Learning from East Belfast

Learning From East Belfast

Loyalist Murals as Signs and Systems Rhys Morgan B00737254 ARC 701 5854 words

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Table of Contents

Abstract

Abstract: Pg.1

This Paper aims to analyse the impact that Loyalist propaganda plays in the ongoing division within Belfast communities, embracing the ideologies of Robert Venturi’s ‘Sign Theory’ to better understand how roadside eclecticism further reinforces negative subjective opinions of the area surrounding the Newtownards Road. Through documenting historical changes and liaising with local Stakeholders this paper highlights the efforts being made to reimage the area and to promote a welcoming environment for all.

Introduction and Methodology: Pg.2 Aims and Objectives: Pg.3 Understanding Sign Theory: Pg.4 Observations: Pg.10 Findings: Pg.29 Concluding Reflections: Pg.35 References & End Notes: Pg.39

Introduction and Methodology

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In 1969 Northern Ireland was thrown into a state of civil unrest that would see the beginning of decades of conflict between Protestant and Catholic Communities. In addition to frequent acts of violence, the troubles also resulted in a huge growth in the use of Sectarian and Political propaganda with murals embellishing gable walls and flag-topped lamp posts signifying different territories. This conflict would continue until the signing of the Good Friday Agreement which aimed to put a supposed end to the division between communities. Following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, measures were put in place to deescalate tensions between Protestant and Catholic communities and to attempt to reduce sectarian-fuelled violence. Yet despite the Agreement being signed 25 years ago, the scars of the conflict are still prevalent today with sectarian division being perceived as being a major issue in Belfast with members of both communities still feeling unwelcome in certain areas, these subjective opinions are further exaggerated by outside influence like the Troubles tours that continue to highlight areas with clear community division, an industry where the use of signs and symbols is crucial in highlighting territories, these signs and symbols further solidify East Belfast being seen as Protestant and West being seen as Catholic. Despite there being no shortage of sectarian imagery around Belfast the Newtownards Road in East Belfast is of particular interest as it has a high density of signs and symbols within a small stretch of road which results in a barrage of loyalist propaganda as you pass through the space. To understand why these locations are perceived in these ways I have decided to look at the Newtownards Road as a case study. In particular, the influence that the loyalist propaganda has on an individual’s perception of the space, with the aim of understanding if the Loyalist imagery has any impact on the area when compared to areas that have opted for more diverse and inclusive imagery or if these areas are more inclusive than they seem with unseen factors holding them back. To better understand the impact that signs and symbols can have on how a space is perceived, this paper will investigate “Sign Theory” by studying authors like Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown to see how what we are surrounded by can influence our behaviour on a subconscious level. This dissertation first provides a review analysing the relevance of “Sign Theory” and how the use of signs and systems in relation to Belfast can still contribute to identifying territories and reinforcing division within communities. After establishing this social context, it will refer to academic literature such as “Learning From Las Vegas” and “Architecture as Sign and Systems” to analyse the impact that signs have when solidifying subjective opinions of particular areas. The dissertation then presents a discussion which will utilise primary research alongside interviews to gain a better understanding of the complex politics and procedures surrounding changing the murals and present the findings in three distinct categories. This discussion will hopefully highlight the efforts that are being made by local initiatives to inspire positive change within the case study area and identify the issues that prohibit and restrict progress. This dissertation will then conclude by addressing the question of whether the area is, in fact, stuck in the past or if it is trying to become more inclusive but is hindered by complex politics.

Aims and Objectives

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This dissertation aims to analyse the impact that visual imagery can have on a person’s perception of an area and how what they see can further reinforce subjective opinions of a space. As a result, it can lead to people avoiding areas and have a negative impact on community relations. In reality, the area may not be how it is perceived but may be suffering from sectarian prejudice as a result of the amount of Loyalist propaganda. By comparing areas that have opted to use less political and more community-based murals I will be able to analyse if there is any benefit in doing so. To further support this claim, I will conduct interviews with Charter NI and The East Belfast Loyalist Conflict Museum (EBLCM). These two local stakeholders take different approaches to community interaction; however, they are both responsible for overseeing projects that have resulted in positive changes to murals in the past. This will allow me to see if the area is in fact, more welcoming than perceived but is suffering because of Politicians rather than Paramilitaries with the local council restricting funds to programmes aiming to make a difference. As Architects, we should strive to create environments welcoming and inclusive to all and by understanding the factors that restrict community cohesion within Belfast we will be able to overcome and learn from them, hopefully allowing Belfast to finally break down the social and political barriers established by the Troubles.

