made ahead and frozen. So get busy and make your Thanksgiving one in which, with a little advance planning, you can get outside for that football game. Happy Turkey Day!

Turkey Stock for Gravy and More

• 4 to 8 garlic loves, roughly chopped • 5 peppercorns • 2 to 3 fresh sage leaves, whole • 2 to 3 sprigs fresh parsley, whole • 1 bay leaf whole • 4 quarts of water Preheat the oven to 400 degrees. Place the turkey pieces in a large Dutch oven or roasting pan. Rub with the oil and sprinkle with salt and pepper. Place in the oven and roast for 45 minutes. Remove from the oven and move the turkey pieces aside. Add the vegetables and place the turkey pieces on top. Place back in the oven and roast for another 30-45 minutes, until the veggies are golden Remove from the oven and use a silicon spatula to scrape up any bits along with the vegetables. Add the water and place the Dutch oven over medium heat. Bring to a boil. Scrape up any remaining browned bits. Reduce the heat to simmer, cover and let cook for 2-3 hours, adding more water if too much evaporates. Strain the broth into a container, pressing on the solids. Discard them. Refrigerate overnight, skim the fat and freeze until needed. Makes about 1-2 quarts of stock. When needed, heat to simmer and reduce by about 1/3. Add some dripping from the pan and your roux and, perhaps, some sautéed mushrooms.

Vegan Cracker Dressing (Pareve)

• 1 small bunch celery, 6 to 7 stalks, washed and trimmed • 4 to 5 large onions • 4 leeks, white part only, thoroughly washed • 1-1/2 lbs. carrots • 1 large clove elephant garlic or I head garlic

Turkey Stock for Gravy and More (Meat)

I make my turkey gravy with a reduced stock that I make in advance and then, on the big day, I reduce it by half and add some deflated pan drippings to enhance the flavor. This results in a lower fat gravy that is rich with flavor. • 1 turkey wing • 1 turkey thigh • 1 turkey leg • 2 to 3 turkey necks • 2 to 3 tbsp. canola oil • Kosher salt and pepper, to taste • 1 large onion • 2 to 3 stalks celery, chopped • 2 to 3 carrots, peeled and sliced • 2 to 3 shallots, chopped

Vegan Cracker Dressing

Spiced Cranberry Cherry Sauce

• 3 to 4 packages (10 oz. each) sliced Mushrooms • 1/3 cup finely minced fresh parsley • 1 to 3 tbsp. minced fresh herbs such as sage, tarragon, chives • 1 box (4 stacks) plus 1 stack, Pareve, round, snack-type crackers • Salt and pepper to taste • Canola oil for sautéing and to coat the pan • Trim and wash the celery and set aside. • Peel and cut the onions into quarters, set aside • Trim the leeks, slice them in half lengthwise and wash thoroughly. Set aside. • Peel the carrots, and cut into inch-long pieces. Chop the garlic. Set aside. Heat a large, deep skillet or straight-sided pan. Add the oil and heat over low heat until shimmery. While the oil is heating, using the sblade, process the onions until diced to about 1/4-inch pieces. Add to the oil and increase heat to medium. Switch to a 1 or 2 mm slicing disc and process the leeks. Add to the onions, mix and continue to cook. Process the celery and carrots the same way, adding each to the pan once processed. Add the chopped garlic and mix well. Cover and cook until the veggies are softened and there is liquid in the pan. Remove from the heat and set aside. When cooled a bit, scrape the veggies into a large bowl and mix well to completely blend. Re-

turn the pan to the heat and add more oil. Chop the mushrooms into bite sized pieces and add to the pan. Cook until the mushrooms begin to turn golden and there is very little liquid left in the pan. Turn them often. Add them to the vegetables. Mix well. Crush the crackers. Place them, one stack at a time, in aplastic bag and use a rolling pin to roll them into crumbs with some larger pieces. Add each crushed packet to the veggies and mix well. Season generously with salt and pepper and other herbs or spices you may like such as sage, oregano, chives, etc. When completed, pour about 2-3 tablespoons of oil into a large casserole dish, spread the oil evenly and scrape the dressing mixture into the pan. Bake at 350 until deeply golden, about 1 hour. You can cool this, wrap tightly in plastic wrap, and freeze until needed. Defrost overnight in the refrigerator and then reheat at 325 until heated through, about 1 hour.

Spiced Cranberry Cherry Sauce (Pareve) You can make this up to 5 days in advance. I have kept this in the fridge for almost two weeks with no problem at all. • 1-1/2 cups Pomegranate juice or pomegranate cherry juice • 1 pound frozen cherries, thawed • 1/2 cup dried cherries • 1 to 2 cups sugar, to taste • 16 to 20 ounces fresh cranberries OPTIONAL SPICE MIX: • 6 cloves • 1 piece stick cinnamon stick, about 2 inches long • 2 whole allspice Place the spices in a tea ball or in a piece of cheesecloth. Tie the cloth with string or plain dental floss. Set aside. Bring cranberry juice to a slow boil. Remove from heat and add the dried cherries. Let sit for 15 minutes. Add the sugar, thawed cherries, fresh cranberries and cook over medium heat, stirring occasionally, until cranberries burst, 8 to 12 minutes. Increase heat so that mixture boils steadily. If you want the spice flavor, add the spice bag or ball at this time. Mix the sauce constantly for an additional 3 to 4 minutes. Remove from the heat and let cool for 15 minutes, remove the spice ball and continue to cool for 20 minutes until very warm, but not hot. Transfer to a large container, cover tightly and refrigerate. The sauce will thicken as it cools. Makes about 2 quarts.

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‫כוכב של שבת‬ jewish star torah columnists: •Rabbi Avi Billet of Anshei Chesed, Boynton Beach, FL, mohel and Five Towns native •Rabbi David Etengoff of Magen David Yeshivah, Brooklyn •Rabbi Binny Freedman, rosh yeshiva of Orayta, Jerusalem contributing writers: •Rabbi Sir Jonathan Sacks zt”l,

former chief rabbi of United Hebrew Congregations of the British Commonwealth •Rabbi Dr. Tzvi Hersh Weinreb, OU executive VP emeritus •Rabbi Raymond Apple, emeritus rabbi, Great Synagogue of Sydney •Rabbi Yossy Goldman, life rabbi emeritus, Sydenham Shul, Johannesburg and president of the South African Rabbinical Association.

contact our columnists at: Publisher@TheJewishStar.com Five towns candlelighting: From the White Shul, Far Rockaway, NY

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Given their history, why did Isaac love Esau? rabbi sir jonathan sacks zt”l

ven before they were born, Jacob and Esau struggled in the womb. They were destined, it seems, to be eternal adversaries. Not only were they were different in character and appearance, they also held different places in their parents’ affections: The boys grew up, and Esau became a skilful hunter, a man of the open country, while Jacob was a quiet man, staying among the tents. Isaac, who had a taste for wild game, loved Esau, but Rebecca loved Jacob. Gen. 25:27-28 We know why Rebecca loved Jacob. Before the twins were born, the pains Rebecca felt were so great that “she went to inquire of the L-rd.” This is what she was told: Two nations are in your womb, and two peoples from within you will be separated; one people will be stronger than the other, and the older will serve the younger. Gen. 25:23 It seemed as if G-d were saying that the younger would prevail and carry forward the burden of history, so it was the younger, Jacob, whom she loved. But why, in that case, did Isaac love Esau? Did he not know about Rebecca’s oracle? Had she not told him about it? Besides, did he not know that Esau was wild and impetuous? Can we really take literally the proposition that Isaac loved Esau because “he had a taste for wild game,” as if his affections were determined by his stomach, by the fact that his elder son brought him food he loved? Surely not, when the very future of the covenant was at stake. The classic answer, given by Rashi, listens closely to the literal text. Esau, says the Torah, “knew how to trap [yode’a tzayid].” Isaac loved him “because entrapment was in his mouth [ki tzayid befiv].” Esau, says Rashi, trapped Isaac by his mouth. Here is Rashi’s comment on the phrase “knew how to trap”: He knew how to trap and deceive his father with his mouth. He would ask him, “Father, how should one tithe salt and straw?” Consequently, his father believed him to be strict in observing the commands. Rashi to 25:27 Esau knew full well that salt and straw do not require tithes, but he asked so as to give the impression that he was strictly religious. And here is Rashi’s comment on the phrase that

G-d forbids the Israelites to wage war against Esau’s descendants.

