羅芙奧香港2013秋季拍賣會：御苑琳瑯﹣皇家珍寶之選 Ravenel Autumn Auction 2013 Hong Kong - The Imperial Treasures

IMPORTANT NOTICE TO BUYERS The auction will strictly abide by the rules and regulations set out by Ravenel Auction Hong Kong Ltd. Prior to participating in the auction, bidders are advised to read and understand the following regulations: 1. Interested parties must complete the registration procedures with valid personal identifications (i.e. Identification card, Passport, etc.). The completion of a registration form and the payment of a security deposit are required.

2.

Security deposit in the amount of HK$500,000.

3. The security deposit of HK$500,000 must be transferred to Ravenel's specified Bank account prior to 20th November 2013, details as follow: Beneficiary's Name: Ravenel Auction Hong Kong Limited Beneficiary Bank's Name: The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Limited Beneficiary Bank Address: 1 Queen's Road Central, Hong Kong SWIFT Code: HSBCHKHHHKH Beneficiary's Account No: 808-347959-292 (HKD) The bank should be notified that the transfer must be exactly $500,000HKD. The payer will be responsible for any associated bank service fees.

4. After the 20th November 2013, parties interested in obtaining a paddle number must submit a cash security deposit in the amount of HK$500,000 during the Hong Kong previews (From 22nd to 23rd, November 2013) or two hours prior to the commencement of the auction on the day thereof. (24th November 2013). Acceptance will cease half an hour prior to the commencement of the auction. (No other forms of payment will be accepted).

5.

Telephone/written/ internet bids: In the event that the bidder chooses not to be present at venue on the day of the auction, the bidder may place a bid through means of a telephone, written or internet bid. A registration form must be completed and the security deposit transferred to Ravenel's specified Bank account before the 20th November 2013.

Alternately, the interested party may make a cash payment of HK$500,000 to obtain a paddle number for the purposes of placing a telephone/written/internet bid(s).

6. If the security deposit has been transferred prior to the 20th November 2013, suitable proof or documentation is required. Once this information is verified, the payer will be contacted for details of his/her paddle number.

7. If the payment of the security deposit is made on the day of the auction, the payer may obtain his/her paddle number with valid personal identification (i.e. Identification Card, passport, etc.) for purposes of verification.

8. Return of the Security Deposit:

(1) Completed Transaction: For successful bidder with a security deposit made through wire transfer, the hammer price and buyer's premium will be deducted from the security deposit, any remaining value will be returned to the successful bidder within 14 business days through means of a wire transfer. For bidders with security deposit made

by Cash, the hammer price and buyer's premium will be deducted from the security deposit, any remaining value will be returned to the successful bidder within 14 business days through means of a cash refund.

(2) Nil Transaction: For individuals with a security deposit transferred by wire, the security deposit will be returned within 14 business days through means of a wire transfer. Cash security deposit will be returned to individuals on the same day after the auction.

9. Successful bidder must settle the payment (hammer price with buyer's premium) prior to receiving the lot(s) on site. If the price exceeds the amount of the security deposit, the successful bidder may settle the outstanding balance through the following means:

(1) A cash payment in HKD. (2) A credit or China UnionPay payment: The credit payment must not exceed HK$500,000. The holder of the credit card or China UnionPay must be the successful bidder, credit payments from any title except for the successful bidder will not be permitted nor accepted.

10. Ravenel Auction Hong Kong Ltd. retains full discretion to accept or decline a payment in the event of any unforeseen disputes or discrepancies.

Contact Person HONG KONG Crystal Tang crystaltang@ravenel.com +852 2889 0859 ext.784 TAIPEI Annika Lin annikalin@ravenel.com +886 2708 9868 ext.386

給予買家的重要通知

本拍賣會依據「羅芙奧香港拍賣有限公司拍賣規則」舉行，請在參加拍賣會之前仔細閱讀，充分理解以下 規則： 1.

有意參與競投的買家需事前辦理登記申請手續：請出示有效證件 ( 如：身份證明、護照…) 並填寫登記 文件以及繳納保證金。

2.

保證金 : 港幣五十萬元。

3.

保證金需於 2013 年 11 月 20 日以前完成匯款至本公司指定帳號如下 : Beneficiary's Name: Ravenel Auction Hong Kong Limited Beneficiary Bank's Name: The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Limited Beneficiary Bank Address: 1 Queen's Road Central, Hong Kong SWIFT Code: HSBCHKHHHKH Beneficiary's Account No: 808-347959-292 (HKD) 匯款時請指示銀行本公司需實收港幣五十萬元整 , 銀行手續費請匯款人負擔。

4.

2013 年 11 月 20 日之後，若欲參與競投領取牌號者需於香港拍賣預展期間 (2013 年 11 月 22 日至 23 日 ) 或拍賣當日 (2013 年 11 月 24 日 ) 拍賣開始前 2 小時以港幣現鈔五十萬元支付 ( 恕不接受除現金之外之 其他繳納方式 ), 收款將於拍賣前半小時截止。

5.

電話／書面／網路競投 : 競投者如不能出席拍賣會，可透過電話／書面／網路方式進行競投。登記申請 手續以及保證金之繳納亦需在 2013 年 11 月 20 日以前完成匯款至本公司指定帳號。

6.

如於 2013 年 11 月 20 日以前完成保證金匯款，請提供我方可證明已匯款的證明文件。確認收到保證金 匯款後，我們將與競投者聯繫並與之確認其競標牌號。

7.

拍賣當天已繳納保證金之競投者欲領取所登記的牌號時，請出示有效證件 ( 如：身份證明、護照…) 以 確認身份。

8.

保證金退還方式 : (1) 有成交 : 保證金以「匯款」方式完成者 , 扣除應支付予本公司之款項 ( 包含落槌價、佣金及其他費用 ) 後 , 若有餘額需退還，本公司將於拍賣日後十四個工作天內以匯款方式退還給買家。保證金以「現 金」方式完成者 , 扣除應支付予本公司之款項 ( 包含落槌價、佣金及其他費用 ) 後 , 若有餘額需退還， 本公司將於拍賣當日以現金退還給買家。 (2) 未成交 : 保證金以「匯款」方式完成者 , 本公司將於拍賣日後十四個工作天內以匯款方式退還給買家。 保證金以「現金」方式完成者 , 本公司將於拍賣當日以現金退還給買家。

9.

若成功得標買方欲現場取貨，買方之應付款項 ( 落槌價與佣金 ) 金額超過保證金金額時，買方得以下列 方式結清帳款 : (1) 港幣現鈔。 (2) 信用卡與銀聯卡 : 刷卡上限為港幣五十萬元。信用卡與銀聯卡持有人必需是買家本人 , 本公司不接受 他人之信用卡。

10. 羅芙奧香港拍賣有限公司有權在發生任何不可預見的糾紛或矛盾的狀況之下，對於接受或拒絕付款（包 含保證金）保留全部的決定權。

諮詢 香港 鄧秀麗 crystaltang@ravenel.com +852 289 0858 ext.784 台北 林美夆 annikalin@ravenel.com +886 2708 9868 ext.386

RAVENEL AUTUMN AUCTION 2013 HONG KONG Chinese Works of Art

羅芙奧香港 2013 秋季拍賣會 中國古文物專場

AUCTION

拍賣日期 / 地點

Sunday, 24 Nov 2013, 7:30pm Grand Hyatt Hong Kong (Grand Ballroom) 1 Harbour Road, Wanchai, Hong Kong

2013年11月24日（星期日） 下午7:30 香港君悅酒店（宴會大禮堂） 香港灣仔港灣道1號

PREVIEWS

預展日期 / 地點

Taichung

台中 2013年11月9日（六） 下午1:00至下午6:00 2013年11月10日（日） 上午11:00至下午6:00 寶輝建設接待中心 台中市市政北二路與惠來路交叉口

Taipei

台北 2013年11月16日（六） 上午10:00至下午7:00 2013年11月17日（日） 上午10:00至下午7:00 富邦人壽大樓國際會議中心 台北市敦化南路一段108號B2

Hong Kong

香港 2013年11月22日（五） 下午2:00至下午7:00 2013年11月23日（六） 上午10:00至下午7:00 香港君悅酒店（M樓茶園） 香港灣仔港灣道1號

Saturday, 9 Nov 2013, 1:00pm - 6;00pm Sunday, 10 Nov 2013, 11:00am - 6:00pm Pao-huei Construction Reception Center Intersection of Shizheng North 2nd Road and Huilai Road, Taichung, Taiwan

Saturday, 16 Nov 2013, 10:00am - 7:00pm Sunday, 17 Nov 2013, 10:00am - 7:00pm Fubon National Conference Centre B2, No.108, Sec. 1, Dunhua South Road, Taipei, Taiwan

Friday, 22 Nov 2013, 2:00pm - 7:00pm Saturday, 23 Nov 2013, 10:00am - 7:00pm Grand Hyatt Hong Kong - Tiffin 1 Harbour Road, Wanchai, Hong Kong

As requested by the Buyer, we are delighted to offer the condition reports of all the auction items, provided, however, such items will be sold “as is”. In addition, the Buyer is requested to take note of the transaction agreement and the explanations of the provisions regarding the notice of noguarantee. This auction catalogue: HK$ 300 per copy

Arthur WANG 王鎮華

Chairman 董事長

Clara KUO 郭倩如

Vice Chairman 副董事長

Lorries CHANG 張增偉

C.E.O. 執行長

張雁茹 Virginia Chang 客戶發展與服務部總經理 President, Client Development and Services Department

林品妘 Dannie Lin 客戶發展與服務部副理 Assistant Manager, Client Development and Services Department

林美夆 Annika Lin 專家 Specialist

張淳茹 Sabrina Chang 營運部 協理 Senior Manager Operation Department Services Department

鄧秀麗 Crystal Tang

簡詩蕙 Raze Kan

專家 Specialist

營運部 營運專員 Operation Officer Operation Department

陳芊如 Carrie Chen 客戶發展與服務部 高級專員 Senior Coordinator, Client Development and Services Department

王俊達 Dylan Wang 香港公司在台辦事處 Coordinator

RAVENEL STAFF AND SERVICES FOR THIS SALE

CONSULTANTS

CATALOGUE SUBSCRIPTION

COLLECTION AND SHIPPING

Specialist Annika Lin

Taiwan

Taiwan

Carrie Chen Tel: +886 2 2708 9868 ext.975 Email: carriechen@ravenel.com

Dylan Wang Tel: +886 2 2708 9868 ext.973 Email: dylanwang@ravenel.com

Hong Kong, International

Hong Kong, International

Raze Kan Tel: +852 2889 0859 ext.732 Email: razekan@ravenel.com

Raze Kan Tel: +852 2889 0859 ext.732 Email: razekan@ravenel.com

Beijing

China

Helen Zhang Tel: +86 10 8587 8099 ext. 21 Email: helenzhang@ravenel.com

Jason Dong Tel: +86 10 8587 8099 ext.22 Email: jasondong@ravenel.com

Tel: +886 2 2708 9868 ext. 386 Email: annikalin@ravenel.com Specialist Crystal Tang Tel: +852 2889 0859 ext. 784 Email: crystaltang@ravenel.com

PHONE BIDS AND WRITTEN BIDS Taiwan Annika Lin Tel: +886 2 2708 9868 ext. 386 Email: annikalin@ravenel.com

Hong Kong, International Crystal Tang Tel: +852 2889 0859 ext. 784 Email: crystaltang@ravenel.com

Beijing Helen Zhang Tel: +86 10 8587 8099 ext. 21 Email: helenzhang@ravenel.com

Shanghai Echo Yang Tel: +86 21 2411 9575 Email: echoyang@ravenel.com Remarks: If you are unable to attend the auction in person, you may tender the bid by phone or you may use the absentee bid forms attached at the back of the auction catalogue to tender your bid. It is also possible to bid online for selected lots. Please refer to ravenel.com for more information.

In view of the limited phone line services at the auction, please inform us 24 hours prior to the auction for arrangements. Particularly for those of you who need foreign language assistance of the bidding.

Online BidS Register at LiveAuctioneers www.liveauctioneers.com/sign-up

Shanghai Echo Yang Tel: +86 21 2411 9575 Email: echoyang@ravenel.com The catalogues are available for subscription.

For details of subscription, please refer to the explanations of the catalogue or contact the above persons.

Remarks: All the items auctioned may be collected upon receipt of payments. The Buyers are requested to arrange for collection as soon as possible to facilitate warehouse inventory circulation and centralize management. We accept personal and corporate checks, however collection may be made only when such checks are honored.

We apologize for no acceptance of traveler’s checks. Other items may be collected at the Ravenel Ltd. The business hours are 9:30 am to 6:30 pm, Monday to Friday.

Our professional administration department may make recommendations of arrangement or the most appropriate transportation for you.

Ravenel is glad to provide you with the condition report of any of the items at the auction, however, the buyers must note that all the items at the auction are sold “as is”. Please refer to the Transaction Agreement at the back of the catalogue. Please refer to the “Transaction Agreement to the Buyers”.

羅芙奧香港 2013 秋季拍賣會服務部門及連絡人

諮詢專家

目錄訂閱

取貨及運輸事宜

林美夆 電話：+886 2 2708 9868 轉 386 電子信箱：annkialin@ravenel.com

台灣

台灣

陳芊如 電話：+886 2 2708 9868 轉975 電子信箱：carriechen@ravenel.com

王俊達 電話：+886 2 2708 9868 轉973 電子信箱：dylanwang@ravenel.com

香港．國際

香港．國際

簡詩蕙 電話：+852 2889 0859 轉 732 電子信箱：razekan@ravenel.com

簡詩蕙 電話：+852 2889 0859 轉 732 電子信箱：razekan@ravenel.com

北京

中國

張鶴軒 電話：+86 10 8587 8099 轉21 電子信箱：helenzhang@ravenel.com

董戈 電話：+86 10 8587 8099 轉22 電子信箱：jasondong@ravenel.com

鄧秀麗 電話：+852 2889 0859 轉 784 電子信箱：crystaltang@ravenel.com

電話書面競標聯絡人 台灣 林美夆 電話：+886 2 2708 9868 轉 386 電子信箱：annkialin@ravenel.com

上海 香港．國際 鄧秀麗 電話：+852 2889 0859 轉 784 電子信箱：crystaltang@ravenel.com

北京 張鶴軒 電話：+86 10 8587 8099 轉21 電子信箱：helenzhang@ravenel.com

楊琴 電話：+86 21 2411 9575 電子信箱：echoyang@ravenel.com 本目錄開放各界訂閱，詳細訂閱辦法，請參 照目錄之說明或請洽上述聯絡人。

註一：所有拍品在貨款結清後，即可取貨； 買家請儘早通知安排取貨事宜，以利倉庫存 貨流通和集中安排辦理，本公司接受個人及 公司支票付款，惟需在兌現後始能提貨。恕 不接受旅行支票付款。其他各項貨品可在羅 芙奧辦公室提領，上班時間為週一至週五上 午9:30至下午6:30。 註二：我們的專業行政部門可為您建議或安 排最適當的運輸方式。

上海 楊琴 電話：+86 21 2411 9575 電子信箱：echoyang@ravenel.com 註一：如您無法親臨拍賣現場，可以電話投 標方式競標；亦可利用附在此目錄後面之委 託競投表格；或可參與網上競投，詳情請洽 羅芙奧官方網頁。 註二：鑑於拍賣現場電話有限，欲以電話投 標方式競標的投標者，請於拍賣前24小時通 知我們為您安排，尤其對需用外國語言服務 之投標者。

網上競投 請前往 LiveAuctioneers 註冊 www.liveauctioneers.com/sign-up

羅芙奧樂意提供您本次拍賣當中任何一項拍 品的狀況報告書，惟準買家需注意拍品均是 以「當時認定」之狀況賣出，相關細項請參 照目錄後之業務規則。請參照買家需注意事 項。

The Imperial Treasures Lots 801-830

目次 / Contents 2

給予買家的重要通知

IMPORTANT NOTICE TO BUYERS 4

羅芙奧秋季拍賣會

SALE INFORMATION 6

羅芙奧之服務

RAVENEL SERVICES 10

中國宮廷傢俱概說

AN INTRODUCTION TO CHINESE PALACE FURNITURE 18

御苑琳瑯 ﹣皇家珍寶之選

THE IMPERIAL TREASURES 159

業務規則

TRANSACTION AGREEMENT 162

委託競投表格

ABSENTEE BID FORM 167

中國歷代年表

CHRONOLOGY

AN INTRODUCTION TO CHINESE PALACE FURNITURE

Guo Fuxiang China is one of the world's most ancient countries and has created a resplendent and glorious popular culture over the long course of its history. Antique furniture art is a significant element of the artistic treasures of this culture since it vividly reflects many aspects of the historical period in which it was created, such as the development of furniture production, every day practices, aesthetic values, and so on, and it occupies an important place on a world-wide scale. Palace furniture is the piece de resistance of this art, as it portrays the harmonious convergence of many cultural and historical elements of the society of the time. It is an excellent model for the study of the art and history of antique Chinese furniture. However, with the passage of time and the succession of dynasties, and due to damages sustained by the materials used in the furniture, hardly any palace furniture from very early periods remains. Thus, it is impossible to obtain a global vision of the whole. Here, we will refer mainly to the collection of magnificent palace furniture from the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1912) dynasties.