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Understanding Sign Theory and how it is relevant to Belfast? To achieve a better understanding of the concept of “Sign Theory” and the influence that signs and systems can have when it comes to a person’s perception of an area, I have studied the work of Robert Venturi and Denise Scott. Their books “Learning from Las Vegas” and “Architecture as Signs and Systems” are particularly relevant as they highlight various ways that signs and systems can be integrated into architecture and further state how their size, frequency and location can result in different outcomes. Learning From Las Vegas 1 (Robert Venturi & Denise Scott Brown) The First book that allowed me to develop an understanding of Sign Theory is Venturi and Scott Brown’s “Learning From Las Vegas”. The Book itself is split into two parts with the first part regarding the study of the architecture of the commercial strip, following on from this is part 2 which is a generalisation of symbolism in architecture and the iconography of the urban sprawl which relates to the observations made in part 1. Architecture as Signs and Systems2 (Robert Venturi & Denise Scott Brown) Continuing from the ideas raised in “Learning From Las Vegas”, “Architecture as Signs and Systems” further exaggerates the importance that signs and symbols have within a space. This literature addresses the topic of “The Sign as a Concept” which is an ideology where instead of taking what we see at face value, the imagery shown subconsciously inspires a thought associated with something else.

Learning From Las Vegas, Front Cover

Learning from Las Vegas: Part 1

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Within this section of “Learning From Las Vegas” relevant literature is abundant regarding the importance that signs play within an area. However, the following sections are particularly relevant to the current situation within Belfast: Symbol in Space Before Form in Space: Las Vegas as a Communication System. This section states 3 “The sign for the Motel Monticello, A silhouette of an enormous Chippendale Highboy, is visible on the Highway before the Motel itself. This architecture of styles and signs is antispacial; It is an architecture of communication over space; communication dominates space as an element in the architecture and the landscape. But it is for a new scale of landscape. The philosophical associations of the old eclecticism evoked subtle and complex meanings to be savoured in the docile spaces of a traditional landscape. The commercial persuasion of roadside eclecticism provokes bold impact in the vast and complex setting of a new landscape of big spaces, high speeds, and complex programs.” When this literature is applied to the ongoing situation within Belfast it allows the murals to be interpreted as ‘Architecture of Communication’ instead of art on the side of a wall. In the same manner that the motel’s sign quickly allows you to become aware of its existence, these murals signify that you are entering a Loyalist territory with a paramilitary presence. In addition, these murals are subject to the same form of roadside eclecticism as they are predominantly located on gable walls which increases their visual presence within the area. This section continues to say that all cities communicate messages that can be functional, symbolic, and persuasive to people as they move through a space. However, when this is put into the context of East Belfast the main message portrayed is that the area still holds a strong Loyalist ideology which further solidifies subjective opinions and can be intimidating to someone with a different background.

“I am a monument” sketch, Robert Venturi

Las Vegas Signs

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This section begins by analysing the signs that are located along the highway, taking time to comment on their scale, location, and form. It then compares two examples stating, “The sign for the Aladdin Hotel and Casino seems to bow towards the highway through the inflection in its shape. It is also three dimensional, and parts of it revolve”. 4In doing so it addresses that some signs may utilise complex and unique designs to attract the attention of those passing by. In contrast, it also refers to the sign for the Dunes Hotel stating that despite lacking the same level of ornate detail as the Aladdin Hotel it utilises scale to be impactful as it stands 22 stories high allowing it to be seen from further away, further validating the previous point of ‘Symbol in Space Before Form in Space’. Examples of both approaches are prevalent within Belfast as murals can be seen in a wide array of scale and detail with some opting for large, powerful imagery and others displaying relevant social and political text, this can result in two very different murals still having the same impact. The text then addresses that “Signs in Las Vegas use mixed media – words, pictures, and sculpture – to persuade and inform. It compares how the design of a sign can be seen one way during the day and then differently at night whilst remaining effective, referring to how “A sign is, contradictorily, for day and night: The same sign works as polychrome sculpture in the sun and as a black silhouette against the sun; at night it is a source of light. It revolves by day and becomes a play of lights at night. It contains scales for close-up and at distance.” 5 This method of conveying information can be seen in paramilitary murals throughout Belfast as most murals consist of large-scale graphics that can be seen from far away and intimidating language that can be read as you get closer. However, it does raise the question of whether the scale of the propaganda matters, does a massive gable wall mural have the same impact as UDA spray painted on a bus stop?