Isaac loved him “because entrapment was in his mouth”: The midrashic explanation is that there was entrapment in the mouth of Esau, who trapped his father and deceived him by his words. Rashi 25:28 he Maggid of Dubnow adds a perceptive comment as to why Isaac, but not Rebecca, was deceived. Rebecca grew up with the wily Laban. She knew deception when she saw it. Isaac, by contrast, had grown up with Abraham and Sarah. He only knew total honesty and was thus easily deceived. (Bertrand Russell once commented on the philosopher GE Moore, that he only once heard Moore tell a lie, when he asked Moore if he had ever told a lie, and Moore replied, “Yes”). So the classic answer is that Isaac loved Esau because he simply did not know who or what Esau was. But there is another possible answer: that Isaac loved Esau precisely because he did know what Esau was. In the early twentieth century someone brought to the great Rabbi Avraham Yitzhak Kook, first Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of pre-state Israel, the following dilemma. He had given his son a good Jewish education. He had always kept the commands at home. Now, however, the son had drifted far from Judaism. He no longer kept the commandments. He did not even identify as a Jew.

What should the father do? “Did you love him when he was religious?” asked Rav Kook. “Of course,” replied the father. “Well then,” Rav Kook replied, “Now love him even more.” Sometimes love can do what rebuke cannot. It may be that the Torah is telling us that Isaac was anything but blind as to his elder son’s true nature. But if you have two children, one wellbehaved, the other liable to turn out badly, to whom should you devote greater attention? With whom should you spend more time? It may be that Isaac loved Esau not blindly but with open eyes, knowing that there would be times when his elder son would give him grief, but knowing too that the moral responsibility of parenthood demands that we do not despair of or disown a wayward son. id Isaac’s love have an effect on Esau? Yes and no. It is clear that there was a special bond of connection between Esau and Isaac. This was recognized by the Sages: Rabbi Shimon ben Gamliel said: No man ever honoured his father as I honoured my father, but I found that Esau honoured his father even more. Devarim Rabbah 1:15 Rabbi Shimon derives this from the fact that usually people serve their parents wearing ordinary clothes while they reserve their best for going out. Esau, however, had kept his best clothes in readiness to serve his father the food he had gone out to hunt. That is why Jacob was

able to wear them while Esau was still out hunting (Gen. 27:14). We find, much later in the Torah, that G-d forbids the Israelites to wage war against Esau’s descendants. He tells Moses: “Give the people these orders: ‘You are about to pass through the territory of your brothers the descendants of Esau, who live in Seir. They will be afraid of you, but be very careful. Do not provoke them to war, for I will not give you any of their land, not even enough to put your foot on. I have given Esau the hill country of Seir as his own.’” Deut. 2:4-5 And later still Moses commands the Israelites: Do not abhor an Edomite [i.e. a descendant of Esau], for he is your brother. Deut. 23:8 The Sages saw these provisions as an enduring reward to Esau for the way he honored his father. So, was Isaac right or wrong to love Esau? Esau reciprocated the love, but remained Esau, the hunter, the man of the field, not the man to carry forward the demanding covenant with the invisible G-d and the spiritual sacrifices it called for. Not all children follow the path of their parents. If it was Isaac’s intent that Esau should do so, he failed. But there are some failures that are honorable. Loving your children, whatever they become, is one, for surely that is how G-d loves us.

Rabbi DR. tzvi heRsh weinReb Orthodox Union

ne of the great benefits of visiting communities where I once lived and taught is the opportunity to meet people who were my students long ago. I enjoy reconnecting with them and am occasionally amazed by how much they remember of my lectures and sermons. When I recently returned to one of my former communities, I was approached by a participant in a short introduction to the Bible course that I gave over 20 years ago. After a few moments of catching up on each other’s careers and families, my former student told me that he frequently reminisced about my course, especially during the time of year when the weekly portions are to be found in the book of Genesis. “You may remember,” he said, “that I had trouble accepting your claim that the stories of Genesis had sacred import. I felt strongly

that the stories were no better than those to be found in children’s secular literature. I vividly recall that you tried to dissuade me from my opinion, but unsuccessfully.” I conceded that I remembered very well just how difficult it was for me to convince him of the significance of the stories of the Bible. I also wondered aloud about whether he had changed his mind over these many years. His answer took me aback. “I have since carefully studied every narrative in the book of Genesis, from the creation of the world to the death of Jacob. I have discovered incredible meaning in every story. But there is one story that continues to confound me. I find no religious significance in it at all.” I asked him which story that was. He responded, “It is the story of those darn wells. Why do we need to know about them, and what possible meaning do those wells have to us?” y former student was alluding to the brief narrative to be found in this week’s Torah portion, Toldot (Genesis 25:19-28:9); specifically, the passage which tells of Isaac’s encounter with Abimelech, King of the Philistines. Isaac emerges from that encounter with such great wealth that the Philistines envied him.

Then we read: “The Philistines stopped up all the wells which his father’s servants had dug in the days of his father Abraham, filling them with earth. … So Isaac departed from there… And Isaac dug anew the wells which had been dug in the days of his father Abraham. … And he gave them the same names that his father had given them.” The story continues with an account of other wells dug by Isaac’s servants that are contested by the Philistines who claim the wells for themselves. Finally, “he moved from there. And dug yet another well, and they did not quarrel over it; so he called it Rehoboth” (ibid. 26:12-22). My former student looked at me with anticipation. “Rabbi,” he said, “we are now both quite a bit older and hopefully at least a little wiser. Can you tell me what all this fuss over a few wells is really about?” At that moment, I allowed myself a dose of self-congratulation. Here was a distinguished middle-aged man who remained motivated to study the weekly Torah portion despite only a minimal commitment to religious observance. He had continued to ponder questions that were initially stimulated by a course that I gave more than two decades ago.

After thanking him for being such a faithful student, I asked him if he would agree to strike a bargain with me. I would share with him a teaching which sheds light on one piece of this narrative if he would agree to suggest an explanation of his own on some other aspect of it. He readily agreed. told him that I found it difficult to understand why the Philistines would stop up Abraham’s wells and go so far as to fill them with earth so that they could never be used again. These were desert dwellers, and every drop of water was precious to them. Were they not harming themselves by stopping up the wells and filling them with earth? Was this spiteful act not detrimental to their self-interest? He agreed that this was a good question, and that he had long been asking it himself. I then asked him if I had ever mentioned the name Nechama Leibowitz in the course I gave so long ago. He did not think that I had. So I proceeded to tell him a bit about this great lady, whom I never was privileged to meet. I paraphrased her answer to our question: “I once believed that only in antiquity were people capable of being so hateful that they See Weinreb on page 26

Rabbi discovers all sorts of ‘accidental Zionists’ Kosher bookworm

alan Jay GeRbeR

Jewish Star columnist

et me start by saying that this is a very informal, somewhat irreverent book — zany at times about subjects that are dead serious. To put a smile on the face of an impending disaster takes some doing, and in this Rabbi Ian Pear succeeds. The basic premise of this book with a long title — “The Accidental Zionist: What a Priest, a Pornographer and a Wrestler named Chainsaw Taught Me About Being Jewish, Saving the World and Why Israel Matters to Both”— is that we, the Jewish people, are in deep trouble. Surprise! When aren’t we in trouble? In good times we have trouble and in bad times we have tzores. In this book, published in 2008, we are presented with a series of challenges that reflect

the views of a ba’al teshuva who takes his religious beliefs very seriously. Rabbi Pear received his rabbinical ordination from Yeshiva University, his juris doctor from the NYU School of Law, and a degree in International Politics, Security and Law from Georgetown University’s School for Foreign Service. Now living in Jerusalem with his wife and four children, he is the founder of Shir Hadash, a popular synagogue, educational institute and community center that attracts thousands of overseas visitors each year, Jewish and non-Jewish, to learn more about Judaism, Israel and the Jewish people. Given this eclectic background, one should not be surprised to see a book so brazen and challenging, by so young an author, be written