Origins of Palace Furniture Furniture is one of the elements that help to improve living conditions and represents an important part of life in society. Since times gone by, the residence of the monarch has been a place in which treasures were stored, but the latter was also an important consumer of everyday objects. The Imperial palaces and gardens were connected, which meant that the people had no idea of the types of equipment and furniture that were on display inside the palace. The demand for furniture in the court was very high and, in accordance with modern studies, its origins can be traced back to the following main sources: 1. Court Production In order to cover the everyday and administrative needs of the Imperial court, each dynasty set up a body to deal specifically with the production of court equipment, which created much of the furniture commonly used in the course of everyday life at the palace. The Imperial palace itself was actually one of the main sources of palace furniture production.

Records indicate that the Yuyongjian and Yuqianzuo were the main bodies in charge of the production of palace furniture during the Ming dynasty. The Yuqianzuo formed part of the silijian, or protocol department, and was responsible for producing items such as the Emperor’s closet, table or bed, which were made with materials such as varnished fabrics, tung oil or vermilion, and financed by a special fund from the Imperial treasury. The Yuyongjian was responsible for the purchase of objects for Imperial use, such as folding screens, ornaments, utensils, etc. A wide variety of furniture was produced in hardwood for Imperial use, such as beds, tables, closets, shelves, chests, fan ribs, etc. The materials used in furniture production included rosewood, white sandalwood, red sandalwood, ebony, jichimu, etc. Decorative techniques included mother-of-pearl inlay, tianqi - the filling in of a carved figure with lacquer, carved lacquer, etc.1 The lacquered wood furniture bearing the distinctive mark of the Ming dynasty, currently housed in the Imperial Palace Museum of Peking were probably produced by carpenters working for these bodies. These ateliers produced furniture exclusively for the palace, all with top materials and at great expense. For example, volume nine of the compilation on the warehouses of the Ministry of Public Works, Gongbu cHangku xuzhi, He Shipu, of the Ming dynasty, details the cost of materials and workmanship for the forty Imperial beds ordered by the Court in the 12th year of the reign of Wanli (1573-1620): “The Yuyongjian orders the production of Imperial beds. The order is published in the red-covered pamphlet of the 26th day of the seventh month of the 12th year of the reign of Wanli to construct ten beds of the types babuchuang (alcove bed) with phoenix and dragon decorations, yizi (basic bed with just a horizontal base), four-poster canopy bed, and shubei zuochuang (wedding bed with ackrest), in addition to platforms, footstools, etc., and to collect the materials required: in addition to the existing 1,300 yingpingmu strips of timber, 6 further units must be bought at a cost of 31,926 liangs (1 liang = 50g) of silver and 675 liangs and 5 qian (1 qian = 5g) for the carpenters. With special Imperial orders such as this, there were frequent and constant difficulties. The forty beds cost over 30,000 liangs, a truly exorbitant amount!”2 This is a good example of the sheer quantities spent on producing palace furniture during the Ming dynasty.

The production of palace furniture during the Qing dynasty was the responsibility of Imperial carpenters who worked to the orders of a Ministry of Internal Affairs department called the Zaobanchu. This Qing Court department employed an exhaustive selection system to round up the country’s best carpenters, based on the criteria of professionalism, intelligence, refinement and artistic talent. Naturally, these carpenters wanted to use their talents to the full, displaying the style and decorative motifs of the people. Moreover, the vast collections of palace art also served as a reference for furniture decoration, such as ornaments with dragons, taotie (ferocious mythical creatures), clouds, and rays, which commonly decorated the bronze, jade and carved stone utensils in antique palace collections. Thus, palace furniture drew on a number of different styles, which is what has given it these special characteristics.

The participation of the Emperor in palace furniture production was very important. The furniture used during this period was produced mainly in accordance with the wishes of the Emperor. In the Qing dynasty, the Emperors Yongzheng and Qianlong paid special attention to the production of palace furniture and often actually participated themselves, displaying an interest in details such as materials, size, design and style, decorative themes, etc. The palace archives of the Qing dynasty contain many documents with detailed reports of the participation of Emperors in furniture production.3 The Emperors created endless problems and issues to hurry the Zaobanchu carpenters into completing production, which meant that the latter rarely had a day’s rest. The combination of all these elements -- abundant economic and material resources, the excellent techniques of the talented craftsmen, and the participation and supervision of the Emperor -- raised palace furniture production to its highest possible level for the time.

2. Purchases and Taxes In addition to the furniture production ateliers under the management of the court, a large proportion of palace furniture arrived in the form of taxes and purchases made by ministers of the provinces and professional organizations. After the capital was moved to Peking during the Ming dynasty, each year the court would collect all manner of valuable objects to enrich the interior palaces of the Forbidden City and court gardens. These objects came from diverse areas but particularly from the regions of Jiangsu and Zhejiang.

Due to the lack of documents, there is no information regarding taxes and purchases of palace furniture during the Ming dynasty. However, the Ming dynasty furniture from earlier palaces, made in the city of Suzhou, that are conserved in the Imperial Palace Museum of Peking account for a very large proportion, so it is likely that some of the furniture from the Ming dynasty came from court purchases or provincial taxes. With the ascension of the Qing dynasty, and particularly during the reign of the Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong - the period when many Imperial gardens were created - the demand for furniture grew rapidly. In addition to the considerable efforts of the Zaobanchu, each year the court purchased furniture from the provinces, notably from Suzhou, Yangzhou and Guangzhou. Moreover, many ministers of the provinces were able to improve their position and obtain favours from the Emperors through the magnificent items of furniture, utensils and quality timber they contributed in the form of taxes. Palace documents from different periods, from the Emperor Kangxi to Qianlong, reveal a growing, continuous trend in furniture donations from the provinces. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi, donations of furniture from the provinces were not a very widespread practice. It was more common to donate a variety of quality materials in the form of duties and taxes from provinces.

With the rapid growth of furniture art in the provinces, many items entered the court directly. They were normally commissioned by Imperial edict to ministers of the provinces or specialist offices. Firstly, the Emperor would make a list of all the objects he required, specifying the design and construction materials; production would then be commissioned to the designated province or civil servant, and the item would be sent immediately to the palace. Payments were made by the provincial government or representative agency, so there was no need for the court to allocate special funds. The archives available today reveal that the amount of furniture commissioned or offered as taxes to the Court during the reign of the Emperor Yongzheng increased every year. The items came mainly from the provinces of Jiangning, Suzhou and Guangzhou, though in some cases from Jiangzi, Fujian and Guizhou. This situation intensified up until the reign of the Emperor Qianlong, during whose reign the number and areas where taxes were paid in the form of furniture increased notably. By way of example, in the 26th year alone of Qianlong’s reign (based on somewhat incomplete statistics), the court received over 200 items of furniture from civil servants in over ten provinces, including Zhejiang, SHanxi, Guangzhou, Fuzhou, Jiangxi, Hangzhou and Jiangning, many of which were constructed with highly soughtafter timber, such as red sandalwood, rosewood, etc.4 This shows, firstly, that there was a vast amount of furniture during the reign of the Emperor Qianlong and that the palace was becoming increasingly luxurious. It also indicates that furniture art underwent important development in the provinces and that the characteristic furniture of each region was looked upon with favour by the Imperial house.

3. Confiscation of Goods Under Imperial power in feudal times, the position and power of civil servants were often inevitably linked to the fortune they were able to amass. This was particularly true of the more influential ministers of the period who were very fond of speculation and who sometimes hoarded treasures even greater tHan those of the Imperial palace treasury. Some of these figures were dismissed for various reasons, their belongings were confiscated and many of their treasures fell into the Hands of the authorities. The furniture in many official residences of the court came from confiscated homes.

During the reign of the Emperor Jiajing of the Ming dynasty, the prosperous, powerful and avaricious father and son, Yan Song and Yan Shipan, amassed a great fortune through the sale of official posts and titles. In the 44th year of the reign of the Emperor Jiajing (1565), Yan Song was dismissed from his position, his house demolished and his belongings confiscated to the State treasury. The work Tianshui bingsHan lu contains an inventory of the treasures confiscated from Yan Song. According to this book, among the furniture of Yan Song that was confiscated and taken to the Imperial palace treasury during this period, there were 389 screens of many materials, such as marble or gilded lacquer; 657 beds in different styles and materials, including marble, mother-of-pearl inlay and carved lacquer; and around a further 7,440 articles, including chairs, benches, side tables, desks, tables, closets, platforms, shelves, etc.5 These figures clearly reveal the existence of large quantities.

The confiscation of furniture was common practice during the Qing dynasty and served to increase the numbers of palace furniture, particularly in the reign of the Emperor Qianlong, when it was very common to confiscate the belongings for civil servants, for whatever reason. In the process of these confiscations, all exquisite, quality furniture was usually sent to the palace. For example, in the 37th year of the reign of the Emperor Qianlong, the belongings of Qian Du, Minister of Finance and Civil Affairs of the province of Yunnan were confiscated. They included “a red sandalwood throne, a five-panel red sandalwood screen, a red sandalwood desk, a set of two embroidered octagonal red sandalwood screens, a set of two octagonal red sandalwood incense tables and two sets of red sandalwood garden benches with cherry blossom embroidery”6, all of which were taken to the warehouses of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Another example from the Qing dynasty is He Shen, a civil servant renowned for his corruption and very close to a trusted subordinate of the Emperor Qianlong, who amassed a great fortune through embezzlement, acceptance of bribes or extortion. In the fourth year of the reign of the Emperor Jiaqing -- successor of Qianlong -- his assets were confiscated and, on this occasion alone, the court acquired 16 large screens with gold engraving, 28 beds, 36 screens for the kang and 40 tables for the kang with jade inlays.�

Characteristics of Palace Furniture The people themselves were, in many ways, the source of court furniture since, following a continuous development and evolution, they passed from the people to the court and, once they had been consolidated, they became one of its most distinctive characteristics. The similarities and differences between the court and the people served as a reference and also a mutual stimulant. Generally, while court equipment assimilated the essence of the people, consolidated the notion of power and the concept of hierarchy through diverse means, its internal qualities and outer form increasingly emphasised its separation from the objects of the people as it was transformed into the more valuable, precious and refined objects of the period. This was also the case with palace furniture. Therefore, the main characteristic of palace furniture was that it was essentially the same as that of the people of the time and characterised by its materials, form, technique, decoration, etc.

Court furniture was usually made using very valuable materials, in order to reflect the style and splendor of the Imperial house, which is confirmed in many historical documents.

For example, in the West Han dynasty (206 B.C. - 24 A.C), the furniture used by the Emperor and empress included jade bedside tables, golden beds, enamel and mica screens, etc. According to data taken from the work on antiquities Xinzeng gegu yaolun by Ming dynasty scholar, Cao Zhao, the wedding beds used by the court during the Yuan dynasty included Imperial gold beds, beds with a jade base, jade beds, etc. Two exquisite materials of comparable value were found in abundance: gold and jade. Halfway through the Ming dynasty, when a prohibition on overseas trade was lifted, furniture made from hardwood, such as red sandalwood or rosewood from South East Asia, became fashionable.

The textures and colours of these timbers were exquisite; they were very hardwearing and easy to work with, and quickly became the first-choice, quality material for furniture production. Nonetheless, the information available to us today indicates that, during the Ming dynasty, hardwood furniture was only popular among the people, since the court continued to use mainly lacquerware. With the rise to power of the Qing dynasty, the high levels of traditional lacquer furniture production were maintained while valuable hardwoods became the first choice for furniture production. The quantities of red sandalwood and mahogany furniture increased and the court became the leading consumer of hardwood furniture. In the early years of the reign of the Emperor Qianlong, there was a shortage of quality hardwood, due to the vast quantities of wood being imported; halfway through his reign, sources had been seriously depleted. There was very little red sandalwood among the imported hardwood and, as a result, mahogany was imported in large quantities in order to produce palace furniture. The territory was combed for red sandalwood and other valuable timber still in the Hands of speculative traders. There is a great deal of information on this subject in Neiwufu zaobanchu huojidang, on the Qing court, reflecting the intense demand for hardwood furniture of the court of this period. The value of the materials used in court furniture became one of its most important characteristics.

In terms of its form, palace furniture was obviously larger tHan the furniture used by the people, and its exterior was much more elegant and majestic. The Imperial palaces inside court gardens were generally large and imposing, with large, comfortable interiors. Therefore, the quantity and dimensions of the furniture needed to harmonise with this large open space. Moreover, the imposing bearing and solemnity of the Imperial power also required furniture to conform to the image of magnificence and grandeur of the Emperor, which was the case of the furniture used in court ceremonies. This was particularly the case in the Ming and Qing dynasties, when all protocol furniture was specifically designed for use in a single room and place, such as the throne, screen and closet of the three throne rooms of the Imperial Palace, all of which were very large and decorated with gold. This type of furniture has remained this way ever since, cHanging to suit the grand, majestic architectural style of the palace and thus emphasizing the superiority and supremacy of the Emperor.

The materials used in palace furniture similar to that used by the people, such as tables, chairs, long, narrow tables, closets, etc., were also much more ornate, and their height, size, depth and weight could not be compared with those of the people. The use of bigger and broader components and materials gave a more robust and steady appearance, while giving a feeling of indestructibility.