Sign for the Aladdin Hotel, Las Vegas

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UVF Mural, Newtownards Road

The Physiognomy of a typical sign, Venturi

The Physiognomy of a Typical Sign Within “Learning From Las Vegas” Robert Venturi produced what he called “The Physiognomy of a Typical Sign”, This refers to the structure that most signs follow where the larger, more visible “Heraldry” section contains relevant imagery or symbols that can be seen from afar, yet the smaller, less visible “Information” section contains relevant text which is meant to be read as you get closer to the sign. This same approach can be seen in the UVF mural above where most of the wall is used to display an image where the symbol is at the highest point increasing visibility with the smaller section to the side containing the text.

Architecture as Signs and Systems

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In addition to the ideas and concepts addressed in “Learning From Las Vegas”, “Architecture as Signs and Systems” expands further upon the importance that signs and symbols play within society, it refers to how the Sainsbury wing of the National Gallery in London which would otherwise look out of place within its surroundings can make changes to its front façade therefore becoming a sign as it acknowledges it surrounding context to maintain a desired outcome or aesthetic .6 This idea can be interpreted within Belfast as there are instances where murals have opted to portray more heritage and communitybased imagery instead of political or sectarian propaganda, therefore becoming a sign that the area in question is making a conscious effort to become more inclusive. This literature then addresses the topic of “The Sign as a Concept” which is highly relevant to the ongoing situation in Belfast. The Sign as a Concept In direct contrast to the previous point raised where the sign intends to blend into its surrounding context, this literature references the Iconic Big Apple design for the Times Square development project, where unlike the National Gallery the building was designed with the intention of standing out. It is described as 7 “An element to sit within Philip Johnson’s then-current Postmodernist design for a tasteful Times Square- an icon as identifiable and memorable for New York City as the Statue of Liberty.” This idea of utilising visual imagery of something synonymous within its surrounding context to make a statement whilst relying on the eclectic thoughts of those who see it is an interesting approach. This ideology can easily be applied to Belfast as most of the imagery used is synonymous with Loyalist paramilitaries, however, the same concept further highlights the benefit of changing murals to communitybased imagery as those areas will no longer be seen as an area dictated by paramilitaries but instead as a progressive and inviting community that takes pride in things that both communities enjoy. Summary Following on from these readings I have concluded that sign theory can be broken down into two points the first is, Sign Theory is the means by how we identify and associate particular things to who or what they are, and the second is; How what we see can change our perception of an area or a situation depending on our own subjective opinions. When you take this thought and apply it to Belfast the Loyalist propaganda strongly relates to the topic.

“The Big Apple Proposal” sketch, Robert Venturi

Observations Taking the ideologies proposed in the previously discussed literature and the knowledge gained from researching ‘Sign Theory” I have conducted a first-hand study analysing the murals within my proposed case study area, This catalogue documents the nature of the murals and how they have changed over time to compare their previously intimidating nature to their new progressive imagery. The two areas of interest can be seen on the following map.

Freedom Corner 2019, Newtownards Road

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Fig.1: Former UFF Mural, Lord Street