as a warning against secular nationalism and in defense of religious Zionism. What I found most endearing about this book was the sharp focus that Pear places on his deep devotion to the religious component of the State of Israel’s purpose for existence. To me, this focus is everything. Without our belief in the divine origin of our claim to Eretz Yisrael, all else is worthless — yes, absolutely worthless. A godless nationalism, however phrased in eloquent secular terms, is not relevant to our people’s quest for a homeland in the Land of Israel. Pear places this divine claim as the predicate for all that comes in train when it involves the safety, security and wellbeing of Israel. And mind you, this predicate transcends all of our religious denominational divisions, particularly that of the Mesorati (Conservative) movement in Israel who share the same exact belief in the divine origin of our historic claims to Israel. In addition, Pear clearly defines how halacha-based ethical monotheism, and an ethical

behavior and lifestyle, is at the essence of the Jewish people’s purpose as an agent of G-d’s rule on earth. Basically, Israel is the base for such a message to go forth to all mankind. There is no other purpose for both our existence as a separate nation among the nations of this world and for Israel’s existence as an “Am Segulah,” a treasured, chosen nation. Despite a powerful military, a promising high-tech economy and a magnificent higher educational system, we, as a nation, according to Pear, are only defined by higher spiritual criteria. And how right he is, with no apologies and no misgivings. Pear’s style of writing, as noted before, helps to make these arguments all the more understandable because of their charm and obvious sincerity. While at times a bit much, his personal anecdotes do make their points obvious to even the most casual of readers. This helps to strengthen arguments that when presented by others seem forced or embarrassingly clumsy at best. In Rabbi Pear’s pen, they are presented with a smile by a man confident in his intellecSee Gerber on page 26

With a singular blessing, he is chosen to lead From heart of Jerusalem

Rabbi binny FReeDMan

Jewish Star columnist

t the end of every command-course in the Israeli army, a questionnaire known as a Sociometric test is given to each cadet. It’s a pretty simple form: each soldier is asked to list five fellow cadets, in order of preference, whom they would choose to lead their unit, and five fellow cadets, also in order of preference, whom they would not want leading their unit. No one is permitted to leave the form blank; it’s a prerequisite for graduating the course. There was actually a cadet who had been with me in commanders’ course who was not accepted to officer’s course, even though he had one of the highest scores, was extremely intelligent, and was clearly cool under pressure, simply because his name came up negatively (so the rumor went) on this Sociometrist questionnaire. Most challenging for me was that we had to name the number one choice for leading us (we were not allowed to enter our own names).

I often wondered why we couldn’t just pick the top five. his week’s parsha of Toldot relates one of the most challenging parenting moments in Jewish history: Yitzchak’s decision to bless his first born son Esau. Why did he have to choose one son — why couldn’t both Yaakov as well as Esau be blessed? Noach blesses all three of his sons (Bereishit 9:24-27) and Yaakov, on his death bed, gives a bracha to each of his 12 sons (Bereishit in Parshat Va’yechi, chapter 49). In truth, there are two types of blessings. But in order to understand this, we first need to define blessings: What is a bracha? At the end of his life, the Torah tells us: “And Avraham was old, well on in years, and Hashem blessed Avraham with everything.” (Bereishit 24:1) Most people think that when we make a blessing we are thanking G-d, but that is not actually correct. “Bracha” does not mean thank you. We have a word for that — Todah — and we often use it both when we pray as well as after we eat, So obviously “bracha” has to mean something different. In fact, Rav Soleveitchick suggests, the word bracha means to increase; hence we are told that Hashem has blessed Avraham, which

means Hashem has increased Avraham’s wealth or progeny (at the end of his life, Avraham remarries Ketura and has many more children). And this makes a lot of sense. After all, what is it I am trying to do when I say a blessing? I am trying to increase Hashem’s presence in my life. I can choose just to eat a piece of bread, or I can choose to use that bread as a vehicle for deepening my relationship with G-d. ost people don’t think twice about a piece of fresh bread they’ve just eaten, other than to relish its taste. But it takes a lot of work to make bread: A field must be ploughed and then sowed, then the crops are reaped and threshed and winnowed and eventually the wheat is crushed into kernels and then the dough is kneaded until finally it is baked and we have bread. And all of this is dependent on rain and sunshine. By seeing myself as a partner with G-d in producing this bread I increase Hashem’s presence in my life and thus in the world. As such, our verse which describes Hashem’s blessing Avraham with everything, is as much about how Avraham chooses to see the world Hashem has given us, as it is about what Hashem actually bestows upon Avraham. At the end of his life, Yaakov wants each of

his 12 sons to know that they are all blessed, and that they have the ability, each through their own special gifts and talents, to see Hashem’s presence in everything they do, and everything they experience. In this instance (as in Noach’s blessings of his three sons) the process of blessing is inclusive; everyone is blessed, because we are all special and created by Hashem to be vehicles for a better world. Sometimes, although all of our children are special, we need to choose one, to the exclusion of all others. Some things cannot be run by committee; a ship needs one captain and an army unit needs one commander. And in that instance, the blessings are exclusive — someone needs to lead. Hashem tells Avraham only one of his sons will carry on the Jewish message, and through him the world will all be blessed. Of course, this leaves us with the question of why Yitzchak chooses Esau despite the fact that Rivka already knows that Yaakov will lead (in Bereishit 25:2223, Rivka receives a prophecy to that effect). erhaps this entire story unfolds in this manner so that Yaakov learns to fight for what is his. There is a very strange ruling in the Talmud See Freedman on page 26

THE JEWISH STAR November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784

Emily Dickinson: ‘What mystery pervades a well!’

November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784 THE JEWISH STAR

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Jewish media unite to combat antisemitism This statement is endorsed by The Jewish Star. wo decades ago, the former British Chief Rabbi, Lord Jonathan Sacks, astutely likened antisemitism to a constantly evolving virus. One that, in the modern era, specifically targets the Jewish nation-state. He aptly described this prejudice as a deeply ingrained malignancy, perpetually lingering beneath the surface of society. For many of us in the global Jewish community, the great man’s words were not merely a statement of truth but also a stark reminder. Until recent days, the extent and intensity of this virulent strain of hatred were tragically underestimated. While the need for stringent security measures at schools and synagogues has long been a familiar reality, the realization that such profound levels of hatred and indifference to the threat exist on a global scale has been a devastating shock. We dared to hope such malevolence had been relegated to the annals of history. Today, in an unprecedented moment in Jewish history, we unite as Jewish news outlets spanning borders, continents, and religious affiliations to issue this open letter — something we never envisioned as necessary or even conceivable. The events of recent weeks have surpassed even the somber portrayal offered by Rabbi Sacks all those years ago. Some of those who propagate hatred, concealing their prejudice under the veneer of being “anti-Israel,”no longer find it necessary to obscure their malice. We’ve witnessed raw hatred against Jews in cities across the globe. •In Dagestan, a mob ran towards planes on a runway to check passengers’ passports, hunting for disembarking Jews. •In Sydney, when authorities lit the famous Opera House in Israel’s colors, a crowd sang “Gas the Jews.” •In Lyon France, a woman was stabbed at her home, and a Swastika was spraypainted on her front door.

How could we have been so blind to this malignancy in our midst?

•In London, red paint was daubed on Jewish school doors and the Wiener Holocaust Library. •In Berlin, Magen Davids have been spray painted on homes, a haunting echo of scenes in that German city 90 years ago. •On an American campus, students have openly chanted for Jewish genocide and celebrated the “martyrs” who butchered Jewish children in their beds on 7 October. his is not a call for two states living side by side in peace. This is not legitimate opposition to Benjamin Netanyahu and his government. How could we have been so blind to this malignancy in our midst? And yet, all that we have seen so far isn’t even our worst fear. Our gravest concerns lie in what the future may hold. Meanwhile, some world leaders act as cheerleaders, sometimes inadvertently but at other times, not. Colombia’s president Gustavo Petro said: “If I had lived in Germany of 1933, I would have fought on the side of the Jewish people, and if I had lived in Palestine in 1948, I would have fought on the Palestinian side.” Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said: “Hamas is not a terrorist organization.” The head of the UN Antonio Guterres said 7/10 “didn’t happen in a vacuum.” No, it didn’t, Mr Guterres. It required decades of indoctrination, years of holding up terrorists as heroes to be lionized, a sure way to fame and, often, fortune, and the presence of a terrorist organization whose central aim is to wipe Israel — and every one of our a Jewish family and friends — off the face of the earth. Have no doubt, that Hamas is cheering those “from the river to the sea” chants because a Palestine between the river to the sea leaves not a single inch for Israel. Why do so many still seek to deny what’s in Hamas’ own charter? And why are so many good people still silent when cheerleaders for terrorists decide the worst massacre of our co-religionists since the Holocaust is a good moment to open up a second, global front targeting Jews on campus, at work, on the streets, and at home? Clearly not everyone marching under the Palestinian flag fantasizes about our deaths