As regards production techniques, given that the palace craftsmen represented the crème de la crème of the country’s carpenters at the time, and given the abundance and wealth of sources and material resources, palace furniture was of an even higher standard tHan the furniture used by the people. The lacquered furniture of the Ming court and the carving and polishing technique used in the production of hardwood furniture for the Qing court provide clear evidence of this. The Ming dynasty surpassed previous dynasties in terms of the scale of production, refined technique and sheer variety of lacquerware.

A variety of lacquering techniques were used in the production of furniture. The Imperial Palace Museum collection contains all manner of lacquer furniture produced in the Ming court: monochrome lacquer, carved lacquer, lacquer with gold outlining, lacquer used to fill in a figure that has been carved in wood and sanded before being painted in gold, mother-of-pearl inlay, etc. These beautiful and extraordinary objects represented the highest standard of lacquer furniture production of the period. In the Qing dynasty and particularly during the reign of the Emperor Qianlong, the development of the carving and polishing technique reached unusual heights in palace furniture production. During this time, there were very few furniture items that had not been carved and there were many, complicated carvings, all of which had been superbly polished. Unless it was an impediment for everyday usage, decorations could be carved on anything. The main carving methods were relief carving, negative engraving, hollow carving and circular carving, although linear carvings and engravings were also very common. There were many beautiful carving designs, split into visible layers. The chiselling technique was very varied and the lines were given a natural flow. Although carving required a gentle technique, the art of polishing with melted wax was an even more meticulous task since, regardless of the complexity of the design and carving method used, polishing always gave the drawing the desired result, ensuring a fine, glossy surface that shone like jade, where neither the apex or marks of the chisel could be observed. In response to aesthetic requirements, furniture decoration which, in the case of palace furniture, had always tended to be ornate, also began to serve as an indication of wealth and social status. Palace furniture thus became more elaborate and luxurious in terms of the decorative techniques and materials used. The combinations of decorative materials and techniques evolved to create a technique that was clearly superior to that used for the furniture of the people. According to the work on the Western capital Xijing zaji of the West Han dynasty (206-25 B.C.) “the Emperor Wu (140-47 B.C.) ordered the construction of four beautiful items: a bed, desk, screen and mosquito net for the Laurel Palace, which the people of the period referred to as the palace of the four treasures”.9 This reveals that very valuable ornamental materials were used in the production of palace furniture at this time. The luxurious nature of palace furniture decoration reached its peak during the reign of the Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty.

The main decorative techniques used at this time can be divided into the following broad categories: inlaying, carving, outlining, polishing, assembly and goutian (where the outline is drawn and then filled in with colour). Common techniques included inlaying with precious stone, bamboo, wood, ivory, bone, coloured porcelain, enamel, etc. and the combination of different types of materials and colours with the furniture structure produced ingenious and very beautiful compositions. This mixture of diverse materials and decorative techniques gave palace furniture a more luxurious and elegant appearance, which reinforced the lavishness and distinguished bearing of the court. Reflection of Court Culture in its Furniture In my opinion, an investigation into palace furniture cannot be limited to the objects themselves since, due to its specific situation, exceptional users and special aesthetics and taste, palace furniture boasts different characteristics and a different meaning to that used in the past by the people. This means that palace furniture acts as an important bearer of the art and culture of the court. Palace furniture is closely related to court life and no doubt left a significant mark on the rich and beautiful palace culture while also reflecting many aspects of it.

Firstly, palace furniture is divided into strict categories and reflects the majestic air and supremacy of the Imperial power. The categories and rules regulating furniture use have been in existence since the times of Ancient China. For example, according to the work of Ge Hong of the Jin dynasty (265-420) Xijing zaji, “the Han system indicates: the jade tables of the Son of Heaven were covered with embroidered silk in the winter. Noblemen and high-ranking officials, on the other Hand, used bamboo tables and covered them with a thin rug in the winter.” 10 With the Ming and Qing dynasties, this type of rule became even stricter and was extended to both decoration and colour. During the early years of the Ming dynasty, rules regulating decorations were introduced: civil servants and commoners “were not allowed to engrave or embroider tales of ancient Emperors, empresses and Imperial concubines, saints and virtuous scholars, or figures such as suns, moons, dragons, phoenixes, lions, rhinoceroses, qilin (Chinese unicorns), etc. on clothes, crockery, houses, etc., thus defining a clear hierarchy and indicating what was a matter for the people”.11 In other words, decorations with the above figures could only be used by the Imperial court – particularly dragons, those mythological and extraordinary creatures, symbols of superhuman and infinite power. This was because the ancient Chinese Emperors regarded themselves as divine and called themselves Sons of Heaven, comparing themselves with the powerful dragon. Therefore, the dragon became a symbol of the Chinese Emperors and a representation of strength and power. As a result, only Emperors could be called dragons and use motifs and ornaments with these animals. Similarly, the only items of furniture that could be decorated with dragons were those of the Imperial house. The fact that many of the items of furniture from the Ming and Qing dynasties conserved in the Imperial Palace are decorated with dragon motifs could explain this. As regards colour, during the Ming dynasty “the 26th year of the reign of Emperor Hongwu saw the prohibition of decoration with coloured lacquer on the screens and bed dividers of civil servants, the carving of dragons and phoenixes and the use of vermilion and gold [...]. In the 35th year, civil servants and commoners were prohibited from using gold wine goblets, and vermilion and gold could not be used for the decoration of wooden objects such as tables and chairs.12 In other words, the lieges of the Emperor could not use furniture with gold or vermilion lacquer. There were many items of furniture of this type in the court or in places where sacrifices and offerings were made to ancestors or the gods, indicating the superiority of the Emperor and the gods. The different hierarchies and power rankings represented in court furniture were reflected in their usage. For example, the “throne” is a large chair generally made from wood with gold lacquer, decorated in gold or vermilion, or made from exquisite hardwood, usually surrounded by screens, gongsHan (a type of fan), cylindrical incense boxes, incense burners, incense tables and beautiful bottles.

Thrones were also required to be placed in the most prominent part of the palace to indicate the supremacy of the Imperial power. Secondly, palace furniture was closely linked to the origins of each dynasty and was a reflection of the nationality of the court’s culture. The vast majority of China’s ancient dynasties were of the crème ethnic group, which was also the main ethnic group of the people. Therefore, the court was naturally influenced by the Han culture. Dynasties set up by ethnic minorities often adopted policies to protect their culture and traditions, in order to consolidate their government and, though they received constant influences from cultures of other nationalities, particularly the Han, they did everything in their power to prevent their nationality from being assimilated. These measures were clearly reflected in their clothes and accessories, but also in their furniture. For example, although in the Qing dynasty chairs made from deer antler were made in the form of the chair with horseshoe back of the Ming dynasty, the material with which it was made came mainly from deer hunted by Emperors of the Qing dynasty. Before the arrival of the Qing Emperors, they spent their time hunting and harvesting; they were very adept horsemen and archers, and very feared on the battlefield. When they came to power, in order to consolidate their rule, they enforced the learning of the country’s official language, horse-riding and archery as laws of the country and a system for venerating ancestors, and required this to be carried out in subsequent generations.

Each year, the Qing dynasty Emperors would go to the north of the Great Wall for battues and hunts, their greatest passion, which also involved the practice of martial arts. All Emperors of this dynasty made chairs from the antlers of deer that they had hunted in battues, thus paying homage to their ancestors. The maintenance of horse-riding and archery was also a way of educating their descendants. The records show that the Emperors Chongde (Aisin-Gioro Huangtaiji), Shunzhi, Kangxi, Qianlong and Jiaqing of the Qing dynasty made chairs with antlers.13 This is a very representative example of the association of everyday furniture and national traditions. Lastly, there were many sources for palace furniture, which led to an abundance and variety of these products, reflecting the sheer scope and compatibility of palace culture. Given the varied origins of palace furniture, all of the furniture purchased or offered up as taxes by civil servants from the provinces were the most valuable and representative objects of each area. Only the most beautiful and refined confiscated furniture ended up at the court. Moreover, the palace carpenters working for the Emperor were the best craftsmen of each area and used popular craft styles and techniques. As a result, the materials, designs and techniques used to produce palace furniture reflected and were in turn marked by regionalism and diversity. Additionally, the uniqueness of the court setting transformed any item of furniture into art and nobility, and the hierarchical and artistic elements of the different items stood out from the basic furniture, which led to more varied and exuberant court furniture. Moreover, form, size, arrangement and decorations were divided into strict ranks and categories. Precisely because of this, palace furniture became a form of representation for the China of this period.

Notes 1. (Ming Dynasty) Liu Ruoyu, Zhuo zhong zhi, Beijing guji chubanshe, 1994:99-103.

2. (Ming Dynasty) He Shipu, Gongbu cHangku xuzhi, in Li SongsHan Zhongguo jiajushi tushuo, Hubei meishu chubanshe, 2001:433.

3. Zhu Jiajin, Gugong tuishilu, Beijing chunbanse, 1999:165-186.

4. Li SongsHan, Zhongguo jiajushi tuoshuo, Hubei meishu chubanshe, 2001:462-464.

5. (Ming Dynasty) Tianshui bingsHan lu, SHangwu yinshuguan, 1937:199-202, 303-304.

6. Yu Bingkun (ed.) Qianlong chao chengban tanwu dangan huibian, Zhonghua shuju, 1994:332.

7. Niu Chuangping, Niu Yiqing, Qingdai yi er pin guanyuan jingji fanzui anjian shilu, Zhongguo fazhi chubanshe, 2000:243.

8. Zhu Jiajin, Gugong tuishilu, Beijing chunbanse, 1999:189-190.

9. Jin Ge Hong (ed.) Cheng Lin, Cheng ZHang (notes), Xijing zaji quanyi, Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1993:76.

10. Jin Ge Hong (ed.) Cheng Lin, Cheng ZHang (notes), Xijing zaji quanyi, Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1993:6.

11, 12. (Ming Dynasty) Shen Shixing, Ming huidian, Zhonghua shuju, 1989:395-396.

13. Hu Desheng, Zhongguo gudai jiaju, SHanghai wenhua chubanshe, 1992:121-125.

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中國宮廷傢俱概說

郭福祥 中國是世界上最古老的國家之一，在它漫長的歷史進程中，創造了極其燦爛輝煌的民族文化。歷代的傢俱藝術作為這個文化藝術寶庫中的重要組成部分，深刻反映 出當時生產發展、生活習俗、審美意識等各個方面的歷史狀況，在世界傢俱體系中佔有重要地位。宮廷傢俱作為其中的精華部分，融匯了當時社會歷史文化的諸多 元素，是考察中國古代傢俱歷史和藝術極為重要的範本。然而，隨著時光的流逝，朝代的更迭，加之傢俱材料本身的易損，早期中國宮廷傢俱幾乎沒有實物留存， 現在的人們已經無從得知其全貌。這裡主要以存世較多，集歷代傢俱成就之大成的明清時期的宮廷傢俱為物件進行考察。

宮廷傢俱的來源 傢俱是人類改善室內居住條件的元素之一，是社會生活的重要組成部分。而自古以來，帝王之家便是珍寶的彙聚之所，同時也是日用器具極為重要的消費者。皇宮 御苑之內廣廈相連，室內面積之大非民間所能想像，宮殿之中必然陳設相應的傢俱器皿。因此，宮廷中對傢俱的需求是巨大的。根據現有資料分析，宮廷傢俱大致 有以下幾個來源： 1、宮中製作 為了滿足皇室政事和生活的需要，各個朝代均設有專門負責宮中用品製作的機構。作為宮中日常生活起居使用最為頻繁的傢俱，有許多就是由這些機構製作的。應 該說，皇宮本身就是宮廷傢俱的最大生產源之一。 據記載，明代負責宮廷傢俱製作的機構主要是御用監和御前作。御前作隸屬於司禮監， 專管營造龍床、龍桌、箱櫃之類，所用原材料如漆布、桐油、銀朱等物，均 從內府專庫支取。御用監負責置辦御前所用圍屏、擺設、器具等一應物件。所製傢俱種類繁多，包括御前安設之硬木床、桌、櫃、閣、盤匣、扇柄等；所用材料有 花梨、白檀、紫檀、烏木、雞翅木等；裝飾手法則有螺鈿、填漆、雕漆等（1）。北京故宮博物院現存明代帶有年款的漆木傢俱都應是由當時服務於這些機構的工匠 製作的。這些機構專門為宮中服務，製作的傢俱用材精良，製作成本極高。如明人何士晉匯輯的《工部廠庫須知》卷九便記有萬曆十二年宮中傳造龍床等四十張的 工料價格：“御用監成造鋪宮龍床。查萬曆十二年七月二十六日，御前傳出紅殼面揭貼一本，傳造龍鳳拔步床、一字床、四柱帳架床、梳背坐床各十張，地平、腳 踏等俱全，合用物料，除會有鷹平木一千三百根外，其召買六項，計銀三萬一千九百二十六兩，工匠銀六百七十五兩五錢。此系特旨傳造，固難拘常例。然以四十 張之床，費至三萬餘金，亦已濫矣！”（2）由此可見明代宮廷傢俱製作耗費之巨大。 清代宮廷傢俱的製作由內務府造辦處下轄的木作負責。清宮造辦處通過遴選，幾乎網羅了全國各地的優秀木匠來成造活計，他們都是藝有專長，聰明精巧，富有藝 術天才之人。這些木匠很自然要充分施展自己的才能，把民間好的樣式、花紋展現出來。同時，宮中豐富的藝術收藏也為傢俱製作提供了可資借鑒的素材，如將宮 內收藏的古代青銅器、玉器、石刻上常見的龍紋、饕餮紋、雲雷紋等紋飾移植於傢俱之上，使宮中製作的傢俱融多種風格於一身，形成了自己的特點。 在宮廷傢俱製作過程中，皇帝的參與是十分重要的。當時宮中所用的傢俱，主要是按照皇帝的要求製作的。尤其是清代的雍正和乾隆皇帝，對宮中傢俱的製作更是 關注備至，經常是親自參與，對諸如材料的使用、大小的確定、樣式的設計、花紋的題材等都一一過問。在清宮檔案中，有許多關於他們參與傢俱製作的詳細的記 載（3）。皇帝不斷提出製作課題和專案，造辦處工匠連日趕製，幾乎是年無虛日。可以說，雄厚的財力物力、技藝高超的能工巧匠、皇帝的參與和監督，所有這 些，使宮廷傢俱的製作達到了當時可能達到的最高的水準。 2、採買和進貢 宮廷傢俱除由宮廷下屬的專門機構直接加工製作外，還有不少是由地方大臣、專職機構等進貢、採辦而來的。 明代自遷都北京後，為充實紫禁城內的各大宮殿和皇 家園林等場所，朝廷每年都從各地搜羅各種名貴物品，其中宮廷用物的主要來源是江浙地區。由於文獻的缺乏，關於明代宮廷傢俱進貢和採買的情況我們已經無法 得知其詳。但北京故宮博物院保存的過去皇宮遺留下來的明代傢俱中蘇作傢俱占了相當大的比重，通過這一現象可以推知明代宮廷傢俱中，有一部分很有可能是由 地方進貢或由宮廷採辦的。 入清以後特別是康熙、雍正、乾隆三朝，隨著大批皇家宮苑的興建，對傢俱的需求急劇增加。除清宮造辦處大力籌製外，朝廷每年還要從地方不斷採辦，這在蘇 州、揚州、廣州等地幾已形成定制。同時，不少地方大臣也以進貢精美傢俱器用和名貴木料等，作為提高自身地位和博取皇帝歡心的手段。從不同時期的宮中進單 來看，自康熙至乾隆，地方所進傢俱品種呈不斷增多的趨勢。康熙時期直接由地方提供成品傢俱的情況尚不多見，多是由地方和海關進貢各種優質材料。隨著地方 傢俱工藝的迅速發展，使大量的成品傢俱直接進入宮廷。一般是由皇帝下旨給地方大臣或專職部門定做，即先由皇帝列出所需物品，並指定造型款式和用料，然後 由地方或指定官員負責製作，並及時呈送至宮中。所需款項由地方政府或代辦機構支付，朝廷並不需專門撥款。從現存檔案可以看出，地方上進貢或承做的宮廷傢 俱在雍正時期已逐年增多，所進傢俱主要來自江寧、蘇州和廣州，江西、福建、貴州等地也時有進奉。這種情況到乾隆時期愈演愈烈，進貢傢俱的地區和數量大量 增加，僅以乾隆三十六年一年各地的傢俱進貢情況為例，據不太完全的統計，宮中共收到來自浙江、山西、廣東、福州、江西、杭州、江寧等十餘個省區的官員所 進傢俱二百餘件，而且絕大部分是紫檀、花梨等價格昂貴的硬木傢俱（4）。這一方面說明乾隆時期的傢俱用量已十分龐大，宮廷生活日益奢侈豪華，另一方面也說 明這一時期的地方傢俱工藝有很大發展，各具特色的地方傢俱已備受皇室喜愛。