Fig. 2 :Diamond Project Mural, Lord Street

Fig.3: Former UFF/UDA Mural, Lord Street

Fig. 4 : Belfast Giants Mural, Lord Street

Fig.5: Former UDA Mural, Lord Street

Fig. 6 : Edith Street Mural, Lord Street

Fig.7: Former Blank Wall, Lord Street

Fig. 8 : Recycling Mural, Lord Street

Fig.9: Former UFF Mural, Freedom Corner

Fig.10: UDA Parade Mural, Freedom Corner

Fig.11: Former UDR/USC Mural, Freedom Corner

Fig.12: Feeding Prisoners Mural, Freedom Corner

Fig.13: Former UDA/UFF Mural, Freedom Corner

Fig.14: UDA Road Block Mural, Freedom Corner

Fig.15: Former UYM Mural, Freedom Corner

Fig.16: Young Protector Mural, Freedom Corner

Findings

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In order to triangulate my observations of how the murals have changed over time, with a theoretical underpinning that conceives of these murals as architectural signs, I consulted with two key stakeholders involved in the management of many of the murals in the Lower Newtownards Road area. The first stakeholder was Charter NI, a community development organisation who are responsible for overseeing the ‘Diamond Project’, a group specifically responsible for the redevelopment of a number of highprofile political murals in the Lord Street area of east Belfast, These murals can be seen in Figs.1 to 8. The second was the East Belfast Loyalist Conflict Museum (EBLCM), which worked on redeveloping ‘Freedom Corner’ (Figs. 9 to 16), a highly-visible collection of murals at the bottom of the Lower Newtownards Road which has become an attraction for tourists.. What the Findings show is that these organisations are extremely conscious of how these murals can act as powerful signs of the political tenor of the area, whether it be in terms of the sectarian branding of the area, or in terms of how the area might instead be branded in a more progressive sense. The Findings therefore reveal several hidden layers of complexity behind the visual symbolism of the murals and other cultural artefacts. This section is therefore structured around three ways in which this is visible. First, there are cases where there has been a concerted attempt to use high-profile murals as signs of a more positive and welcoming environment. Second, there are also cases where this desire to create a more welcoming environment has created ambiguous outcomes. Third, there is the funding environment on which many of these initiatives depend, which itself presents additional layers of complexity which in turn impact the nature of the signs that are being presented in the local area.

Murals as Neutral Signs

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Empowered by £30,000 seed funding from the Northern Ireland Housing Executive’s Community Cohesion budget, the work of the Diamond Project has particular relevance for this dissertation as it is directly concerned with the management of both the murals in the local area and the symbolism that these murals project. A good example of this can be seen in the workings of the Diamond Project’s ‘Lord Street Reimaging Project’, which was described by the Northern Ireland Housing Executive ‘Cohesion Manager’ as follows: The start of this project is significant for the local area and the feedback has been very positive. The community is pleased that this work is now taking place after a long consultation process and they would like to see more plans in progress. This activity is all part of a wider process which has been taking place for several years to change hearts and minds. It is about moving forward and embracing peace.8 The murals that were previously displayed on Lord Steet depicted armed gunmen and featured the names and mottos of multiple Loyalist paramilitary organisations. These can be understood as quite unambiguous signs which marked the locality as a Loyalist area, potentially deterring many people from then entering the area. They once acted as signs for establishing territories and enforcing boundaries. It appears as though the potentially intimidating effects of these murals were foremost in the planning of the Lord Street Reimaging project as there has been a clear intent to replace this imagery with signs which instead promote a desire to welcome everyone from all backgrounds into the space. These are consciously disassociated from any form of political agenda. This is a significant change from the stark paramilitary tone of the previous murals for example, see Figures 1, 3, 5. What is interesting is that the reimaging opted to move completely away from any noticeable association with the area’s Loyalist past. The distinctly non-political imagery which characterises these murals is much more synonymous with the imagery used to promote post-Troubles Belfast to the wider international community. An especially notable example is the replacement of a UFF/UYM (Fig.3) mural which depicts the silhouettes of two armed gunmen that when paired with the violent reputation of the UFF has an inherently intimidating presence within the space. However, this mural has now been replaced with a new artwork relating to the Belfast Giants, Belfast’s Ice Hockey Team. This was a deliberate introduction of a neutral sport which was free from the political biases long associated with Northern Ireland’s soccer league. 9 Other reimaging artworks are equally neutral in tone and likewise have no direct association with the Loyalist history of the local context. For example, The Diamond Project Mural (Fig 2) replaced a secondary Ulster Freedom Fighters artwork (Fig 1) that depicted two large red hands bound in chains captioned “Free Our Prisoners”. The decision to use two large red hands further signifies an additional political statement as it directly relates to the Loyalist Red Hand of Ulster, A Loyalist symbol frequently used in paramilitary propaganda. This undeniably Loyalist imagery has now been replaced with artwork which dissociates itself from any political standing and aims to promote a progressive message. The mural no longer utilises the stereotypical Loyalist red, white and blue colour scheme and has instead opted for a colourful rainbow pattern that subtly signifies a new beginning following the storm of the Troubles, this progressive message is further solidified by the three large sections of text which state, “The past is behind, learn from it.”, “The present is here, live it.” And “The future is ahead, prepare for it.” This text clearly signifies the area is aware of its past but should no longer let it dictate its future, as a result, this mural can be seen as a positive form of architectural communication regardless of the viewer’s background. In addition to reimaging Loyalist propaganda the Diamond Project also embraced the Belfast tradition of utilizing walls to convey messages through murals. Therefore, they seized the opportunity to develop a currently vacant wall (Fig 7) into a positive piece of art with no political association. In contrast to how the Diamond Project mural portrays a progressive image, the recycling mural (Fig. 8) promotes a cleaner environment and taking pride in the area you call home, The cartoon nature of the mural helps to captivate younger viewers and helps to educate them on the importance of recycling. No doubt reinforcing the messages that are given in school.