or the destruction of the world’s only Jewish state. But please, try to understand that whether it’s one person, 100 people, or 10,000, the chilling impact of seeing so many people echo and excuse hateful chants is profound. t’s not easy to speak on behalf of Jews in one country, never mind the world, nor do we purport to. As journalists, we report, opine, and comment. But the level of fear among our readers is like nothing in memory. It feels like those two equilateral triangles that combine to form our beloved Star of David represent a six-pointed target. This is heightened by the fact there will be those who dismiss every word in this piece as having been written in bad faith, part no doubt of our supposed control of power and the media that has manipulated their warped minds. There will also be Jews who tell you this article doesn’t speak for them. Before those in the media feel the urge to put them on the airwaves in an attempt at “balance,” please first ask for an ounce of proof that they represent more than a tiny band of misfits. Some are more likely to stand alongside the Iranian regime that is so despised by much of the Muslim world than they would with most Jews. Please don’t, however, mistake this growing fear for a lack of determination to fight our corner as citizens deserving of support and protection in our home nations, or doubt our

solidarity as a people numbering just 16 million. In fact, we’ve never been so determined, so energized, so united and so proud, as highlighted by the huge uptick in sales of Stars of David. The incredible response in holding rallies, supporting charities, and fighting running battles on social media is something that will remain a source of pride for as long as those horrific images from Kibbutz Beeri and the peace rave. This unity has been a light in the darkness. Another has been the support, publicly and sometimes not, of our real friends in all communities. Again, we will never ever forget this. Our collective Jewish heart bleeds for the families of those who lost relatives in the Hamas atrocities and those facing agonizing waits for news of the kidnapped men, women, and children. Whether directly or not directly, many of our readers will be connected to these innocents. But our hearts bleed too for the innocents killed in Gaza as a result of this entirely unnecessary war launched by Hamas. Over the unbearably painful days ahead, we — as providers of news for secular or religious Jews, those who frequently critique Israeli policy and those who don’t, those who see Israel are central to their identity, and those who are drawn nearer by crises such as this — call on the world to listen and treat us as you would want to be treated. It shouldn’t be too much to ask.

HOward BrEsslEr For The Jewish Star

here was a popular song in the 1940s called “Praise the Lord and Pass the Ammunition.” It tells the story of a chaplain who is asked by a group of sailors under attack by enemy planes to say a prayer for them. The chaplain puts down his Bible, mans one of the ship’s gun turrets and begins firing back at the enemy, intoning that phrase. The song was based on the true story of a chaplain named Howell M. Forgy, who served aboard the USS New Orleans at Pearl Harbor. During the Japanese attack, Forgy helped organize a line passing ammunition to the ship’s gunners (because the hydraulics on the ship were out), and, as he saw the men tiring, he said, “Praise the Lord and pass the ammunition.” That simple line expresses the combination of faith and a fighting spirit. My father taught me how to shoot a gun when I was a mere boy. I must have been about 5 or 6 years old when he walked me out onto the great lawn at my grandfather’s farm upstate, with my little hand in one of his and a Winchester bolt action, single shot .22 rifle in the other. He taught me how to hold the rifle (actually, with him supporting it, because it was too heavy for me to hold by myself at the time), how to load, aim and fire. But more importantly, in addition to teaching me what to do with a firearm, he also taught me what not to do with one — i.e., point it at anything I did not intend to destroy.

If you decide to purchase a gun, go full bore: be safe, be trained, be ready.

expected. Antisemitism, out of fashion (at least publicly) in the immediate wake of the Holocaust, has been steadily rising for several years as the fashion comes back (often in the updated but thinly veiled garb of anti-Zionism). That its ugly face has reared itself so prominently in living memory of the Holocaust says a lot about how ingrained it is. As a result, we as a community are not caught flat-footed or wholly unprepared. ecurity teams have been up and running at many synagogues for some time, and there are many members of the tribe who are certified firearms instructors who can help people make the right choice as to whether to buy a firearm, what the right choice for a particular person might be, and how to train to use it safely and effectively. If you are considering buying a firearm, or have one but have not trained sufficiently in its use, seek them out. Ask the questions. Get the right answers. A lazy gun owner is a dangerous gun owner — dangerous to himself and others. And — and this is a biggie — know the laws where you live. In many states, firearms can be carried without a license in most locations. In others (New York among them), a license is required to carry a concealed firearm and the list of restricted places where it is a felony to be armed is so long that many people refer to the New York concealed carry license as a “dog walking license.” And the laws regarding when and how you are allowed to use a firearm vary from state to state. Making a mistake in these regards will possibly land you in prison and almost certainly involve lots of lawyer’s fees. I completely understand the fear and concern that is driving a lot of our people to seek out a higher level of self-defense. But I implore anyone considering getting a firearm to think seriously about what is involved in owning and using one. If you go that way, go full bore: be safe, be trained, be ready. I pray that none of us will have to employ firearms for anything more than the kind of recreation my father and I enjoyed. But I also live in this all too real world. In other words, I praise the Lord, but I also pass the ammunition.

I grew up with guns, I appreciated them, and I respected them. Shooting was a pastime my father and I engaged in many times over the years, up until he moved to Florida late in life. It never occurred to me on that hot, buggy summer day of my youth or during the many range days with Dad over the years that knowing how to handle and shoot a gun might go beyond just the fun of spending time with my father doing something we enjoyed together; that it would also become a valuable, necessary life-skill. cannot begin to count the number of people, my fellow Jews, who have approached me since the Simchat Torah Massacre of Oct. 7 about purchasing a firearm. “How can I get a gun?” “Where do I get one?” “What gun should I get?” People who have never owned a gun, perhaps have never held or fired one, are flocking to the notion that, as Jews have once again become the victims of mass murder in a brutal pogrom, and thousands of people march through the streets of cities throughout the United States and

around the world chanting for further targeting of Jews and the undoing of Israel as our nationstate, they are left with no alternative but to arm themselves for their own and others’ safety and preservation. That we have been forced to this point is the world’s shame and our reality. Now, “get yourself a gun” is not my knee-jerk reaction. Thankfully, we have the right in this country to “keep and bear” arms for our own and collective defense. But with that right comes significant responsibility. I always ask people who approach me with these questions what they want a gun for (home defense, carry purposes), how they intend to store it (when they are not in need of it, in a safe — the only way as far as I’m concerned) and how much time and money they are willing to commit to training – and training their loved ones — with whatever firearm they purchase. If their answers are unsatisfactory, I generally tell them to get a big dog. But that having been said, the current threats, while disheartening, have not been wholly un-

Hamas pogrom shakes Germany’s ‘Shoah guilt’ Viewpoint

BEN COHEN

n the wake of the Oct. 7 Hamas pogrom in southern Israel, Germany is finding it harder and harder to mask the extremist underbelly of its politics. A neo-Nazi group plastered a Holocaust memorial last week with stickers urging Germans to “get rid” of their “Holocaust guilt,” as well as declaring — in a sly nod to the argument often articulated about the feeble international response to the Holocaust — that “Israel murders while the world watches.” In the city of Essen, an Islamist group staged a pro-Hamas march that required the segregation of male and female participants, but representa-

It’s painfully clear that the country’s wellmeaning politicians are dealing with a genuine resurgence of antisemitism they cannot control.

tives of both genders brandished signs accusing Israel of perpetrating a “Holocaust” in Gaza. In Berlin, a synagogue has been the target of an arson attack, and Jewish-owned homes have been daubed with Stars of David in another ominous echo of the Nazi period. Of course, it’s not just Germany. Neighboring France has registered more than 1,000 antisemitic outrages in the five weeks since the pogrom — a national record (and not the kind one boasts about). All over Europe and North America, Jewish communities increasingly feel like they are under siege. When it comes to antisemitism, this is truly a global moment, if only because no foreign-policy issue resonates as discordantly in domestic politics as does the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ut Germany — the land of the Holocaust — is different, or at least, it’s supposed to be. And there are visible differences between Germany and other democratic nations. On the German left, for example, anti-Zionism is comparatively muted, while large swathes are actually pro-Israel. For example, last week Vice Chancellor Robert Habeck released a video in which he slammed German Muslim organizations for their silence in the face of the Hamas atrocities on Oct. 7 and warned non-resident antisemitic offenders that they faced deportation. Habeck is not a conservative but a representative of the left-wing Green Party — and if you can’t imagine a Green Party politician in another country saying something similar, you are not alone. Yet it’s painfully clear that Germany’s wellmeaning politicians are dealing with a genuine resurgence of antisemitism that they cannot con-

German left-wing activist Dieter Kunzelmann in West Berlin, 1969.