3、抄家罰沒 在家天下的封建時代，官位、權力往往與財富的佔有有著必然的聯繫。尤其是當世權臣，多囤積居奇，有時其所秘藏之珍寶連皇宮都無法相比。其中有些人由於各 種原因被革職抄家，所藏珍寶大多被抄沒入官府。許多宮廷內府使用的傢俱就是作為被查抄的家產進入皇宮的。 明代嘉靖時期勢焰最盛的嚴嵩、嚴世蕃父子，恃權縱欲，貪得無厭，通過賣官鬻爵積累了大量財富，嘉靖四十四年（1565）嚴嵩被罷官抄家，財產全部籍沒入官。 傳世的《天水冰山錄》一書就是嚴嵩被抄家時的財產清單。根據此書，當時從嚴家查抄入內府的傢俱就有大理石及金漆等各種質地的屏風389件，大理石、螺鈿、雕 漆等各樣床657張，其他如椅、凳、几、案、桌、箱櫃、台座、架等共約7440件（5）。數量之大由此可見。 通過抄家增加宮中傢俱數量的事情在清代更是屢見不鮮，尤其是乾隆時期，官員家財由於種種原因被抄沒者十分頻繁，在被抄沒的財物中，質地優良，作工精美的 傢俱通常都被送到內府使用。如乾隆三十七年抄沒雲南布政使錢度家產內有：“紫檀寶座一座、紫檀五屏風一座、紫檀書案一張、紫檀繡面八角掛屏一對、紫檀繡 面橫方掛屏一對、紫檀八角天香几一對、紫檀梅花繡墩二對”（6）等傢俱，全部收歸內務府庫。又如有清代第一貪官之稱的和珅依靠乾隆皇帝的寵信，通過貪污、 納賄、勒索等手段聚斂了大量財富，嘉慶四年查抄其家產時，單是收入內府的傢俱就有鏤金大屏16架、床28張、炕屏36架、嵌玉炕桌40張。（7）

宮廷傢俱的特點 宮廷器用在許多方面其源頭或原型都來自於民間，經過不斷的發展、演進，由民間進入宮廷，在宮廷中強化以後，形成鮮明的宮廷特色。宮廷和民間之間有同有 異，相互借鑒，相互促進。從整體上來說，宮廷器用在吸取民間製作精華的同時，又通過各種手段強化其權力意識和地位觀念，從內在氣質和外在形態上越來越明 顯地顯示出與民間器用的分野，成為同時期同類器物中至貴至精至美的代表。宮廷傢俱也是如此。因此，我們所說的宮廷傢俱的總體特點，主要是相對於同時期民 間傢俱而言的。這些特點體現在用料、造型、製作工藝、裝飾等方面。 在用材方面，為了顯示皇家的奢華和氣派，宮廷傢俱往往選用名貴的材料製作。這在歷史上是不乏記載的。如西漢時，皇帝和皇后使用的傢俱中便有玉几、金床、 琉璃屏風、雲母屏風等。根據明代學者曹昭所著《新增格古要論》記載，元代宮中所用的坐床就有金龍床、玉台床、玉床等，多以金玉為之，用料的名貴毫無二 致。明代中期以後，由於海禁大開，產於南洋一帶的花梨、紫檀等硬木在傢俱製作中大為流行。這些硬木紋理色彩自然優美，木性穩定，耐久性強，加工性能好， 很快成為高檔傢俱的主要用材。但是，從現有資料分析，明代硬木傢俱還只是流行於民間，宮中所用的傢俱仍以漆傢俱為主。進入清代以後，宮廷傢俱在保持傳統 漆傢俱技藝水準的同時，對名貴硬木傢俱的追逐成為風尚，紫檀、紅木傢俱大量增加，宮廷成為硬木傢俱最為主要的消費之所。由於用量極大，優質硬木材料的來 源在乾隆初年已呈緊缺之勢，乾隆中期以後更瀕臨枯竭，進口的硬木材料中已很少再有紫檀木，因而在宮廷傢俱製作中開始大量進口紅木，並在全國範圍內大肆搜 求私商手中的紫檀和其他名貴木材。這在清宮遺留下來的《內務府造辦處活計檔》中不乏記載（8），反映出當時宮廷中對硬木傢俱的需求量是十分驚人的。用材奢 貴成為宮廷傢俱的一大特色。 在造型方面，宮廷傢俱明顯要比民間傢俱形體寬大厚重，外觀上較民間傢俱更顯得氣派雄偉。一般而言，皇宮園囿內的宮殿體量都比較高大宏偉，內部空間相對充 裕，這就要求其內陳設傢俱的體量尺度也必須與這種深廣高大的空間相適應、相協調。另一方面，注重威儀的皇權心理也需要傢俱能夠與皇帝神聖高大的形象相匹 配。這一特點在宮廷禮儀性的傢俱上有集中的體現。尤其是明清時期的宮廷，象這類的禮儀性傢俱通常都是為某一個房間、某一個地點特製的，比如故宮三大殿內 的寶座、屏風乃至櫃格等，都做得比較高大，並通體飾金，且常年不動，就是為了適應宮殿威嚴、高貴的整體建築風格，顯示皇帝的至高無上地位。就是與民間傢 俱同樣的桌、椅、案、櫃等，宮廷傢俱在用材上也要充裕得多，無論高度、寬度、進深或重量都是民間傢俱無法比及的。局部構件和板材的使用也隨之加大、加 厚，造型上顯得沉穩大度，有一種堅不可摧的感覺。 在製作工藝方面，由於宮廷傢俱的製作者都是當時全國最優秀的工匠，加之有雄厚財力物力的保障，因而宮廷傢俱相對於民間傢俱而言具有更高的水準。明代宮廷 的漆傢俱製作和清代宮廷硬木傢俱的雕磨工藝充分體現了這一點。明代漆器產量之大，製作之精，品種之多，均超過了前代，各種漆工藝亦被廣泛應用到傢俱製作 之中，故宮博物院的收藏中就包括各種單色漆、雕漆、描金漆、填漆戧金、嵌螺鈿等多種明代宮廷製作的漆傢俱，都是難得的精品，代表了當時漆傢俱製作的最高 水準。雕磨工藝在清朝特別是乾隆時期的宮廷傢俱製作中被發揮到了極至。當時所製傢俱幾乎無一不雕，刻花無一不繁，磨工無一不精。凡不妨礙起居使用的地方 幾乎都加以雕磨裝飾。從雕刻技法看，主要是鏟地浮雕、平地深雕、透雕和圓雕，線雕、線刻等也廣泛採用。雕刻圖案豐滿圓潤，層次分明。刀法靈活多變，線條 自然流暢。精雕細刻的同時，打磨燙蠟工藝更是一絲不苟，無論圖案如何複雜，刀法如何怪異，通過磨光總是能把圖案應有的氣韻效果表現出來，使花紋表面光亮 細膩，瑩滑如玉，絲毫不露運刀起鋒痕跡。 在傢俱裝飾方面，出於審美的要求，同時也作為顯示財富、地位的方式，宮廷傢俱一向注重其華美的裝飾效果。因此，宮廷傢俱在裝飾材料和裝飾手法上更為豐富 繁縟，對多種裝飾手法和裝飾材料的綜合使用技巧明顯高於民間傢俱。據《西京雜記》記載西漢“武帝為七寶床、雜寶案、側寶屏風、列寶帳設於桂宮，時人謂之 四寶宮。”（9）可知那時便在宮廷傢俱上使用了較高檔的裝飾材料。宮廷傢俱的這種裝飾華美之風在清代乾隆時期達到鼎盛，其中最基本的裝飾手法可分為鑲嵌、 雕磨、描畫、鉤填、包貼與纏裱等幾大類。尤其是嵌各種美石、竹、木、牙、骨、彩瓷和琺瑯等，各種材料在造型、色彩方面與傢俱主體搭配協調，結合巧妙，極 具韻致。各種裝飾材料和裝飾手法的綜合運用，使宮廷傢俱更為富麗高貴，體現出宮廷陳設的雍容典雅和豪華氣派。

宮廷文化在傢俱中的反映 筆者一向以為，對於宮廷文物的研究不應僅僅限於器物本身，由於特定的環境氛圍，特殊的使用人群、特別的審美取向，使宮廷文物具有了與民間歷史遺物不同的 特點和內涵，成為宮廷文化和藝術的重要載體。作為與宮廷生活有密切關係的宮廷傢俱，無疑也會打上深深的宮廷文化的印記，反映出宮廷文化的某些方面。 首先，宮廷傢俱具有嚴格等級區分，顯示出皇權的威嚴和至高無上。關於傢俱使用的等級規定，中國古代很早就已存在。如晉朝人葛洪在《西京雜記》中就有： “漢制：天子玉几，冬則加綈錦其上。公侯皆以竹木為几，冬則以細罽為橐以憑之”的記載。（10）至明清時期，這種規定更為嚴格。這可以從紋飾和色彩兩方面 反映出來。在紋飾上，明朝初年就規定：官民“凡服色、器皿、房屋等項，並不許雕刻刺繡古帝王、後妃、聖賢人物故事及日、月、龍、鳳、獅子、麒麟、犀象等 形，所以辨上下，定民志。”（11）也就是說，上述內容題材的紋飾圖案只有皇家才能使用。尤其是龍紋，這種想像出來的靈異動物一直以來都是神通廣大、威力 無窮的化身，中國古代帝王出於神化自己的考慮，自稱為天子，自比為有無窮威力的龍，這樣，龍也就成了中國帝王的象徵，成了權威的化身，因此只有帝王才有

資格稱龍，也只有帝王才有資格使用龍的圖案，用龍裝點生活。同樣，也只有在皇帝使用的傢俱上才能出現龍紋。在故宮所藏的明清宮廷傢俱中大量使用龍紋便可 以說明這一點。在色彩上，明代“洪武二十六年令官員床面屏風、桌子並用雜色漆飾，不許雕刻龍鳳紋並金飾朱漆。……三十五年申明，官、民人等不許僭用金酒 爵，其椅桌木器之類亦不許用朱紅金飾。”（12）也就是說，朱漆描金的漆傢俱臣民是不能僭用的。而在皇宮中或祭祀神靈的地方這種色彩的傢俱很多，也正表明 皇帝和神靈的權威性。宮廷家具體現出的權力等級在其使用中也有反映。如“寶座”是一種體形較大的椅子，多為木質髹金漆、朱漆金飾或硬木精製，陳設時周圍 常有屏風、宮扇、香筒、角端、香几和太平有象等配合，而且要放在宮殿中最顯要的位置，象徵皇權的至高無上。 其次，宮廷傢俱與王朝建立者的民族所屬有密切的關係，反映出宮廷文化的民族性。中國古代絕大多數的朝代都是由漢民族建立的，漢民族為社會生活的主角，皇 宮中自然便彌漫者十分濃郁的漢民族文化色彩。而一些少數民族統治者建立的王朝，為了鞏固統治的需要，雖然不斷吸收其他民族尤其是漢民族的文化，但卻極力 防止自己民族的文化被同化，往往把保護本民族的傳統作為基本國策。這種極力保持本民族文化傳統和習俗的做法，明顯地體現在衣冠服飾之中，同時在傢俱中也 有所反映。如清代宮中製作的一些鹿角椅，雖是按照明代圈椅的結構和造型製作而成，但其材料卻主要取材於清代皇帝狩獵所獲得的鹿角。清朝統治者入關以前， 以狩獵和採集為主，能騎善射，驍勇慣戰。入關後，為鞏固其統治地位，把國語騎射作為家法祖制，要求後代矢志不忘。清朝皇帝年年到塞外舉行大規模的圍獵 活動，寓武功訓練於圍獵娛樂之中，各代皇帝都把行圍打獵過程中所獲得的鹿角製成鹿角椅，既炫耀自己尊崇祖制，不忘騎射，也將其作為教育後人的教具。據記 載，清代的崇德（皇太極）、順治、康熙、乾隆、嘉慶皇帝都曾製作過鹿角椅。（13）將日常傢俱與民族傳統相結合，這是一個很典型的例子。 再次，宮廷傢俱來源豐富，決定了其風格品種多種多樣，體現出宮廷文化的廣博和相容。由於宮廷傢俱的來源十分廣泛，採買或各地官員所進貢的傢俱都是當地最 為名貴、最具代表性的作品。而抄家罰沒的傢俱也只有精品才能進入宮廷。加之宮廷御用工匠都是各地手藝人的精英，他們帶來了各具特色的藝術技巧和工藝風 格。因此，宮廷傢俱在製作材料、造型設計和加工工藝諸方面都表現出明顯的地域性和多元性。同時宮廷這一獨特的環境又將各種傢俱風格藝術化、宮廷化，在地 方傢俱的基礎上進一步強化藝術特色和政治色彩，使得宮廷傢俱既多姿多彩、變化豐富，又在傢俱造型、大小規格、陳設方式和裝飾紋樣方面有著嚴格的等級、層 次。正因為如此，使得宮廷傢俱在一定程度上成為同時代中國傢俱的代表。 注釋 （1）〈明〉劉若愚著，《酌中志》99-103頁，北京古籍出版社，1994年 （2）〈明〉何士晉著，《工部廠庫須知》，引自李宗山著《中國傢俱史圖說》433頁，湖北美術出版社，2001年 （3）朱家溍著，《故宮退食錄》165-186頁，北京出版社，1999年 （4）李宗山著，《中國傢俱史圖說》462-464頁，湖北美術出版社，2001年 （5）〈明〉《天水冰山錄》199-202頁、303-304頁，商務印書館，1937年 （6）俞炳坤主編，《乾隆朝懲辦貪污檔案彙編》第一冊332頁，中華書局，1994年 （7）牛創平、牛冀青著，《清代一二品官員經濟犯罪案件實錄》243頁，中國法制出版社，2000年 （8）朱家溍著，《故宮退食錄》189-190頁，北京出版社，1999年 （9）〈晉〉葛洪集，成林、程章譯注，《西京雜記全譯》76頁，貴州人民出版社，1993年 （10）〈晉〉葛洪集，成林、程章譯注，《西京雜記全譯》6頁，貴州人民出版社，1993年 （11）、（12）〈明〉申時行等編，《明會典》395-396頁，中華書局，1989年 （13）胡德生著，《中國古代傢俱》121-125頁，上海文化出版社，1992年 參考書目 中國第一歷史檔案館藏，《內務府造辦處活計檔》 〈晉〉葛洪集，成林、程章譯注，《西京雜記全譯》，貴州人民出版社，1993年 〈明〉劉若愚著，《酌中志》，北京古籍出版社，1994年 〈明〉曹昭著，《新增格古要論》，臺北商務印書館，1939年 〈明〉《天水冰山錄》，商務印書館，1937年 〈明〉申時行等編，《明會典》，中華書局，1989年 李宗山著，《中國傢俱史圖說》，湖北美術出版社，2001年 王世襄著，《錦灰堆》，北京三聯書店，1999年 朱家溍著，《故宮退食錄》，北京出版社，1999年 朱家溍主編，《明清傢俱》（上、下），上海科學技術出版社，2002年 朱家溍選編，《養心殿造辦處史料輯覽》（雍正朝），紫禁城出版社，2003年 俞炳坤主編，《乾隆朝懲辦貪污檔案彙編》第一冊，中華書局，1994年 胡德生著，《中國古代傢俱》，上海文化出版社，1992年 胡文彥著，《中國歷代傢俱》，黑龍江人民出版社，1988年 牛創平、牛冀青著，《清代一二品官員經濟犯罪案件實錄》，中國法制出版社，2000年 楊耀著，《明式傢俱研究》，中國建築工業出版社，1986年