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This reimaging has helped to eliminate the subjective opinion that the area belongs exclusively to loyalists. In doing so, it also appears that the Lord Street Reimaging Project has been well-received and would act as a precedent for further reimaging projects. In this regard, the words of a local resident are worth quoting at length: The Diamond project was set up in March of 2014 and since it’s been set up I have seen a massive change within this community…Before the Diamond Project our place was a dump and a dumping ground, nobody wanted to live here. Now it is great I am proud of it and would want to bring up my children here. The project worker maintains a good working relationship with agencies to see that their commitments within the community are carried out, things get done now and problems are tackled. There have been some welcome physical changes within the area which has enhanced the look of the community and made it a more welcoming area to live and visit. Long may it continue. 10 The outcome of the Lord Street Reimaging Project relates to the work of “Architecture as Signs and Systems” and the theory of the Sign as a concept, for example, similar to how the National Gallery in London adapted its front façade to match its surrounding context. These new murals are no longer signs and symbols of politics or paramilitaries but instead hold a new value within the wider context of Belfast.

Murals as Ambiguous Signs

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There is also evidence of other murals which have opted to remove imagery that is overtly associated with paramilitarism but where the new imagery retains clear links to the Loyalist social history of the area. The aim behind this has been once more to try and create a positive sign of moving towards progress, but quote distinct from the reimaging of Lord Street, to do this in a way which does not conceal the area’s Loyalist heritage. In this case, the Findings reveal that some residents believe that neutral imagery perhaps devalues the sacrifices that many in the local area feel were made during the Troubles. As one volunteer described it: “When we’ve had previous projects in East Belfast where loyalist paramilitary murals were replaced with something completely different, certain elements of the community can maybe say that you’re, selling out or eradicating parts of your culture.” 11 A good example of the sorts of Signs that have been produced through these tensions are evident in how the East Belfast Loyalist Conflict Museum approached the redevelopment of Freedom Corner. In order to ensure that these proposed changes were not perceived in the same way as those in Lord Street, The Loyalist Conflict Museum believed that it was important to not only consult with the general public but to liaise with the ex-prisoners and excombatants who were involved within the paramilitaries depicted in previous murals. The findings further revealed that when selecting new imagery for the proposed site it may be perceived as a simple task to remove loyalist imagery whilst maintaining its heritage however, certain paramilitary propaganda is harder to replace than others. For example, signs depicting Ulster Volunteer Force propaganda can be disassociated from the Troubles as they have the necessary historical context to be rebranded as war memorials however the Conflict Museum struggled to rebrand propaganda associated with the Ulster Defence Association. As a result, they opted to use key historical photos (Figs: 10,12,14,16.) which highlight the individual contributions local residents made throughout the Troubles. The following words of one volunteer are worth quoting at length: “We wanted to think of a way how we can change that aspect of almost paramilitary propaganda and change that into an element of social history to reflect the history of the area and show what people believed was them defending their communities, how can we portray that in a positive way that does not seem like it’s condoning paramilitarism or criminality. So, we’re showing now that we can re-image Loyalist murals, and we can tell a more positive story, but through different imagery. And one of the big things now is the images that we’re seeing painted on the walls are all real-life images and were all historic events during the conflict rather than just a silhouette gunman and a badge, you know, there’s actually a story behind each mural now.”12 Unlike the existing murals on Lord Street (Fig. 1,3) which depicted men with guns and other intimidating propaganda, a previous effort had already been made within Freedom Corner to remove this type of imagery, this resulted in the murals in Freedom Corner being updated to simplified Loyalist imagery consisting of various paramilitary insignias and their corresponding battalions (Fig 9,11,13,15). As a result, it could be said that the murals that were already present portrayed signs of a progressive nature whilst maintaining the loyalist heritage. Despite the new changes being made with good intentions, by removing these clearly defined murals and replacing them with historical images The Loyalist Conflict Museum has inadvertently added a level of ambiguity that results in Freedom Corner falling under subjective opinions.