Stiftung Haus der Geschichte, Flickr via WikiCommons

trol. On Nov. 9-10, Germans marked the 85th anniversary of Kristallnacht, the infamous Nazi pogrom of 1938 that saw hundreds of Jews murdered, thousands more deported to concentration camps, and the burning and looting of synagogues and Jewish-owned stores over a period of less than 48 hours.

For Chancellor Olaf Scholz, the occasion was an opportunity to issue a reminder that antisemitism has no place in post-Holocaust Germany. But for others, like the thousands of mainly Muslim demonstrators who have taken to the streets in support of the Hamas rapists and murderers, it See Cohen on page 26

THE JEWISH STAR November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784

‘Praise the Lord and Pass the Ammunition’

November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784 THE JEWISH STAR

It’s quite simple: The truth is Israel’s narrative caroline glick Israel Hayom

aul Kessler went to a pro-Hamas demonstration in the Los Angeles area waving an Israeli flag to stand down the crowd gathered to support the genocide of Jews. A pro-Hamas demonstrator, who tracked the 69-year-old before he approached him, clubbed Kessler in the head with a megaphone. Kessler fell to the ground and died of cerebral bleeding. Weeks after Kessler was killed, his murderer was still free, even though the police know who he is. Ventura County Sheriff Jim Fryoff hadn’t arrested him because he couldn’t decide whether the murderer’s blow was the reason that Kessler died. Maybe he would have fallen on the ground head-first anyway. These things happen. Fryoff isn’t the only one who can’t see the connection between A and B these days. From coast to coast, university presidents can’t figure out whether Israel is to be supported and Hamas condemned, or Hamas is to be supported and Israel is to be condemned. It’s true Hamas murderers savagely executed, raped, sodomized, decapitated, dismembered and kidnapped thousands of innocent Israelis. But then again, Israel retaliated and stuff. The confusion isn’t limited to police chiefs and professors. Consider Sen. Bernie Sanders. The Socialist from Vermont told CNN that a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas is impossible. As he put it, “I don’t know how you can have a ceasefire, a permanent ceasefire with an organization like Hamas, which is dedicated to turmoil

It took 30 years, billions in petrodollars and billions more from cultural Marxists to develop a language of lies and manipulation that placed Jews in Israel and the Diaspora in the oppressor column.

and chaos and destroying the State of Israel.” But then again, Sanders said: “The immediate task right now is to end the bombing, to end the horrific humanitarian disaster, to build — go forward with the entire world for a two-tier, two-state solution to the crisis to give the Palestinian people hope.” So, on the one hand, you can’t have a ceasefire because Hamas won’t cease firing since it seeks Israel’s annihilation. And on the other hand, Israel needs to stop firing on Hamas and give the people who elected Hamas a state. Sanders’s confusion makes sense, given his Jewish roots on the one hand, and his ties to the Hamas caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives on the other. The obvious contradiction in his position resonates with President Joe Biden’s viewpoints as well. True, Biden says, Israel has a right and a duty to defeat Hamas. But it must do so without harming any of Hamas’s human shields, and it needs to accept a ceasefire that will allow Hamas to regroup, resupply and rearm. True, Biden admits, Hamas wants to annihilate the Jews. And true (although he won’t acknowledge it), the unpopular PLO-controlled Palestinian Authority also wants to annihilate the Jews. All the same, Biden insists that they must always be empowered and never punished for anything. n Monday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told ABC News that after the war, Israel will need to maintain overall security control over the Gaza Strip to prevent Hamas from rebuilding its military capabilities. The next day, the U.S. State Department publicly rejected the notion that Israel might stick around. State Department spokesman Vedant Patel told reporters, “Our viewpoint is that Palestinians must be at the forefront of these decisions, and Gaza is Palestinian land and will remain Palestinian land.” People keep comparing Hamas’s slaughter of civilians to Sept. 11 and Israel’s counterattack as its invasion of Iraq. But as Capt. Thomas Wheatley, a professor of international law at West Point, explained in a paper he published in a George Mason University international legal journal, the analogy is wrong. Hamas didn’t hijack a plane. It invaded Israel. It occupied Israeli territory for several hours and used its time in power to conduct crimes against humanity and genocidal acts. It seized 244 hostages. The proper analogy of Israel’s counterattacks isn’t Mosul but Normandy. Israel needs to treat Gaza how the United States and the Allies treated Nazi Germany, Wheatley explained. Why can’t the West’s “best and brightest” understand this basic truth? Israelis like to blame ourselves for this fias-

A single photograph of a couple remains on the wall of a bullet-riddled home in Kfar Aza after Hamas terrorists rampaged through the community on Oct. 7, murdering families and taking civilians hostage.

Rina Castelnuovo

“David and Goliath” fresco, 1509, by Michelangelo, Sistine Chapel.

co. We say that our public diplomacy, aka hasbara, is a complete failure. Our spokespeople are incompetent, the critics insist. But the truth is different. Israel’s official spokesmen are generally competent and often well-spoken. Palestinian spokesmen are just as often incompetent, and look and sound like terrorists. The problem is much deeper than the competence of official spokespeople. Partly, it’s that a lot of people around the world simply hate Jews. We’ve been getting a good look at the dimensions of the phenomenon since the Oct. 7 mass slaughter. Jew-haters from Pakistan to Philadelphia like Hamas because Hamas is killing Jews. But not all of the people who insist that Israel is in the wrong — or simply can’t see the difference between Israel and Hamas — are motivated primarily by bigotry. Their problem isn’t that they despise Jews or even that Israel isn’t providing the facts. Their problem is that they have been trained to care more about “the narrative” than the facts. And “the narrative” tells them to stand with the Palestinians, who seek to annihilate the Jews. Whether the problem began with Edward Said’s destruction of Middle East Studies with the publication of his anti-intellectual and glamorous Orientalism in 1978 — or with the imposition of groupthink under the title “political correctness” as a litmus test for social, academic and professional advancement in the 1990s — over the last generation and a half, the details of the narrative were filled in. Across all fields of human endeavor and experience, humankind was divided into the oppressed, who can do no wrong, and the oppressors, who can do no right. It took 30 years, billions in petrodollars and billions more from cultural Marxists to develop a language of lies and manipulation that placed Jews in Israel and the Diaspora in the oppressor column. But with enough money

Web Gallery of Art via WikiCommons

A lot of people around the world simply hate Jews. We’re been getting a good look at the dimensions of this reality since Oct 7. and indoctrination, David was transformed into Goliath, and Goliath was transformed into the Jews who were so scared of the Philistine giant that they sent a 13-year-old shepherd with a slingshot in to defend them. one of this made any sense. None of it had anything to do with history, facts or scholarship. Indeed, to believe these lies, it was necessary to reject objective truth as a measuring rod for academic or professional advancement. Faced with a state of affairs where public discourse was dominated by a narrative that vilified Jews, Jewish liberals in Israel and the United States invented their own narrative they hoped would satisfy their indoctrinated and incentivized colleagues in the West. They based their narrative on the same oppressoroppressed narrative their Western counterparts embraced. But their narrative distinguished between “good Jews” and “bad Jews.” They were the good Jews. And as good Jews, they accepted that Israel was Goliath. But they insisted that they didn’t want to be Goliath. They wanted to give the oppressed Palestinian David a state. They embraced the “two-state solution” that requires Israel to give up Israel’s biblical heartland — Judea, Samaria and Jerusalem along with the Gaza Strip to the Palestinians. The “bad Jews,” the oppressor Jews, refused to do so based on See Glick on page 26

Jonathan S. tobin

JnS Editor-in-Chief

Documentation that freelance photographers working for mainstream outlets helped facilitate the Oct. 7 Hamas massacre shows why coverage of Israel has always been skewed.