Lot 801 A GULT BRONZE LINGZHI BOX AND COVER MING DYNASTY

Of circular form, the cover decorated in relief with a lingzhi sprig under the shade of blossoming florets, all reserved on a fine diaper ground within a raised circular border, further encircled by two bands of keyfrets above and below the opening, raised on a straight circular foot incised with four characters.

D 7.8 cm.

HK$ 180,000 - 260,000 NT$ 692,000 - 1,000,000 US$ 23,200 - 33,500 明�鎏金銅胡文明香盒 本件香盒以黃銅製成，盒身扁圓，子母口，口對接處皆起線，矮圈足，盒蓋雕以靈芝紋。盒底有“雲間胡 文明製”六字篆書款。胡文明是明代萬曆年間江蘇雲間人，擅長製做銅爐及手爐，藝高工精。所製銅爐表 面多裝飾山水、花卉、法器、瑞獸等圖案，並於其上鎏金，與當時明代銅爐注重素雅的風格迥異。此件作 品製作精良，氣質不凡，實為難得之珍品。

18

Lot 802 A WAN DESIGN SCROLL BOX EARLY QING

Of rectangular form constructed with an upper sliding lid carved with an interlacing Wan pattern on the sides, the well-polished striated grain of a deep dark brown color.

L 41 cm.

HK$ 300,000 - 500,000 NT$ 1,154 ,000 - 1,923,000 US$ 38,700 - 64,500 The design of the present lot feature zitan of superb quality. The rectangular box composed of openwork zitan plate outside another layer of zitan plate on the interior and huanghuali constituting the top and bottom. The openwork zitan rendered with decorative patterns of interlocking Wan patterns is connotative of longevity while simultaneously creating dimension. The well-polished wood is reminiscent of the Imperial standard as various wood mediums contain a different coefficient of expansion and contraction. Hence, only experienced craftsmen were able to successfully utilized different woods in the construction of a piece. The utilization of both huanghuali and zitan in the present lot is thus very rare and integral an element of gradual color change that greatly illuminate the magnificence of the woods. The present lot is indicative of the attention and time invested in the production of a scholarly works of art. The design of which is simple yet luxurious, classic and elegant. Compare with a zitan box of similar form, sold in Sotheby's Hong Kong, 23 October 2005, lot 0319. 清初�紫檀鏤空萬字紋軸盒 這件軸盒造型別致，精選上等的紫檀木料。形制長方，四面飾以紫檀鏤空板內襯紫檀實心板。上下面用黃 花梨素面板，典雅大方。紫檀鏤空部分用起線打窪的工藝雕出十分規矩的萬字紋，工藝爐火純青。萬字紋 相互連接暗喻皇帝萬壽無疆。這種起線打窪的工藝讓看似簡單的圖案變得生動而富有層次感。整個作品雕 刻細緻規整，圖案飽滿，設計簡潔而豐富，平淡而華貴。紫檀雕刻各面打磨精細，在鏤空的各個角落都打 磨得一絲不苟，呈現出標準的皇家工藝。不同材質的木料伸縮係數不同，技藝不精的匠人是不敢輕易在同 一件木器上使用不同材質的。這種在紫檀盒上用黃花梨為面板和底板的做法極為罕見，使得整個作品在顏 色上出現了變化，同時又不失素潔清雅的整體效果，可見清早期宮廷造辦處的匠人是如何的挖空心思去做 一件看似普通卻又精巧別致的文房小品。 參見 御製紫檀木雕軸盒 香港蘇富比二〇〇五年十月二十三日 拍品0391號

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Lot 803 A METAL MOUNTED ZITAN TRAVELLING CHEST MING / EARLY QING

Of rectangular form, finely embellished with metal mounts near the extremities on the outer edges of all sides, the exterior sides applied with a pair of metal handles, the center of the front adorned with a raised rectangular opening, further reinforced with two metal hinges on the reverse, the bottom with two apertures.

H 36 cm.

HK$ 500,000 - 800,000 NT$ 1,923,000 - 3,077,000 US$ 64,500 - 103,200 The metal mounted chest is rarely seen in works of zitan or huanghuali, it is simple but yet meticulous in areas of details. The raw material of zitan is of a superb quality with a finely grained surface and meticulously mounted in metal on the outer sides. The central rectangular lock plate on the opening and the side looped handles are all meticulously rendered to ensure durability. Similar metal-mounted chest were found dated to early Ming. Other examples of gold painted wooden chest appeared as early as the Yuan dynasty. While the Mid-late Ming chest of similar form were rendered with huanghuali and were rarely seen during the Qing Dynasty. The design and form of the present lot is very similar to another chest presently residing at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, dated to the Yongle reign (Fig.1). 明／清初�紫檀漆包銅方箱 此箱造型在黃花梨及紫檀箱式中極為少見，通體素雅但於細處卻無一不講究。四面平箱型結體，造型方 正，選料為上乘之紫檀，木面牛毛紋明顯。通體邊角立牆及箱蓋四周皆以銅葉包覆。正面安裝長方形銅葉 及方銅鎖，兩側安裝方型提環，兩側下方對稱開穿戴方扁型孔，以利穿戴捆綁，堅固而耐用。箱內及蓋內 髹淺色大漆，保存狀況極佳，漆面細緻斷紋分佈均勻，非常難得。 參考 此類箱式，於傳世實物中以明代早期，甚致於可早至元代，就有類似的木胎描金高型皮箱，明中、晚期的 造型則是發展成常見的黃花梨官皮箱式，在清代也是極為少見。其造型、比例都和早明永樂朝的紅漆彩繪 箱（圖１）極為相近。另外，於清宮舊藏中〈明萬曆黑漆嵌螺鈿描金平脫龍戲珠紋箱〉也是造型比例相近 的箱式。

圖1. 明永樂 紅漆彩繪皮箱，展覽圖錄《永樂 – 15十五世 紀早期的中國宮廷藝術》紐約大都會博物, 第36頁，2005 年。 Traveling Box. China, Ming dynasty, early 15th century; Catalogue: Defining Yongle- Imperial Art in Early FifteenthCentury China. Page 36, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2005

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圖2. 此箱內及蓋內髹淺色大漆，漆面細緻斷紋分佈均勻，保存狀 況極佳，可窺見明末清初漆繪工藝的水平。

Lot 804 A PAIR OF IMPERIAL SANDALWOOD CHESTS WITH A DRAGON DESIGN QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Each of rectangular form decorated with a quatrefoil panel enclosing a pair of scaly dragons amidst stylized clouds and turbulent waves beneath a smaller quatrefoil panel decorated in high relief, flanked by a pair of brass handles on the sides, a circular lock plate finely incised with a confronting pair of scaly dragons in the center of the opening.

L 51 cm.

HK$ 2,000,000 - 3,000,000 NT$ 7,692,000 - 11,538,000 US$ 258,100 - 387,100

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清乾隆 �高浮雕紅木龍紋箱一對 木箱上開蓋式，紅木做。正面安裝圓型銅鎏金鏨花龍紋合頁及拍子，兩側安裝銅提環。整體木胎、銅件用 料厚而紮實。箱蓋正面剷地造出立體海棠開光，起線飽滿圓潤，大小開光內皆深浮雕雲紋為底，雙龍戲珠 於雲朵之上。有趣的是箱子龍紋的設計有陰陽之別，一個兩兩相對戲珠，龍形起伏明顯，神靈活現；另一 件雙龍回頭相望，戲藏於雲中。雕工圓熟、紋飾佈局錯落大器，為標準高檔之紫檀乾隆工。此對箱的五爪 龍紋及海水波濤紋飾，無疑是風格明顯的清宮御製用器。 參考 圖1. 乾隆朝五爪龍紋箱 圖2. 清宮舊藏 乾隆朝紅木雕龍紋床

圖2. 清宮舊藏《明清家具(下)》 圖版7 清乾隆 紅木九龍紋床第12頁

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圖1.清宮舊藏《明清家具(下)》 圖版 235 清乾隆 紫檀銀包角雙龍戲珠紋箱 第278頁

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Lot 805 A FINE ZITAN MIRROR QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

The mirror set within a rounded-rectangular frame above a rectangular panel enclosing a pair of interlaced confronting archaistic dragons in openwork, raised on a side posts flanked by standing spandrels elaborately carved with two further archaistic dragons on either side, the elegant aprons further adorned with an undulating foliate scrolls in high relief.

H 68.7 cm.

Provenance A Private Asian Collection

HK$ 900,000 - 1,500,000 NT$ 3,462,000 - 5,769,000 US$ 116,100 - 193,500 十八世紀�紫檀雕花插屏式鏡台 紫檀雕花插屏式鏡台，底座用兩塊厚實的紫檀大料雕卷草紋和如意紋作墩子，上竪兩根厚實的紫檀立柱， 再由兩對幾乎圓雕的整挖紫檀夔龍作為站牙抵夾。夔龍用料同樣是厚實異常。立柱間是兩根厚實的紫檀杖 子；杖子間的紫檀縧環板是透雕的二龍戲珠；以虛間實，給人以空間感和靈動感。杖子下面的披水牙板鏟 地浮雕卷草紋，地子平整，雕工精細，一絲不苟，完全是造辦處木作的典型工藝。這種透雕和浮雕結合的 做法使得整個鏡座更富有裝飾性，插屏式鏡框一反常態，設計清雅素淨，略帶西洋風格。 在乾隆時期，玻璃鏡本身就是十分稀罕奢侈的物品。這件紫檀雕花插屏式鏡台在十八世紀的價值，遠非一 般官窯陳設瓷器所能比擬。西洋風是清朝皇宮貴胄追求的時尚之一。用紫檀這種當時最貴重的材料來做一 面大鏡，又用中西合璧來精雕細作，除了宮廷大內，無人可以為之，民間傳世實物不多。 來源 亞洲私人藏家舊藏 參考 香港蘇富比 二〇〇六年四月十日 拍品1805號

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Lot 806 A THREE GENTLEMEN DESIGN ZITAN AND LACQUER TABLE SCREEN QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

The impressive screen is finely carved with a design of the three gentlemen amidst traces of red lacquer, the stand is decorated with a rectangular panel enclosing archaistic scrolls and raised bosses above an apron similarly decorated in relief, further raised on a side posts flanked by standing spandrels similarly decorated with keyfrets bordering the outer edges.

H 55.6 cm.

Provenance From a Private British Collection

HK$ 800,000 - 1,200,000 NT$ 3,077,000 - 4,615,000 US$ 103,200 - 154,800 清乾隆�紫檀梅蘭竹紋座屏 明式傢俱以形取意，清代木作以工見長。如雷貫耳的乾隆工是清代傢俱的巔峰，也是中國傢俱 史上所有雕工的頂峰。這件紫檀座屏則是非常標準的乾隆工。是乾隆工中的標準器。這件座屏 上的花卉紋飾清雅脫俗，流暢大方，應該是出自於宮廷畫家之手。雖然鑲嵌大多遺失，這件作 品依然清雅。這在眾多繁縟俗豔的宮廷陳設中是非常難得的。主屏下面的欄板的雕飾取材於春 秋玉器紋飾，下面牙板滿雕夔龍紋，精緻規整，兩側護板上的回文一絲不苟，護板上端的銅柱 頭精美異常。這件作品的製作是小中見大，在有限的空間中顯示出了大件作品的氣勢。最難得 的一點，這件作品是原封包漿，原封皮殼，完全沒有修整替換。在當今市場，這樣原汁原味的 乾隆工，在民間收藏是難得一見的。 來源 英國藏家舊藏 參考 清三代在園林的擴建規模之大，可說是國力最昌盛時期，隨著宮苑增建數量需要大量的家具、 擺飾品來充盈各式各樣的居室。案上的座屏，有著極佳的裝飾性，屏風製作的多樣，從留傳下

圖1. 為英國東亞藝術博物中的收藏，年代定為 17世紀，和本件為同一種工藝表現法。

Inaugural exhibition Volume 2, CHINESE METALWARES AND DECORATIVE ARTS, Museum of East Asian Art, Bath England, NO.323, PAGE 136

來的實物，可說是琳瑯滿目。 梅花、蘭花及竹子，均是自古被人們尊稱為“君子”。其共同特點是自強不息，清華其外，澹 泊其中。根源於對這種人格境界的神往，它們千百年來一直為世人所鍾愛，同時也成為一種人 格品性的象徵。這幾位君子並非浪得虛名，確實各有它的特色：梅，剪雪裁冰，一身傲骨； 蘭，空谷幽香，孤芳自賞；竹，篩風弄月，瀟灑一生。 乾隆皇帝一直以文人雅士自許。皇帝及當時很多優秀的文人官員都參與了宮廷文房器物的藝術 設計。這使得優秀的傳統文人畫題材被轉移到器物之上，成為一幅幅立體畫卷，這件紫檀梅蘭 竹紋座屏，就是在這樣的環境中產生的。 紫檀是世界上最名貴的木材之一。早在明朝，紫檀就為皇家所重視。明朝政府曾派官赴南洋採 辦。隨後，私商販運也應運而生。到明朝末年，南洋各地的優質木材已基本採伐殆盡。尤其是 紫檀木。到明末清初，當時世界所產紫檀木絕大多數匯集於中國。清代所用紫檀料全部為明代 所採。有史料記載，清代也曾派人到南洋採過紫檀木，但大多粗不盈握，曲節不直，無法使 用，這是因為紫檀木生長緩慢，非數百年不能成材，明代採伐殆盡，清時尚未復生，來源枯 竭。這也是紫檀木為世人所珍視的一個重要原因。在清代用紫檀製作器物只有宮廷所為。

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圖2. 為德國斯圖卡特的林登博物館的收藏，此 件作品的紫檀木作工藝，則和本件拍品的木作 雕刻工藝及設計非常類似。

CHINESECHE LACKARBEITEN, KLAUS J. BRANDT, LINDEN-MUSEUM, PAGE 26.