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For Example, the mural depicted in Fig. 14 shows a uniformed UDA volunteer maintaining a roadblock with a guard dog in 1972, it also features a UDA Land Rover in the background, The intention behind this mural is to highlight the effort that volunteers played in protecting the area from Republican violence and they would do this by patrolling the area in vehicles and implementing roadblocks when necessary. However, without the surrounding context given by the museum, the imagery used is somewhat reminiscent of the previous murals depicting armed gunmen as the use of guard dogs and patrol vehicles pose as signs that have an inherent militarised value. Therefore, in an attempt to pay homage to the volunteers who patrolled the streets, they have unintentionally created artwork that still portrays an element of intimidation. Another good example of how these new murals can be misinterpreted can be seen in Fig. 15. This Mural depicts a young boy dressed in a UDA Military Uniform assisting at one of the previously mentioned roadblocks on the Shankill Road, The intention behind this mural was to highlight how everyone in the area, regardless of their age, had their part to play in defending the area during conflict, it also addresses the impact that the conflict had on the daily lives of children who were growing up in the area. This mural should act as a sign that the local residents have taken pride in ensuring they kept their local area safe. However, just like the previous example Fig.14, the lack of surrounding context can result in this sign being misinterpreted and can be seen as local paramilitaries indoctrinating local children to fight alongside them in the conflict. Furthermore, the use of barbed wire and rubble poses a reminder of the damage caused as a result of the conflict whereas the contrasting Diamond Project mural (Fig.2) tries to distance itself from the history of conflict and promote a better future. In addition to the imagery used, by opting to remove the colour from the murals and obscure the faces with either sunglasses (Fig.12) or scarves (Fig. 14) it dehumanises the individuals within the artwork and reduces the viewer’s ability to identify with the imagery shown therefore reducing the perception that the area is a welcoming space.

Signs as Symbols of Funding Regimes

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In addition to revealing the intentions regarding the reimaging programmes, the findings of the investigation revealed further insights into the policies and procedures regarding the funding and support supplied to the previously stated stakeholders. Despite both reimaging programmes aiming to promote a positive and welcoming environment the nature in which funding was acquired was completely different. As a result, this impacted the creative choices made as each project had responsibilities associated with their funders. Due to these responsibilities impacting the outcome, the subsequent material outcomes for each can be classified as signs and systems of funding regimes. For example, In the case of the murals on Lord Street, Charter NI which is responsible for consulting and responding to the needs of communities within East Belfast, North Down and Ards, utilised its ability to work alongside political leaders to secure £30,000 of funding from the Northern Ireland Housing Executive’s Community Cohesion budget. The large contribution provided by the Housing Executive meant that the work of the Diamond Project was able to proceed without further financial support from local residents which allowed them to produce a wide range of ‘Neutral Signs’ that moved away from any association with the local area’s history and instead created art associated with the wider Belfast area. Unlike the previously stated efforts of Charter NI, the Loyalist Conflict Museum did not receive financial support and struggled to obtain the necessary funding to reimage the local area. In their case, the local council was unwilling to provide the necessary funding as they deemed some of their exhibits to be too graphic. For example, the array of weaponry used in the conflict. The museum believed it would be unfair to people involved in the conflict to redact elements of their story. As a result, to meet this objective their work at Freedom Corner was funded through local informal fundraising and donations to the museum. Therefore, in order to raise additional funds for its future projects the Conflict Museum now provide walking tours which also provide the surrounding context to each mural. This is a very visible example of how each mural can be seen to pose as a sign that provides a powerful visual representation of the history and culture of the Loyalist community during the conflict. These differences in funding regimes have resulted in two reimaging programmes with the same goal achieving very different outcomes. In one case, there has been the financial freedom to create signs which completely disassociated the Lower Newtownards Road area from its Loyalist history. In the other case, there has been a need to create signs which embrace this history in order to achieve its goal. This raises the question of whether the local council should do more to increase funding for projects that promote signs of an inclusive environment allowing for an increase in neutral signs and a reduction in ambiguous ones. Furthermore, if additional funding was granted to businesses like the museum that aim to educate people about the local area, could these ambiguous signs hold a neutral value?