A cousin of Shani Louk, who was first thought abducted by Hamas terrorists in the attacks on Oct. 7 but later revealed to have been one of 1,200 people murdered that Saturday morning, speaks to the media outside the Home Front Command base in Ramla on Oct. 15. Avshalom Sassoni, Flash90

mainstream American outlets in Gaza tagged along with the terrorists on Oct. 7. Those who report about Palestinian life in Gaza and the territories are in thrall to terror groups. Since Israel is a democracy with a lively and largely adversarial press corps — most of which, as is the case in the United States, leans hard to the left — there is no shortage of critical coverage of the Jewish state from its own outlets. Foreign journalists have no problem echoing the most hostile Israeli reporting about the country’s government. ut independent journalists simply don’t exist in the Fatah kleptocracy of the West Bank that autonomously governs the Arab population of Judea and Samaria. Reporting or photographing anything that the Palestinian Authority doesn’t want to be known can result in grave danger for the individual in question via its brutal security services. That peril is even more acute in Gaza, which Hamas has governed as an independent Palestinian state in all but name since it took it over in a bloody coup in 2007. Their Islamist tyranny is absolute. Journalists based there would be forfeiting their lives if they allowed the Western outlets that employ them to publish material that didn’t reinforce their preferred narrative of Israeli villainy and plucky Palestinian “resistance.” To the extent that Western journalists operate in Arab areas, they are dependent on local “fixers” who guide them around, as well as act as translators for those who don’t know Arabic (which is most of them). The fixers themselves operate only with the permission of the terror groups or the slightly more moderate “Fatah.” And that is why, as Friedman explained, their reporting generally helps boost the Palestinian victimhood narrative and portrays Israelis as almost always being in the wrong. Yet that isn’t the whole answer. These journalists are eager to bolster the Palestinian cause and are reporting about it solely from their perspective, which emphasizes Israel’s illegitimacy. That trend has been reinforced by the ideological sea change within journalism that has already overtaken most American newsrooms. In the 21st century, young journalists don’t aspire to objectivity or even pretend to do so. Instead, they see journalism as a form of activism. Since most are now the products of elite institutions where toxic left-wing ideologies like intersectionality and critical race theory, which falsely label Israel as a “white” oppressor of people of color, have become commonplace, they readily accept the myth that the Palestinian war to destroy Israel is the moral equivalent of the struggle for civil rights in the United States. In this way, the mainstreaming of an antisemitic frame of reference about the Middle East that demonizes Israel and any measures of selfdefense it might take has spread from academia to the media.

Combining all these factors — from the way Hamas controls reporting from Gaza to the willingness of reporters and editors to both embrace a point of view that sees the Palestinians as the underdog — results in a toxic brew of bias that distorts coverage even of events like the Oct. 7 attacks. Under these circumstances, is it any wonder that editors at The New York Times, for example, were willing to believe the lies Hamas told about Israel attacking a hospital in the early days of the current war without checking first? They still have not fully accepted the truth that it was an errant Palestinian rocket that hit it, even weeks after it was verified by the United States and documented by Israel. What is most frustrating about all of this is the unwillingness of these outlets to admit the truth about their coverage. In 2021, the AP said they had no idea that they — along with Al Jazeera — were sharing a building with Hamas operatives for years. This only came to light when in the aftermath of Hamas firing hundreds of rockets at Israel, the Israel Defense Forces demolished the building, though it first informed those working in it to leave. It came out that AP reporters were threatened by Hamas. That’s why their journalists wouldn’t report a missile launch against Israel, even if it took place under their noses, which it often did. What is outrageous is that their editors and employers in the West knew this and were equally complicit in covering up stories the terrorists didn’t want published while pushing ahead with those “scoops” they liked. hat is interesting about Oct. 7 is that in this case, Hamas operatives were eager for coverage of their depredations, including gang rape and torture. They wanted the world to see what they were doing as they infiltrated the border fence

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nyone who knew how Palestinian journalism works probably could have predicted that it would happen. And, yet, like all of the other horrifying details about the Oct. 7 murderous attacks on Israel, most of the world prefers to look the other way. The fact that the Hamas terrorists were — as a report published by HonestReporting documented — accompanied during their pogroms carried out in Jewish communities in southern Israel by photographers who work for CNN, Reuters, the Associated Press and the New York Times still ought to shock the people who watch and read these outlets. The Times is denying that it had any advance knowledge of the atrocities, though no one is saying it did. Indeed, Hamas operatives didn’t even know the date of the assault in advance. The issue is that people who work for these outlets became part of the terrorist attack — embedded with those who actually carried out the murders, rapes and torture — in much the same way that Western journalists cover armies during wars. The point those dismissing this story refuse to acknowledge is that legitimate journalists don’t tag along with criminals in the commission of their crimes and take pictures of them as if they were paid to record a wedding for posterity. It’s not good enough to say that these people were merely doing their jobs reporting the news when they worked to help facilitate the barbaric assault on innocent people. Those who do so — and in some cases posted since-deleted pictures of themselves waving grenades or being kissed by a terrorist leader — are, as Israel has rightly noted, not just complicit but no different from the terrorists themselves, and can and should face the same justice meted out to the killers and rapists. he credibility of corporate mainstream journalism couldn’t be much lower, with Gallup showing in its last yearly survey that only 34% of respondents fully trust the national media. Indeed, a subsequent study from Gallup and the Knight Foundation published earlier this year showed that a full 50% of respondents said they thought that national news organizations intentionally deceived them. The reason for this is that many journalists have discarded even the pretense of objectivity for partisan cheerleading. Yet it’s still likely that most of their readers and viewers believe that the people who work for the brand names noted in the HonestReporting story are legitimate journalists, rather than fellow travelers actively aiding and abetting the mass slaughter of Jews. But for most of what is published and broadcast from Hamas-controlled Gaza, the assumption that terror groups are not in control of what mainstream outlets report as the truth has always been a myth. As former AP journalist Matti Friedman noted in an article published in The Atlantic in 2014, the Western media has always been pursuing an agenda in its coverage of Israel. Part of the problem is the one demonstrated by the way the photographers who work for

and murdered 1,200 Israelis, including entire families, in addition to wounding thousands and dragging 240 hostages of all ages back to captivity in Gaza. These modern-day Nazis correctly concluded that rather than helping Israel’s cause, publicizing the worst mass slaughter of Jews during the Holocaust would generate a wave of antisemitic activity and violence in the West. As a result, outlets like the Times did report the facts about the massacres. But as the war progressed, they were also forced to admit that everything that comes out of Gaza, including casualty figures and claims about bombed hospitals, comes from terrorists and not objective sources. Curiously, however, their supporters in the West seem to be unhappy about any reporting about Palestinian crimes. Hundreds of journalists, including many from mainstream outlets, signed a petition condemning mainstream media coverage of the war as too proIsrael. The petition mentioned Oct. 7 but didn’t condemn it, merely calling it “an attack,” and mentioned that Israelis, including the elderly and children, were “captured” and not kidnapped. What they want the media to do is only report Hamas’s lies about alleged Israeli “atrocities” and “genocide” of the Palestinians. Others are canceling their connection with the Times because it isn’t anti-Israel enough. What they want is not just coverage of Palestinian victims but the erasure of the mass murder of Jews. Like the ideologues in the newsrooms, those who support Hamas prefer their media to validate their intersectional mythology about an apartheid state committing genocide against oppressed Palestinians. That’s why a mob of leftists chanting, among other things, for Israel’s destruction (and consequently, the genocide of Jews) stormed the Times’ offices in midtown Manhattan last week. And still, the Times’ own account portrayed it as an idealistic romp by a group of well-meaning demonstrators eager to show “solidarity” with Palestinian victims. While leftists claim that Israel is committing outrages, including the targeting of Palestinian “journalists,” what they are conveniently leaving out of their grievances is that some of them, including those who work for mainstream American outlets, actively collude with the terrorists, both in covering atrocities and in getting their message out. With so much biased coverage of the conflict, it’s easy to understand why many Americans have bought into false notions about Israel that motivate them to call for its destruction and to exhibit indifference to the lives of its people, including those kidnapping victims whose pictures on posters continue to be torn down. Part of the reason for the surge in antisemitism and violence against Jews on American streets and college campuses is the skewed coverage that has enabled the demonization of the Jewish state and its supporters. In this context, the story about Palestinian photographers who joined in the horrors of Oct. 7 is an important piece of the puzzle that helps explain the complicity of American journalism in the mainstreaming of Jew-hatred.