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Lot 807 A ZITAN TABLE LAMP WITH KUI DRAGONS AND A LOTUS BASE DESIGN QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

The rectangular central post standing on a circular base encircled by a band of lappets in high relief, the tray and feet connected to the post with elaborate reticulated spandrels to each side embellished with stylized archaistic dragons in openwork.

H 56 cm.

Provenance A Private Asian Collection

HK$ 300,000 - 500,000 NT$ 1,154,000 - 1,923,000 US$ 38,700 - 64,500 清乾隆�紫檀夔龍紋蓮座式燈台 此燈台全部由最昂貴的紫檀木製作，其燈座底部以弦紋裝飾五圈，十分精緻，中間坡面一圈飾有淺浮雕蓮 花紋，又稱「巴達馬」，為標準的清宮常用圖案。立柱分成三段，曲線優美，周身素光，雅致大方。四方 的燈框鏟地工整，邊線雕刻規矩優雅，使整件作品顯得素淨沈穩。應該是書房之物。燈框下的四塊倒掛花 牙透雕簡化的夔龍，讓這個靜穆的物件多了些靈動感。目前我們所見到的木製宮燈，全面紫檀木的並不多 見，形制上多是吊燈和落地式燈台，座式燈台甚為罕見。這件紫檀夔龍紋燈台，是一件很難得的清乾隆紫 檀文房藝術品。清初帝王對西方文化所帶來的新鮮造型風格，在器物及建築上多有取用和揉合，此例的西 化立柱造型即為一例，此種立柱應用可見於帽架、燈臺、燭臺等，而仰俯蓮紋為明代家具少見的紋式，但 在清宮紫檀家具中屬典型特有紋式，俗稱「巴達馬」，是由佛教須彌座所發展出的型式，多見於有束腰的 家具。 來源 亞洲私人藏家舊藏 參考 《明清家具集珍》第98頁 〈清代宮廷紫檀家具的主要特徵〉田家青著

圖1. 御製掐絲琺瑯嵌絹畫宮燈一對 Christie's, London, 8 November, 2011, Lot55

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Lot 808 A KANG TABLE WITH CABRIOLE LEGS QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

On its polished surface there is a central top that fits into the structure, the part below gets narrower towards the inside and rests on decoration of lotus petals carved in slight relief, fine and delicate reflecting its strength and vitality. The frontal frieze is made up of curves with decoration of slender clouds, flowing lines that extend to the legs, also curved in an S-shape.

L 67 cm.

Provenance From a Private European Collection Exhibition Fundacion Francisco Godia, Barcelona, 2006 Publication El arte del mueble en la China Imperial, page 98

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The size of the present lot is delicate and is regarded as a small piece in comparison to other Imperial furniture. The design of this charming Kang table is both meticulous and complex. By extension, the superb raw materials and the techniques involved in constructing it are very costly. Similar pieces can often be found in the Imperial palace, particularly during the mid-Qing.

In retrospect, the shape of Chinese furniture continued to evolve until the Qing dynasty, when, due to the influences of Manchurian customs, many varied types of furniture were produced, not hitherto seen in previous Dynasties. In quest for new techniques and shapes, there was great innovation in palace furniture giving rise to a new style of furniture. Commonly referred to as the Qing style, typified by its sumptuousness and complexity. The present lot with legs curved in an S-shape originates from the tribes of nomadic shepherds that once lived in Northern China. It can be transported with great ease and was used to put on the kang or alternatively as a low side table to be placed on the bed. With the coming to power of the Manchurian Qing dynasty, many changes were introduced in way of life such as the incorporation of these kang tables into everyday life.

HK$ 800,000 - 1,200,000 NT$ 3,077,000 - 4,615,000 US$ 103,200 - 154,800

清代宮廷畫〈清高宗乾隆紫禁城茶宴圖〉，於畫中可見乾隆帝坐於寶座高位，在宴桌上擺設了一炕桌，用於承放茶點， 此圖提供了炕桌之另一種使用方式及功能，不限於放置於炕上。《帝王與宮廷瓷器》故宮博物院 編, 劉偉著, 第404頁。

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清乾隆�紫檀束腰小三彎腿炕桌 炕桌為紫檀木質。光素桌面為四角攢邊框，中間鑲裝面心，冰盤邊沿。桌面下帶束 腰，束腰有多處開光，束腰的托腮處雕刻蓮花瓣。曲邊的牙板向外鼓出，並雕刻雲 紋。三彎腿外翻雲紋足。炕桌是在炕上或床上使用的矮形傢俱，使用時放在炕或床的 中間，常用於飲膳，是從中國北方遊牧民族的矮桌發展而來的，至明代中葉日趨成熟 並成為南北方通用的傢俱品種。此件炕桌所雕刻的紋飾細膩，線條流暢，具有清代中 期傢俱的特徵。 來源 歐洲私人收藏 展覽 高帝藝術基金會 巴塞隆那 二〇〇六年 出版 《中國宮廷家具藝術》圖版11 第96頁

《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系—明清家具（下）》 清乾隆 紅木雕九龍紋床 圖版7 第12頁

Lot 809 A ZITAN KANG TABLE WITH FOUR DRAWERS QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Of rectangular form, one side with four drawers each meticulously carved with a flittering bat amidst auspicious stylised clouds in high relief within the rectangular panel, each embellished with a leaf-shaped handle issuing from a chrysanthemum lock plate in the center, further decorated with four reticulated spandrels carved to the form of an undulating chi-long in each of the four inner corners, supported on four short cabriole legs terminating in claw and ball-form feet, the well-polished wood of a dark brown tone.

Provenance An Important Private Asian Collection L 107 cm.

HK$ 1,800,000 - 2,000,000 NT$ 6,923,000 - 7,692,000 US$ 232,300 - 258,100

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清乾隆�紫檀雕雲蝠展腿如意紋四抽炕桌 炕桌紫檀用料，四面平桌型結體，桌面邊抹用粽角榫與四足相交。足間安抽屜四具，屜臉長方開光，陷地滿雕深刻 雲褔紋，雲紋朵朵，跌宕多姿，層次分明。中央安裝鎏金銅製小菊花葉及葉型拉手。拉手下有一浮雕正位蝙蝠，造 型寫實，為典型乾隆紋飾風格。直足外翻如意雲頭，費料取形，搭配足間皆飾有透雕螭龍角牙，雕工嫻熟，龍型圓 轉流暢，造型優美，有畫龍點精之效。此件家具造型獨特，是一件氣質高貴而優雅的清宮書齋炕上家具。 來源 亞洲重要私人藏家 參考 圖1. 為北京故宮博物院所藏的清代宮廷畫 〈雍正皇帝讀書像〉，於畫中兩側炕桌帶抽屜及雕花角牙的造型設計，可 以清楚的了解此件紫檀四抽炕桌的功能及於清宮的使用擺放位置。 外翻雲頭足 為典型乾隆朝硬木家具常見之足部造型。圖2.《明清家具（下）》圖版152，紫檀夔龍紋香几，第170頁。清宮舊藏。 雲蝠紋 蝠紋在清代使用極為頻繁的吉祥紋飾，應用極為廣泛，常常搭配雲紋成雲蝠紋。清宮舊藏家具中亦有很多例子。圖 3.《明清家具（下）》圖版141，紫檀云蝠紋邊架几案，第158頁。清宮舊藏。

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圖1. 〈清 雍正皇帝讀書像〉 北京故宮博物院藏

圖2.《明清家具（下）》圖版152 〈紫檀夔龍紋香几〉 第170頁 清宮舊藏

圖3.《明清家具（下）》圖版141 〈紫檀云蝠紋邊架几案〉 第158頁 清宮舊藏

Lot 810 A RARE ZITAN SIDE TABLE WITH WAN PATTERN QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Comprises of a top with the edges and corners decorated with incrustations. In the centre of the surface there is an elongated tabletop, with further Wan feature done through the assembly of the zitan, hualimu and jichimu woods, perfectly joined and connotative of longevity. The corners of the table are decorated with copper, engraved with fine exquisite drawings of dragons. The four lateral friezes beneath the tabletop are decorated in intaglio carving of geometric designs and in the middle appears another type of geometric decoration made with short strips that describe shapes of concentric circles, very well traced and in perfect harmony with the former. A pair of chi-dragons has been inserted to give it greater stability at the angle between the legs and the frontal frieze. The legs, with circular S-shaped decoration, end in an outward facing floral motifs.

L 133 cm.

Provenance A Private European Collection Exhibition Fundacion Francisco Godia, Barcelona, 2006 Publication El arte del mueble en la China Imperial, page 90 In general, despite its delicacy, you can see its great intensity, as long as life itself, of an exquisite unique design, which makes it a beautiful and exclusive piece of furniture, a shining example of the exquisiteness of the Qing dynasty. Since the establishment of the Ming dynasty in the mid 14th century, by the beginning of the 15th century (corresponding to the year 1405, the third year of the reign of the emperor Yongle), Zheng He had already made seven journeys on diplomatic missions on the Western seas. For over twenty years he had been the pioneer in longdistance sea travel and has gone down in history for having been the first to sail such long distances. It was in that period when China’s contacts with Southeast Asia and India began and intense trading relations were established. From then on, China imported and used large quantities of the high-quality hardwood produced in the tropical areas of Southeast Asia, such as zitan wood, rosewood, etc. These valuable woods, stable in colour and with an elegant fine grain, had been produced for centuries and became scarce.

Precise, firm, solid notches and pegs were made with the plane, most suitable for carving, making them the best possible choice for furniture making. In that period the regions of Guangdong, Yangzhou, Suzhou and Peking were the most renowned furniture-making centers in China and they made great use of these valuable materials, which were the best and highest quality in furniture making in the country. Gradually, these excellent-quality imported woods, along with internal elements, caused the rigid structure of the furniture and the technical prowess of the Ming dynasty carpenters to develop. Their external appearance was also more in line with customers’ tastes for furniture made of woods of brilliant stable colours and the varied and beautiful types of wood grain. During the first years of the Qing dynasty, the lacquered and huang huali furniture of the Ming dynasty, simple but elegant, was gradually replaced by the zitan wood furniture of great quality and sumptuous style, achieved by carving, incrustations, line drawing and painting. Also, styles were assimilated from many foreign cultures, so that Chinese furniture was continually being renewed. Since then, exquisite, valuable zitan wood furniture had already become a byword for the best quality furniture of the court of the Qing dynasty.

HK$ 3,000,000 - 4,000,000 NT$ 11,538,000 - 15,385,000 US$ 387,100 - 516,100

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50

清乾隆清紫檀萬字紋鬥料面心條桌 條桌為紫檀木質。桌面為四角攢邊框，混面邊沿。中間鑲裝面心，在面心上用紫檀木、 花梨木貼皮子，組合出了欞格紋及萬字紋。桌面四角包鑲銅製鏨龍紋包角。桌面下牙板 透雕拐子紋，與它相呼應的回紋棖子是用短料攢接而成的，在棖子與牙板間安裝鏤空的 雙螭紋卡子花。四腿作展腿式，上段粗壯的部分雕刻拐子紋，下段內斂，直腿外翻花葉 紋足。條桌是古代家居室內陳設常見的傢俱品種，此桌造型簡潔，裝飾繁而不紊，尤其 是鬥料面心更給人以富麗華美之感。 來源 歐洲私人收藏 展覽 高帝藝術基金會 巴塞隆那，二〇〇六 〈圓明園 - 大清皇帝最美的夢〉國父紀念館 台北二〇一三 出版 《中國宮廷家具藝術》圖版10，第90頁 類似參考 萬字紋 為宮廷典型的用圖，做為萬壽的吉祥寓意，在清宮的應用上，大至內廷裝修或家具、小 到器物或織錦的打底，可謂無處不在清宮生活中。而運用在家具中可見於：圖1. 《明清 家具（下）》圖版76，第83頁。清宮舊藏。圖2.《明清家具集珍》，田家青著，雞翅木嵌 紫檀平頭案，北京 頤和園藏，第104頁。 銅製鏨龍紋包角 宮廷御製家具在選材及配材上的精緻及講究有其一定的水平，有某些配材圖案在宮苑 外的家具是不能僭用的。圖3：《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系—明清家具（下）》圖版 144，第162頁。清乾隆 紫檀銅繩繫紋炕几 銅製鏨龍紋包角特寫。

圖.1《明清家具(下)》 圖版76, 第83頁。清宮舊藏

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圖2. 雞翅木嵌紫檀平頭案，北京頤和園藏 案面鬥料特寫

圖3. 清乾隆 紫檀銅繩繫紋炕几銅製鏨龍紋包角特寫

54

Lot 811 A PAIR OF CIRCULAR GOLD PAINTED BLACK LACQUER STANDS YONGZHENG AND OF THE PERIOD (1723 - 1735)

Each lacquered black decorated with a painted flower and meandering vines design, the circular-top rises from a reticulated waisted neck and four cabriole legs in big curve ending with a small outward leaf scroll, connected with a circular base, which is possibly infixed with metal to stabilize the stand while used.

H 78.7 cm.

Provenance A Private European Collection Exhibition Refinamiento y sensibilidad – Mobiliario erudite dentro y fuera de la Ciudad Prohibida, Fundacion Marcelino Botin, Santander Spain, 2007 Publication Refinamiento y sensibilidad – Mobiliario erudite dentro y fuera de la Ciudad Prohibida, Fundacion Marcelino Botin, Santander Spain, 2007 The sheer size of the present lot suggests that they are not the furniture in the main hall, but belongs in spaces of leisure presumably in the inner court, as it is often furnish symmetrically. This charming set of stand were possibly used to hold porcelain or flower arrangement of purposes of appreciation.

Closely related examples can be found from the Qing Court Collections at Palace Museum in Beijing due to the prevailing taste and preference for dark color pieces during that period. For instance, the application on zitan wood with dark and heavy color such as a painted or outline luxurious gold were commonly utilized and thus symbolic of the Imperial taste.