Concluding Reflections

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This dissertation set out to develop an understanding of Venturi’s Sign Theory and apply its ideologies to the Loyalist propaganda present throughout the area surrounding the Newtownards Road, in doing so it aimed to highlight the negative impact of subjective opinions and the benefit that updating the imagery used can have on a person’s perception of a space. To analyse the changes that have been made, this dissertation catalogues how murals have adapted over time and further consultation with key Stakeholders granted a better understanding of the policies and procedures involved in reimagining projects. This research informed the decision to break down the signs presented into three subsequent categories each of which, highlights the positive and negative aspects regarding the imagery used and the impact that they have when paired with the ideologies of Sign Theory. To conclude my findings, it is apparent that efforts are being made by everyone in the community to shape East Belfast into a more inviting area, however, the lack of transparency related to receiving funding towards progressive projects and the fine line between removing and preserving heritage hinders the abilities of programmes striving for change. It is clear that the ideas presented by Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown can be utilised in the development of creating signs that work toward minimising the negative impact of subjective opinions, steering the aspects of roadside eclecticism towards a progressive future instead of inspiring thoughts related to Belfast’s troubled past.

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Acknowledgement I would like to thank my lecturer David Coyles for his guidance and inspiring me to pursue this topic, I would further like to thank the volunteers at both Charter NI and the Conflict Museum for taking the time to show me the complexities revolving the subject and highlighting the hard work they do in order to shape Belfast into an inviting space where everyone is welcome.

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References

Endnotes

Citizens Information: The Good Friday Agreement. Last modified August 19, 2022 https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/government_in_ireland/ ireland_and_the_uk/good_friday_agreement.html

1 Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour: Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form 2 Venturi, Robert, and Denise Scott Brown: Architecture as Signs and Systems, Architecture as Sign in the Work of VSBA, Pg. 53, The Press of Harvard University Press. 2004 3 Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour: Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form, Symbol in Space Before Form in Space: Las Vegas as a Communication System. Pg 8. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1977 4 Learning From Las Vegas, Las Vegas Signs, Pg. 51 5 Learning From Las Vegas, Las Vegas Signs, Pg. 52 6 Venturi, Robert, and Denise Scott Brown: Architecture as Signs and Systems, Architecture as Sign in the Work of VSBA, Pg. 53, The Press of Harvard University Press. 2004 7 Architecture as Signs and Systems, Pg. 52 8 Sarah Scott, Nine paramilitary murals in East Belfast to be removed and redesigned for major reimaging project, Belfast Live Article, https:// www.belfastlive.co.uk/news/belfast-news/nine-paramilitary-murals-eastbelfast-9741225, 9 Lepp, E. (2018). Division on Ice: Shared Space and Civility in Belfast. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 13(1), 32-45. https://doi.org/10. 1080/15423166.2018.1427135 10 Debbie Johnston, Charter For Northern Ireland, Strategic Plan 20162020, Interview with resident. 11 Author Interview, East Belfast Loyalist Conflict Museum, 26/10/2023 12Author Interview, East Belfast Loyalist Conflict Museum, 26/10/2023

Venturi, Robert, and Denise Scott Brown: Architecture as Signs and Systems. The Press of Harvard University Press. 2004 Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour: Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1977 Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour: Learning From Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form. PDF , Last accessed January 10, 2023 https://monoskop.org/images/archive/c/ cd/20170506121429%21Venturi_Brown_Izenour_Learning_from_Las_ Vegas_rev_ed_missing_pp_164-192.pdf Venturi, Robert, and Denise Scott Brown: Supercrit #2: Learning From Las Vegas. Routledge. 2007 Wallenfeldt, Jeff: Northern Ireland Conflict. Last Modified August 24, 2022 https://www.britannica.com/event/The-Troubles-Northern-Ireland-history/ additional-info#history Charter For NI website, http://www.charterni.org, active as of 15/11/2023 Sarah Scott, Nine paramilitary murals in East Belfast to be removed and redesigned for major reimaging project, Belfast Live Article, https:// www.belfastlive.co.uk/news/belfast-news/nine-paramilitary-murals-eastbelfast-9741225, active as if 15/11/23 East Belfast Loyalist Conflict Museum website, http://www.loyalistconflictmuseum.com , active as of 15/11/2023 Lepp, E. (2018). Division on Ice: Shared Space and Civility in Belfast. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 13(1), 32-45. https://doi.org/10.1080/1 5423166.2018.1427135