THE JEWISH STAR November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784

Journalists aid terror, mainstream Jew-hatred

November 17, 2023 • 4 Kislev 5784 THE JEWISH STAR

Zionism 101: Just the facts

Send this clippable backgrounder to your friends Z T

ionism is the movement for the self-determination and statehood for the Jewish people in their ancestral homeland, the land of Israel. The vast majority of Jews around the world feel a connection or kinship with Israel, whether or not they explicitly identify as Zionists, and regardless of their opinions on the policies of the Israeli government. While there has been a continuous Jewish presence in the land of Israel over the millennia, the yearning to return to Zion, the biblical term for both the land of Israel and Jerusalem, has been a cornerstone of Jewish communal life since the Romans violently colonized the land, sending Jews into exile 2,000 years ago. An earlier exile by the Babylonians produced perhaps the most well-known lamentation — “By the rivers of Babylon, there we wept as we remembered Zion.” That connection between Jews and the land, and the hope for repatriation, is deeply embedded in Jewish prayer, ritual, literature and culture. What is known as modern Zionism emerged in the mid-19th century in tandem with the rise of the nation-state and widespread national liberation movements across Europe. In the case of the Jews, it was

This Zionist fact sheet was published in September 2016 by the ADL.

also in response to a long history of intense anti-Jewish hatred, persecution, and discrimination in countries and societies across the world where Jews lived, including in Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. Its advocates believed that a modern Jewish state would provide Jews with a safe haven from the bigotry and endangerment they suffered perennially as a minority

culture among non-Jewish majority cultures, and ensure that Jews have the same right to nationhood and self-determination as any other people, along with the same protections that are typically afforded to other nations. Zionism was also a cultural and national renaissance movement which sought to enable the Jewish people to revive their language,

Hebrew, and reestablish self-determination over their traditions, culture, religion and education. In the late 1800s, the “father” of modern Zionism, Austrian journalist Theodor Herzl, consolidated various strands of Zionist thought into an organized political movement, advocating for international recognition of an independent and sovereign Jewish state in the land of Israel.

oday, with a Jewish sovereign state a reality, Zionists believe in and support the right of the democratic State of Israel to exist as a Jewish homeland. Israel is the only Jewish state in the world. Being a Zionist is distinct from supporting the policies of the government of Israel. Zionism is a big tent movement that includes those across the spectrum from progressives, moderates and conservatives and those who are apolitical. There are Zionists who are critical of Israeli policies, just as there are Zionists who rarely voice disagreement with the Israeli government. There are diverse views among Zionists about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, about how to promote peace, whether to support a twostate solution, and about approaches to Israeli settlements. Being critical of Israeli policies is no more anti-Zionist than being critical of American policies is anti-American. Zionism does not preclude support for Palestinian self-determination and statehood. For some Zionists, support for a two-state solution is the realization of self-determination for Jews and Palestinians alike. There are also millions of non-Jews who consider themselves Zionists and supporters of the Jewish state, who are motivated by factors including religion, history, security or politics.

Antisemitism and anti-Zionism

Send this clippable backgrounder to your friends What is antisemitism?

Antisemitism is the marginalization and oppression of people who are Jewish, based on the belief in stereotypes, myths and disinformation about Jewish people, Judaism and Israel. Parallel to all systems of oppression, antisemitism manifests as the dehumanization or exploitation of, or discrimination or violence against, Jewish people. Antisemitism sometimes targets Jews not as individuals but as a collective — whether that’s Jewish organizations, or movements like Zionism or the Jewish State of Israel.

What is anti-Zionism?

Zionism is the movement for self-determination and statehood of the Jewish people in their ancestral homeland, the land of Israel. By contrast, anti-Zionism rejects Israel as a legitimate member of the community of nations and denies the right for Jews to self-determination and to establish a state in the land of Israel. Anti-Zionism is often expressed, explicitly or implicitly, in the rejection of the status of the Jewish people as a nation and the denial of the Jewish right to self-determination; the vilification and ostracization of individuals and groups associated with Zionism; and the downplaying or negation of the historic and spiritual Jewish connection to the land of Israel. Anti-Zionism is distinct from criticism of the policies or actions of the government of Israel, or critiques of specific policies of the pre-state Zionist movement, in that it attacks the foundational legitimacy of Jewish self-determination and statehood. Anti-Zionism is antisemitic, in intent or effect, as it invokes anti-Jewish tropes; is used to disenfranchise, demonize, disparage, or punish all Jews and/or those who feel a connection to Israel; exploits Jewish trauma by invoking the Holocaust in order to position Jews as akin to Nazis; or renders Jews less worthy of nationhood and self-determination than other peoples.

This fact sheet on antisemitism, anti-Zionism, anti-Israel bias, and criticism of Israel, was published in October 2022 by the ADL.

What is anti-Israel bias? Anti-Israel bias is inaccurate, inordinate or hyperbolic criticism of Israel. It can take various forms, including false and vilifying accusations directed against Israel, often with the aim of delegitimizing the State of Israel. Anti-Israel bias is distinct from criticism of the Israeli government, its policies and actions or its leaders.

Is criticism of Israel antisemitic? Generally, no. There is a wide range of views regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and vigorous debate and activism on this complex situation is an important component of public discourse and the free exchange of ideas. Israel is a country like any other, with policies that range from laudable to condemnable. We don’t all need to agree on any given policy of the Israeli government, nor any critique. At the same time, certain forms of criticism of Israel clear-

ly cross over into antisemitism. Examples of when such critiques cross into antisemitism include when they ostracize and vilify Zionists and Zionism (the movement for Jewish self-determination and statehood), utilize anti-Jewish tropes, hold all Jews responsible for Israel’s actions, or utilize traditional antisemitic imagery or comparisons to Nazis. At times, harsh rhetoric related to Israel can create environments in which some Jews feel unsafe, and can even embolden acts and expressions of antisemitism. This was evident, for example, in May 2021, when tensions related to the Israel-Hamas conflict resulted in a spike in antisemitic incidents directed at American Jews. During that period, there were several documented incidents in which Jews and Jewish institutions were attacked and targeted by individuals and groups who were chanting antiIsrael slogans and/or engaged in protests against the Jewish state.

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Weinreb... Gerber... Continued from page 19 would act against their own self interests. But now in this technologically advanced nuclear age weapons of destruction are still unleashed against an enemy, despite the inevitable horrible consequences for those who launched these weapons. This tendency toward self-destruction is not a Philistine perversion. It is a universal human perversion.” The point made by this great teacher, who would insist on being called “simple Nechama,” evoked a knowing smile on the face of my former student. “Thank you for that insight,” he responded. “Let me share with you an idea that I had, struggling with the same text. We read that although Abraham’s wells were stopped up and filled with earth long ago — and presumably forgotten — nevertheless, Isaac did not give them his own name but, rather, “gave them the same names that his father had given them.” To me, this has real relevance. I know that, like me, you were trained as a psychologist. And you know that we psychologists come up with new theories that are not really new but merely rehash the insights of the founding fathers of psychology. But we don’t give them credit. We claim that our theories originate with us and fail to attribute them to Sigmund Freud or Carl Jung or William James. Isaac was careful to credit father Abraham, the original digger of those wells. We have a lesson about modesty to learn here.” This time, the knowing smile was on my face. fter our meeting came to an end, I found myself pondering an entirely different question, one that teachers often ask themselves: “What is more gratifying to a teacher? To have a student remember a lesson taught long ago, or to discover that a student has learned to think for himself?” Thankfully, that recent visit to a former community of mine helped renew my acquaintance with an old student who remembered some of my lessons, but who also went on to think for himself. I continued to reflect upon this encounter for several days after leaving my old community. During those days, bits and pieces of a poem by Emily Dickinson floated up from the depths of my memory. This poem speaks of the mystery of wells, a mystery hinted at in the story of the wells of Abraham and Isaac. Here are the first and last stanzas of that poem: What mystery pervades a well! The water lives so far, Like neighbor from another world Residing in a jar. To pity those that know her not Is helped by the regret That those who know her, know her less The nearer her they get. I telephoned my old student and informed him that, in discussing the “mysteries of the wells,” we were on the “same page” as a great American poetess, who may or may not have been familiar with Parshat Toldos.

Cohen...