HK$ 2,000,000 - 3,000,000 NT$ 7,692,000 - 11,538,000 US$ 258,100 - 387,100

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清雍正／乾隆�御製黑漆描金蓮紋四足花几 一對

圖1. 清人畫〈弘曆古裝除夕行樂圖〉《明清室內陳設》 朱家溍編著 紫禁城出版社

香几成對，通體髹黑漆並描金纏枝花卉，圓身束腰開光，四足大三彎作蜻蜓腿，足下接 圓座，線條空靈美妙。抬起甚為沈重，超越木材的重量感，有可能於足下圓座嵌入銅 塊，使整個香几在使用時的重心穩固。香几通常是對稱擺設，本件通身裝飾描金纏枝蓮 花紋，枝葉翻卷生動自然，富麗中不失優雅的美感。保存狀況極佳，讓人驚豔。 來源 歐洲重要私人收藏 展覽 宮院修為—中國宮院兩派文人家具珍品展 馬塞利諾博坦基金會 西班牙 桑坦德 二〇〇七 〈圓明園—大清皇帝最美的夢〉國父紀念館 台北 二〇一三 出版 《宮院修為—中國宮院兩派文人家具珍品展，封面和封底》馬塞利諾博坦基金會 西班牙 桑坦德 二〇〇七 《圓明園—大清皇帝最美的夢》二〇一三頑石創意第214-215頁 參考 雍正皇帝四十五歲登基，此時大清國有很多大事、要事等待著他的處理和定奪，可謂日 理萬機，但百忙之中的他卻對造辦處製作的「物件」非常有興趣，幾乎每天都要過問， 並提出很多具體的「要求」，不像是皇帝，倒像是「總監」。 雍正十年閏五月二十七日記事錄，“內大臣海望奉上諭：著傳與年希堯，將長一尺八 寸、寬九寸至一尺、高一尺一寸至一尺三寸香几做些來，或彩漆、或鑲斑竹、或鑲棕 竹、或做洋漆，但胎骨要輕妙，款式要文雅。再將長三尺至三尺四寸、寬九寸至一尺、 高九寸至一尺小炕案亦做些，或彩漆、或鑲斑竹、或鑲棕竹，但胎骨要淳厚，款式亦要 文雅。” 雍正皇帝對漆器製作的要求是「精細」、「文雅」、「入骨」，這一點從雍正漆器中得 到了最好的印證。如描彩漆花卉方盒中所描繪的梅花、荷花、月季、菊花、枇杷等紋飾 均為寫生花卉，樹葉和花朵似微風吹過，有飄動的感覺，具有繪畫般自然生動的意境， 瞬間似乎讓人產生視覺上的錯感。……… 在器物的胎骨上雍正提出「輕妙」和「淳厚」 的要求，我們從北京故宮博物院的藏品中確實看到了「輕妙」和「淳厚」的漆器……. 雍正一朝極力發展的漆器是描金漆，即檔案中經常提到的「洋漆」或「仿洋漆」。一方 面要求大量製作，並提出很多的具體要求，對工匠實行獎懲機制；另一方面給予物質上 的支援，具體表現在擴大製作「洋漆」的地窖。 正是在雍正皇帝的高度關注與大力推動下，雍正一朝的描金漆器得到的長足的發展並達 到了較高的水平，這一點我們從遺存的雍正描金漆中即可看出。乾隆朝在此基礎上保持 了雍正朝描金漆的水平。（重點摘錄: 兩岸故宮第一屆學術研討會：為君難－雍正其人其 事及其時代，張榮，北京故宮博物院研究員） 由朱家溍先生所撰的《明清室內陳設》一書中，可以看到香几在清宮生活中如何陳設， 一般多是搭配在寶座兩側對稱擺設。圖1. 清人畫〈弘曆古裝除夕行樂圖〉有一對四足圓 香几，上置角端香爐。圖2. 為清宮舊藏黑漆描金四足圓香几的實物。

58

圖2.《明清家具(上)》圖版169 早清 黑漆描金圓香几 第198頁 清宮舊藏

皇 苑 天 工

Lot 812 A PAIR OF IMPERIAL GOLD PAINTED DRAGONS CHESTS MING DYNASTY

Of rectangular section with a hinged cover, concealing a rectangular compartment, the front panel decorated with a rectangular cartouche enclosing five dragons in pursuit of a flaming pearl amidst crested waves and classic scrolls, further adorned with four scaly dragons bordering the sides, all against a lacquer ground, fitted with bronze hinges at the back, a claps at the front, flanked by two bronze handles on the sides.

W 86.6 cm.

Provenance A Private Asian Collection

HK$ 900,000 - 1,500,000 NT$ 3,462,000 - 5,769,000 US$ 116,100 - 193,500 There were substantive development in the production process of the clothing chest in the Imperial Palace. Similar clothing chests were evacuated from the tomb of Lu Wang Zhu Tan of the early Ming. There were also numerous accounts of these clothing chest according to Imperial records of the Ming dynasty. Reference to the scroll painting Chujing Tu presently residing in the National Palace Museum in Taipei depicting a grand scene of the young Wanli Emperor traveling with his entourage of army, among them were a group of four individuals carrying a pair of very similar clothing chest, escorted by further attendants and eunuchs holding an umbrella, which taken together illuminates the prominence of these dragon chests and the precious cargo of which it held.

62

明代�御製紅漆描金龍紋衣箱 一 對 此箱木胎成對，通體髹朱紅大漆、描金繪龍紋、纏枝蓮紋，上開蓋式，正面安裝鎏金銅鏨花龍紋花形面葉及拍子，兩側安裝銅提環。箱體正面四方開光，內有五 龍，底為江涯海水紋，中央正面龍紋，四龍環於四角。龍紋五爪、神態威猛。開光四周飾以纏枝蓮紋底、上下為雙龍紋，左右各有一隻升龍紋，紋飾規格是最高等 級的明代帝王御用衣箱。 明代的衣箱製作工藝發展到了新的水準，尤其是皇室貴族和官宦士大夫階層的衣箱，精美程度令人稱絕。出土記錄中，明早期的魯王朱檀墓中即有箱子及箱子冥 器。在明代的宮廷檔案中記載也有不少這類的朱漆皮箱。從明代宮廷寫實畫卷《明人出警圖》，現藏於台北 國立故宮博物院，描繪了青年時期的萬曆皇帝戎裝出行 的盛大場面，在侍從隊伍中有一組人物很惹人注意，四名挑夫抬著一對朱漆衣箱，負責押運的太監身穿過肩蟒袍，配有專門打傘、背包的隨從，地位十分顯赫，從 他關注的神情看，這對箱子裡所貯藏的物品非同一般，該箱髹有明代皇家專用的朱紅大漆，通體戧金龍紋，極其華美。 來源 亞洲重要私人藏家舊藏 參考 《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系—明清家具（上）》黑漆嵌螺鈿描金平脫龍戲珠紋箱 圖版192 第233頁 《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系—明清家具（上）》紫檀龍戲珠紋箱 圖版191 第232頁

明代〈出警圖〉細部 台北故宮博物院藏

Lot 813 A CINNABAR LACQUER DRAGON BOX AND COVER QING DYNASTY

The exterior of the cover is finely carved in high relief with three striding dragons, the sides with three further dragons lunging towards a flaming pearl, all reserved against a dense ground of turbulent waves. The base is similarly carved.

D 17 cm.

Provenance Christie's Paris, 15 June, lot 123 The meticulous workmanship on both the cover and the base contribute to the rarity of the present lot. It is also noteworthy that the interior is inscribed with the four characters Yúnlóng bo hé below the reign mark. The use of additional inscriptions in describing the vessel itself is a feature of some of the finest of the Qianlong lacquer wares. One of the most splendid examples is a Shouchun box in the Palace Museum in Taipei inscribed with the characters chunshou baohe. Another example is a box from the Baoyizhai Collection, also meticulously decorated in polychrome with a basket of emblems below a large character chun, which literally translates to the word 'spring'. Similar to the above examples, this box not only bears the Qianlong mark, it is also inscribed with four gilded characters Shou chou paohe, 'Eternal youth treasure vessel' describing the piece.

HK$ 1,000,000 - 1,500,000 NT$ 3,846,000 - 5,769,000 US$ 129,000 - 193,500 清乾隆�剔紅雲龍寶盒《大清乾隆年製》填金楷書刻款 此器通體髹以朱漆，造型規整，蓋面及外底以滿工的刀法雕刻出三爪海水雲龍紋。海浪的波濤洶湧，襯托 騰龍的靈動以及雄健的姿態。騰龍的雙眼炯炯有神，龍身凌空飛騰，跨步回身探爪奪珠，髮鬚飛揚，氣 勢磅礡。盒內部髹以黑漆，刀刻填金雲龍寶盒器名款和《大清乾隆年製》楷書款。乾隆時期的漆器細緻高 雅，縝密巧妙超越其他時期，最精緻的乾隆漆器特色常常帶有自名的鐫刻文字，是此一時期的工藝。此器 漆色紅潤、漆質堅實、刀法純熟精到，為清代宮廷漆器的代表作，傳承有緒是為品味收藏之上品。 來源 佳士得 法國巴黎 二〇〇四年六月十五日，拍品123號�

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Lot 814 A RARE BRONZE ARCHAISTIC BELL, BIANZHONG QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

The finely cast bell suspended from a double-headed dragon handle, each beast powerfully cast with bulging eyes and flaring nostrils above its long whiskers, the mouth clenched open to reveal its sharp fangs, with a pair of straight horns extending back over its head along a combed mane with fine details, the two scaly bodies intertwined and crouching in ambush, the large barrel-shaped body further decorated in high relief with a pair of ferocious five-clawed dragons in pursuits of the flaming pearls amidst undulating waves below a band of scrolling clouds.

H 21.5, D 18 cm.

Provenance A Private Asian Collection During the Qing dynasty bianzhong similar to the present lot were produced for the court and became an essential component of the Confucian ritual ceremonies at the Imperial altars, formal banquets and processions. The music produced by these instruments was believed to facilitate communication between the humans and deities. Gilt-bronze bells of this type were assembled in sets of sixteen and produced twelve musical tones with four tones repeated in a higher or lower octave. Of equal size but varying thicknesses, these bells were attached to tall wooden frames in two rows of eight, as depicted by Giuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766) in his painting Imperial Banquet in Wanshu Garden, included in the exhibition Splendors of China's Forbidden City. The Glorious Reign of Emperor Qianlong, The Field Museum, Chicago, cat, No. 101.

Compare the predecessor to this bell, similarly cast with dragons and dated to the 55th year of the Kangxi reign (corresponding to 1716), included in the exhibition Treasures from the Palace Museum, The Seibu Museum of Art, Tokyo, 1982, no. 3 and another with Kangxi mark dated to the 5th year of Kangxi (corresponding to 1666), sold in Sotheby's New York, 19 September 2007, lot 94. See also a bell dated to 1743 of this shape and related design and another sold at Christie's Hong Kong, 27 May 2008, lot 1540.

Another of this form but decorated with bands of raised studs instead was sold in Sotheby's Paris rooms, 9 June 2010, lot 39.

HK$ 3,000,000 - 4,000,000 NT$ 11,538,000 - 15,385,000 US$ 387,100 - 516,100

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北京紫禁城，太和殿前廊下東邊，乾隆朝之鎏金編鐘《紫禁城帝后生活》故宮博物院編

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清乾隆 御製銅交龍鈕雲龍紋編鐘 編鐘圓體中空，腰部外鼓，歛口齊平，鐘頂飾交龍鈕，兩龍相背，交泰拱起成 孔，用於穿帶。兩道弦紋將鐘體分為三層，上層滿飾朵雲紋，中層主體飾以雙 龍戲珠再輔以朵雲紋及海水波濤，飛龍爪握火焰寶珠，張口露齒，有騰雲架霧 之動感，作工精細，莊嚴威武，彰顯帝王，尊貴之象。鐘頂的交龍鈕及鐘腹的 飛龍均鑄雕精到，龍首五官及龍身麟片均至為細緻，睜眼張口的神態和龍爪的 犀利，格外威嚴傳神。 來源 亞洲私人藏家舊藏 參考 編鐘是中國傳統的古老打擊樂器，由青銅鑄成，清初統一編鐘的大小，以鐘璧 的厚薄和重量來調節高低音調，有異於前朝以小鐘發高音，大鐘發低音的做 法，而鐘壁與音調的規律，依《清會典圖》所記，發音最低的「倍夷則」重達 清秤一百八十兩，發音最高的「應鍾」則達三百八十兩，差別逾二倍之多，編 鐘是古代統治者專用的樂器，通常與編磬組合使用，是社會階級和國家權利的 象徵，只有在天子、諸侯行禮作樂時方能使用，即所謂「鐘鳴鼎食」的意思。

乾隆款雙龍紐攫珠龍「無射」編鐘《大清盛世 瀋陽故宮展》 第157頁 二〇一一年一月

北京先農壇

Lot 815 A RARE GILT BRONZE ARCHAISTIC BELL, BIANZHONG KANGXI MARK AND OF THE PERIOD (1662 - 1722)

The bell of bulbous form reminiscent of a powerful drum, topped with a handled formed by an intertwined double headed crouching dragon looking in opposite directions, finely cast with a pair of straight horns extending over its head above bulging eyes and flaring nostrils, the mouth clenched open to reveal its sharp canine incisors, the large barrel-shaped body decorated with four vertical panels and rivets housing trigrams separated by four rectangular cartouches, one housing Kangxi Wu Shi Er Nian Zhi (made during the 52th year of the Kangxi reign, corresponding to 1713) , opposite the cartridge reads Bei Wu She respectively denoting the musical pitch, the other two cartridges embellished with an archaic dragon, further decorated with sixteen Daoist trigrams surrounds the body of this bell, eight discs in relief encircling the base intended for striking of the instrument, inscription on the interior indicating that the bell was originally located inside the Imperial Temple of Agriculture in Beijing.

H 30.5 cm.

Provenance The Starrett Collection The present lot epitomizes the excellent workmanship from the early 18th century. Historically, the main function of bronze bell was for musical performance, but as society developed, the musical bells gradually became feudal sacrificial vessels and important symbols of power and rank of the ruling class. The number of bells that an individual is allowed to possess was guided according to the book The Ritual of Zhou, where it specified that only "the emperor could have bells on the four sides of his palace, while a duke or prince could have bells on the three sides of his residence, a minister could have bells on two sides of his residence and an official could have bells on one side of his residence." This specification was clearly indicative of the rigid hierarchy of power that was practiced at the time. These bulbous bells with their imposing shapes and prolonged sound were widely utilized in Buddhism and Taoism. They also subsequently entered the Imperial court and became connotative of Imperial power. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the Imperial court and temples would utilized these bronze chime bells in important Imperial ceremonies.