Continued from page 19 tual skin as to the justice of his beliefs. Toward the conclusion of this book, the author quotes from one of America’s premier Jewish theologians, Rabbi Dr. Eliezer Berkovitz, of blessed memory, who said the following that should serve as the capstone to this review. He states as follows: “The concept of Israel as a holy nation [should] not only not conflict with the universalism of Israel’s prophets, but actually lead to it as its own logical completion. The idea of a holy nation is not to be confused with that of nationalism. The goal of nationalism is to serve the nation; a holy nation serves G-d. The law of nationalism is national self-interest: the law of a holy nation is the will of G-d. In nationalistic ideology, the nation is an end in itself; the holy nation is a means to an end.” No one else could have said this better than Rav Berkovitz, and Rabbi Ian Pear knew this, and had the grace to share his words with us. Originally published in 2009.

Freedman...

Continued from page 19 (Tractate Bava Metzia 2a) regarding a case brought before a court by two litigants, each claiming ownership of a boat at sea. Neither has evidence to support their case; they have no witnesses, no contract and no presumption of ownership (chazaka), so the court, with no basis upon which to rule, pronounces: Kol de’alim gevar — whoever is strongest, let him win! In other words, go outside and fight it out and last man standing gets the boat! What sort of a ruling is that? How can a court make such a statement? There are many different opinions among the commentaries, but one that speaks to me is the Rosh (Rabbeinu Asher) who suggests that we learn from this case that if something is really yours, you have to be willing to fight for it. Perhaps Yaakov, as a harbinger of millennium of Jewish history to come, is meant to learn that sometimes one cannot stay in the tent of study, sometimes achievement must come with struggle. Indeed, this idea is exactly what the Jewish people finally understood in 1948, after the horrors of the Holocaust. If we wanted to call Israel our Home, we would have to be willing to fight for it. In life, every human being deserves to find something so meaningful and so beautiful that they are willing to struggle, and perhaps even give up life itself, for its achievement. The message of the Jewish people and the gift Jews are is meant to share with the world, is one such ideal — as Yitzchak and Rivka and later Yaakov understood, 4,000 years ago.

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Continued from page 21 was an opportunity of a different sort — namely, to challenge the Germans to dispense with their guilt about the Holocaust in the name of a “free Palestine.” As is normally the case with antisemitism, there’s a historical precedent for this. On the morning of Nov. 10, 1969 — a year that marked the 31st anniversary of Kristallnacht — a cleaner was doing her chores at a Jewish community center in the Berlin district of Charlottenburg, one day after services commemorating Kristallnacht had been held there. While sweeping and polishing, she stumbled upon a package wrapped in a trench coat. Discovering an alarm clock inside, she called the police who, on arrival, determined that the package was a bomb. The explosion had been timed for 11:30 am the previous day, during the commemoration service, but the bomb failed to go off because of a corroded wire. hose responsible for planting it were not neo-Nazis but leftists. Attention quickly fell on a small group in Berlin that named itself after the Tupamaros, a left-wing guerilla army in Uruguay. The group’s leader, Dieter Kunzelmann, denied that they were responsible, and the culprits were never caught. Yet despite the lack of evidence tying him to the attempted bombing, those who knew Kunzelmann, including many of his comrades, deemed him perfectly capable of carrying out such an outrage. The question was why. As Kunzelmann conceived it, Holocaust guilt was the main impediment to the German left embracing the anti-colonial struggle of the Palestinians. “Palestine is to the Federal Republic [of Germany] and Europe what Vietnam is to the Americans,” he wrote in an article for a Socialist journal in Berlin. “The left hasn’t understood that yet. Why? The Jew’s boy.” This descent into crude antisemitism, using insulting language to depict the European left as a tool of Zionist interests, was particularly shocking in Germany. But Kunzelmann was not alone. Later that same year, he and a group of comrades traveled to the Middle East for military training with Palestinian terrorist organizations, a path that many German leftists would beat in subsequent years. When, in the summer of 1976, terrorists hijacked an Air France jet in Athens that had originated in Tel Aviv, the group was composed of members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the German Red Army Fraction (RAF), better known as the BaaderMeinhof gang. After diverting the plane to Entebbe Airport in Uganda, the terrorists turned into uncomplicated Nazis, separating Jewish passengers from non-Jewish ones. Only a spectacular rescue operation mounted by the Israelis prevented a massacre of the Jewish hostages. “Kunzelmann went as far as to suggest that his group could best combat Israeli ‘imperialism’ by attacking Jews in Germany, which, of course, is the culmination of antisemitic thought,” the historian Philipp Lenhard explained in an interview last week with the German publication Geo. As outlandish as it might seem to a sensible mind, five years after Kunzelmann’s death, his belief that German Jews are a legitimate target in the Palestinian war against Israel’s existence is more widespread than at any previous time — and its main adherents are not the long-haired New Leftists of yesteryear, but German Muslims, both those born there and recent immigrants as well. German politicians are anxious about instituting measures to protect Jews that would erode their country’s much-vaunted status as a post-World War II beacon of ethnic and religious tolerance. But that won’t do. Postwar Germany has, of its own volition, made the protection of Jewish life a raison d’état of the democratic republic, and it is that stance that is caricatured as “Holocaust guilt.” Right now, it is failing in that task. And if Germany can’t muster the determination to defeat antisemitism in the streets that spawned the Holocaust during the last century, then what chance is there that the rest of Europe will, or can, do so?

Glick... Continued from page 22 their atavistic, messianic belief that the land of Israel belongs to the Jews. The key to peace, the “good Jews” proclaimed, is for the liberal Jews to be supported by all right-thinking people. Right-thinking, narrative-driven people need to oppose the leaders of the “bad Jews” — first and foremost, Netanyahu — and to deny tenure, promotions and even legitimacy to Jews in Israel and abroad who think like Netanyahu about certain things, particularly the “two-state solution.” Like their Western counterparts, these Jewish liberals were immune to rational debate. True, the Palestinians rejected the “two-state solution,” and all factions of Palestinian society call for the elimination of Israel. And true, the “two-state solution” foresees Israel shrinking to indefensible boundaries that invite invasion. But since the “two-state solution” would end Israel’s status as an oppressor, the Palestinians and their allies would bury the hatchet, and Israel could live securely in indefensible boundaries because no one would think of attacking it. Many liberal Jews accepted the slaughter of wrong-thinking Jews with something bordering on equanimity. They were asking for it, of course, by refusing to end the so-called “occupation.” The problem with liberal Israelis’ and Diaspora Jewry’s acceptance of narrative over facts is that facts have proven their narrative — and the broader oppressed/oppressor narrative — false. As they wake up to the realization that Israel’s enemies see no difference between “good” Jews who support the “two-state solution” and the “bad” Jews who oppose it, they are coming to realize that their colleagues on the left really don’t care. They prefer their narrative to reality — and won’t reject it even if keeping the faith with the oppressed means embracing the eliminationist slogan, “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will Be Free.” Which brings us back to public diplomacy. It is the liberal Jewish embrace of the oppressor-oppressed narrative about themselves that has rendered Israel’s hasbara efforts dead in the water. If Israel is in the wrong and the Palestinians are in the right, then Hamas is right to slaughter and rape and abduct Israeli Jews. After all, we had it coming. And Israel has no right to annihilate Hamas because Hamas is oppressed. Rape isn’t a form of oppression if it is carried out by the oppressed against the oppressor. What does it matter how many women were brutalized? The same is the case with burning babies. What’s missing from Israel’s hasbara isn’t facts and figures — of dead, of atrocities, of dates and of genocidal covenants, or even decent English. What is missing is our story. Our history is the most compelling tale of human will and hope that the world has ever known. Our Jewish state is an apotheosis of justice. Jewish freedom is the triumph of the oppressed Jews against an oppressive humanity. Jewish settlement of the land of Israel from north to south, east to west is the victory of a native people against centuries of colonialist, imperialist invaders and occupiers. The Palestinians have organized themselves as a cult that sanctifies death, sadism, mass murder and destruction. They have no identity independent of their hatred of Israel. Were Israel to vanish, the Palestinians would be forgotten immediately. It’s time to tell the truth about them, too. Perhaps more than we need to tell our story to the world, we need to tell it to ourselves. We need to let the truth remind us of who we are after a generation of unwarranted and deeply destructive self-flagellation. The more we tell our story, the less we will care whether people are persuaded because we will understand that our greatest triumphs across time happened when we were true to ourselves, our people, our traditions and our G-d. And when we stop caring whether we are alone or not, we will see that people of goodwill around the world will be standing with us.

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