HK$ 6,000,000 - 8,000,000 NT$ 23,077,000 - 30,769,000 US$ 774,200 - 1,032,300

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清康熙�御製鎏金銅交龍鈕八卦紋「倍無射」編鐘《康熙五十二年製》款 此鐘圓體，中空，腰部稍大，小口齊平。頂飾交龍鈕，龍背拱起成孔，用於穿繫。兩道弦紋把鐘分為三層，上層光 素無紋飾；主體中層分為四個部份，每個部份內有三排鈕，鈕間高鑄八卦文，鐘腹兩側鑄夔龍拐子，上飾如意雲 紋，正面鑄陽文「康熙五十二年製」銘款，背面一鑄陽文「倍無射」楷書律名，上飾八卦圖。鐘下部鑄八個圓形音 乳，以供敲擊之用，此鐘鑄於康熙五十二年，即1713（癸已）年，鑄造精細、嚴謹，盡顯皇家氣派。 來源 日本 南紀庵 佐滕藏 美國 STARRETT COLLECTION 參考 清朝 康熙皇帝隆重師儒，以周禮為藍本，設計了一套用於天地、社稷、宗廟等祭祀大典以及大朝會、宴享、命將 出師、臨殿策士等朝廷盛事，樂部率和聲署懸樂器於太和殿或郊壇、太廟、演奏「中和韶樂」，為國家大典禮樂之 器。禮樂的演奏「以黃鐘為宮，鎛鐘擊以起樂，編鐘從之」。 一組編鐘十六枚，外型和大小相等，分兩層懸掛於木架之上，它的音色以黃鐘為準，由低至高依次為黃鐘、大呂、 太簇、夾鐘、姑洗、仲呂、蕤賓、林鐘、夷則、南呂、無射、應鐘以及四個低音倍夷則、倍南呂、倍無射、倍應 鐘。清代時按古制於壇廟祭祀和殿陛典禮兩類場合使奏用中和韶樂。而樂器的種類和配備非常講究，以金、石、 絲、竹、匏、土、革、木等八類材料（又名「八音」）製造，凡十六種，多達共六十多件。 ”編鐘”屬金屬類中最具代表性的一系，是中國宮廷藝術中重要的樂器，也是重要的禮器。中國的禮樂制度從原始 社會萌芽到先秦，發展到西周最後確立，成為當時人們的行為規範準則。據萬依在《故宮博物院藏寶錄》（香港 1985年出版）的「金鐘編」所述，除1978年湖北隨縣出土一套的戰國編鐘為64件之多外，往後朝代的宮廷編鐘多為 16枚一套。到康熙時，雖仍保留著16枚一套的制度，但音律的編排上略有改動。由於清朝的編鐘是以鐘壁厚薄來調 音，依《清會典圖》所記，發音最低的「倍夷則」重近清秤180兩，發音最高的「應鐘」則重達清秤380兩，差別逾 二倍之多。 此件康熙五十二年鎏金銅編鐘，是目前已知流散海外，銘刻有來自北京 先農壇(Temple of Agriculture)，用於天子祭 祀禮儀陳設重器中，傳世唯一的孤品。品相優美，交龍鈕的鑄雕精到，龍頭五官和鱗片至為細緻，瞠眼張口的神態 和龍爪緊張，格外傳神。鐘身的八卦紋和字款等亦俐落分明。器形上圓碩的鐘腹向上下微彎，與平直的鐘頂和下口 成強烈對比，鑄紋圖案以縱橫線框供圍和分間「八卦」紋樣，再配以小而高佻突出的鼓釘和圓大扁平的音乳，構成 一饒富幾何風格的圖飾。難得地，它的保存完好度亦極高，除少處磨耗外，鎏金整體金光輝映，加上器腹內鑄刻” 先農壇用 掛簾下左二”明示此一鎏金編鐘難得的來源出處，和原存放於先農壇中成套編鐘架上自左手邊數來下排第 二枚之清楚位置，令人想像到康熙時祭祀典禮，全套齊懸在金漆雕木編鐘架上時所顯的華貴及莊重得體。 另件傳為來自北京先農壇，但腹內並無鐫刻文字，康熙五十二年製「無射」鎏金銅編鐘，原為知名藏家Lord and Lady Hesketh 的舊藏，曾出現於香港蘇富比2007年10月拍賣〈鏤月開雲〉專場中以1376萬港幣成交。

圖1. 編鐘內刻有〈先農壇用 掛簴下左二〉文字

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Lot 816 AN IMPORTANT IMPERIAL BROWN KESI DRAGON ROBE QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

A brown-ground robe exquisitely made of Kesi, exquisitely woven with nine golden dragons above turbulent waves and three mountains, all amidst stylized clouds and classic scrolls, each front-faced dragon with a golden Shou character over its head.

The five rising dragons on the lower level have their tails pointing outward.

Kesi is the most costly among all silk dragon robes and the twelve symbols of Imperial authority are rarely found on brown-ground dragon robes. The style of the present lot resembles the typical form of the early 18th century. It is also interesting to note that the shou character above the dragons’ head and the rising dragons are rarely found on dragon robes. Compare with a similar example featured on the cover page of Chinese Dragon Robe written by Mr. Huang Nengfu and Ms. Chen Juanjuan. This dragon robe similarly featured rising dragons and a shou over the head of each front-faced dragon.

W 242 cm.

Provenance From the Pooley Collection, Rockford, IL, USA.

HK$ 800,000 - 1,200,000 NT$ 3,077,000 - 4,615,000 US$ 103,200 - 154,800

黃能馥 陳娟娟著《中國龍袍》一書封面

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《十全乾隆》台北故宮博物院二〇一二年封面�

清乾隆�香色緙絲十二章紋吉服袍 吉服袍俗稱龍袍。清代龍袍中�絲是絲質龍袍中等級最高的。緙絲自宋元以來一直是皇家御用織物之一。因織造過程極其細致複雜，成本高昂，常有 “一寸緙絲一寸金”和“織中之聖”的美名。這件吉服袍的工藝緙絲加金，它以秋香色緙絲為地，以捻金線緙金龍九條，五彩絲線緙祥雲、飛蝠、 十二章、海水江崖、八寶立水。整件作品色澤雅致，皇氣十足。金絲龍紋生動有力。五彩祥雲特意突出了力度以襯托遊龍及平水立水的流暢。 傳說從舜時開始，就有“十二章”之制。 按漢代大儒孔安國的說法，十二章就是十二種圖案即：日、月、星辰、山、龍、華蟲、藻、火、粉、米、 黼、黻。是天子德行的象徵。漢鄭玄注《周禮》中亦稱十二章“此古天子冕服”。幾千年來，中國歴代皇帝的服飾都或多或少使用了十二章紋。明 代，十二章紋成了大明皇帝獨享的皇權標誌。 十二章紋在清初順治和康熙兩朝皇帝的服裝上未見使用。在滿族統治者看來，堅持服飾上的民族特點乃是“立國之經”，是關係到清朝生死存亡的大 事，是萬萬不可改變的。一旦發現服飾上有違祖訓、不守舊制的情況，均要嚴格查處。十八世紀初，在漢學教育中長大的雍正皇帝，開始接受了十二 章紋是最高皇權的象徵。所以北京故宮𥚃在雍正的極少部分吉服袍上，出現了以明代圖案為藍本的尚不完備的十二章紋。直到1759年，乾隆皇帝刻意 沿襲古制，才將十二章紋寫入乾隆二十四年欽定禮部編纂的《皇朝禮器圖式》。據此，十二章紋為皇帝專享。此書除了把十二章明確形成定制，並且 將十二章紋樣的圖案和位置固定化，此後直至清末遵行不悖。從紋樣上判斷，本拍品應該出現在乾隆二十四年之前。 這件吉服袍每條正龍頭上都有一個團金壽字。非常少見。袍身前後下擺的五條金龍，龍尾向外, 是極罕有的升龍，而不是常見的龍尾向內的團龍。升 龍在清代服飾典制中為皇帝專用。在清代嚴苛的規章制度中，升龍只有皇帝本人可以使用。在乾隆二十四年以後由於定制，升龍在龍袍上面基本看不 到了。除了這件帶團金壽字的升龍龍袍以外, 另外已知同樣圖案的吉服袍(含袍料), 包括北京故宮的藏品在內, 僅有兩件。紫禁城出版社出版的《中國 龍袍》一書封面上的龍袍圖案就是正龍頭上帶團金壽字及下擺飾升龍。因極為罕見，被選為該書的封面。 北京故宮中有一件乾隆時期香色帶十二章的龍袍。乾隆皇帝起居注中多次提到乾隆皇帝喜歡秋香色，即秋葉之色。乾隆十九年（1754）十二月二十九 日除夕，乾隆皇帝要在宮中神祖供像前行辭舊歲禮。是日晚，他照例沐浴更衣。當四執庫太監捧出明黃色龍袍時，乾隆卻下旨要穿“香色緙絲黑狐面 龍袍”。並且說，這件龍袍“著尋常日少伺候，留至每年十二月三十日沐浴後再伺候，以後每年是為例”。 台北故宮收藏的〈清高宗御制詩文集〉中有七幀乾隆帝由年輕到老年的畫像。這些畫像在2012年前從未展出過。這七幀中除了年青的三幀，有四幀乾 隆像都是身著秋香色袍服的畫像。這些畫像都鈐有“太上皇帝之寶”和“古稀天子之寶”，是乾隆帝本人晚年親選的要流芳百世的形象。可見秋香色 不是乾隆帝一時興起的喜好，而是貫穿他大半生的真愛。（見《乾隆帝的文化大業》台北故宮2012年版，第16-17頁） 來源 美國Pooley家族舊藏 Rockford IL 參考 1. 黃能馥 陳娟娟著《中國龍袍》一書封面 2. 雍正御製龍袍料照片 3. 香港蘇富比 2013年秋拍lot.3088 十八世紀御製香色緙絲金龍紋吉服袍 4.《乾隆帝的文化大業》台北故宮博物院2012年版 第16-17頁 5.《十全乾隆》台北故宮博物院 2012年 封面

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承德避暑山莊

Lot 817 AN IMPERIAL VILLA LOTUS SHANZHUANG HEHUA ALBUM OF POETRY QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Carefully composed and written on finely textured papers, the compilation of sixty-two poems displayed in forty-six pages framed within zitan covers on the front and the back, the top incised and gilded with a seven-character inscriptions Yuzhi shanzhuang hrhua shi L 19 cm.

Provenance A Private German Collection

HK$ 3,000,000 - 5,000,000 NT$ 11,538,000 - 19,231,000 US$ 387,100 - 645,200 清乾隆�董誥〈御製山莊荷花詩〉冊 來源 德國私人舊藏 參考 清乾隆 帝御製題避暑山莊荷花詩冊鑑賞 乾隆皇帝一生極愛作詩。高宗御製詩全集總計42613首。而900卷 《全唐詩》所錄唐代2529位元詩人的作品，一共才42863首。可 見，乾隆詩作之多為有史以來首屈一指。有沒有一部乾隆帝親自 挑選的御製詩集能涵蓋乾隆六十載為君生涯，而且在他生命的最 後時光還備受喜愛，珍藏於書房的的確有，只有一本！這部詩集 不僅在清宮史料中有詳實的記載，而且是由當時最有名的大書法 家抄寫，其實物原件經過兩百多年的有序流傳，如今就呈現在我 們眼前。這就是：清董誥書乾隆皇帝《御製山莊荷花詩》。 在傳統文化裡面，荷花是神聖淨潔的象徵。荷花出塵離染，清 潔無瑕，人們常以荷花"出淤泥而不染，濯清漣而不妖"的高尚品 質作為激勵自己潔身自好的座右銘。乾隆帝每次駐蹕承德避暑山 莊，都會寫荷花詩。“每歲駐蹕山莊必有詠荷。”這本《御製山 莊荷花詩》的第一首荷花詩作於乾隆六年（1741）。最後一首作 於嘉慶二年（1797）。前後五十七年，共寫了六十二首。對於乾 隆帝，詠荷花並非對花鳥魚蟲的應景之作，而是詠志，是詠為君 之道，是自勉。嘉慶元年（1796），乾隆帝當太上皇的第一年， 他自感“心願符初”，在“大庭授璽”後“稱太上皇帝，幸為千 古全人”，在“子皇帝”嘉慶順利接班之際，這一年，乾隆帝命 當時擅長楷書的董誥把這些在避暑山莊詠荷花的詩謄寫成冊， 謂之曰《御製山莊荷花詩》。這本詩冊，乾隆帝明示要“陳之 硯左”，就是要放在他書房�硯台左邊。可見其喜愛程度和重 要性。另外，乾隆帝還表示“丙辰歸政後，可不必依例題句”， 也就是說：嘉慶元年，帝位移交給嘉慶後，乾隆已經決定不再寫 荷花詩了。可見乾隆帝的荷花詩不是應景之作。而是有重要的政 治內涵，是與為君之道息息相關的。嘉慶二年，就在董誥幾乎完 成這冊詩集的謄寫時，乾隆帝忍不住又“不可不”作詩“以志千 載”。這首“以志千載”的詩就是荷花詩，也是本詩冊的最後一 首詩。這部詩冊是清王朝近三百年歴史中極盛時期的寫照；也是 盛世皇帝心路歷程的寫照。

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圖1. 高宗御製詩全集, 御製詩餘集卷之七

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壹

貳

參

肆

伍

陸

柒

捌

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拾

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拾參

拾肆

拾伍

拾陸

拾柒

拾捌

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貳拾貳

貳拾參

承德避暑山莊是清朝皇帝的夏宮和皇帝處理政務的場所。避暑山莊占地564萬平方米，環繞山 莊婉蜒起伏的宮牆長達萬米，是中國現存最大的古典皇家園林。相當於北京頤和園的兩倍， 或八個北京北海公園。山莊位於河北承德北部，距離北京180公里；是由皇帝宮室、皇家園林 和宏偉壯觀的寺廟群所組成；又名承德離宮或熱河行宮。與北京紫禁城相比，避暑山莊以樸 素淡雅的山村野趣為格調。取自然山水之本色，吸收江南塞北之風光。始建於1703年，歷經 清康熙、雍正、乾隆三朝，耗時89年建成。避暑山莊興建後，清帝每年都有大量時間在此處 理軍政要事，接見外國使節和邊疆少數民族政教首領。避暑山莊是康乾盛世在承德的演繹， “一座山莊，半部清史”，避暑山莊的興衰史，就是清王朝的興衰史，一個僅有幾萬人口的 少數民族能統治整個中原大地，承德避暑山莊和大清政府的民族政策，國家策略是緊密聯係 在一起的。 董誥（1740-1818）清代書畫家。字雅倫，是著名書畫家及工部尚書董邦達長子，與其父有 “大小董”之稱，浙江富陽人。父子二人皆為乾隆時期朝廷顯貴又是藝林名家。乾隆二十九 年進士。以善書畫，受乾隆帝喜愛，歷任內閣學士，最終官至東閣大學士、太子太傅，在軍 機處中先後四十年。董誥自幼秉承家學，繼承並發揚了其父的藝術造詣和才能。 董誥楷書 是清代館閣體中的佼佼者，其墨色厚重，結構秀麗，筆勢蒼勁，大小字體整齊端莊，書風優 雅，法度井然。乾隆帝將自己十分看重的這份詩冊交給董誥騰寫，說明董誥在乾隆眼中的地 位。《楹聯叢話》卷十有這樣一則記載：“富陽董誥身為太平宰相三十年，兩次被畫像於紫 光閣中，勳名之盛，一時罕有倫比，而身後情況，仍似寒門，唯有兩袖清風”。常言道書品 即人品。從這部精心製作的《御製山莊荷花詩》裡面，我們可以感受到董誥同樣是以荷花為 志，潔身自好，出塵離染之人。 這部《御製山莊荷花詩》完成後藏於避暑山莊乾隆書案之上，史料記載的具體位置在乾隆御 書案的“硯左”。乾隆駕崩後，先皇舊物依例被送入皇宮內庫。據民國著名書法家和收藏家 張伯英記述，這件御製詩冊於“甲子二月出內府，六月得之”。甲子就是1924年，即民國 十三年。眾所周知，1924年，北京發生了一件大事。駐北京的國民軍總司令部於11月4日上午 10時派部隊將1200名紫禁城守城兵士繳械，調駐北苑，聽候改編。同日，國民軍接替了紫禁 城的內城守衛，神武門換上了國民軍的崗哨。11月5日，奉馮玉祥之命，北京警衛司令鹿鍾麟 和員警總監張壁僅率20名精明強幹的部屬前往紫禁城向溥儀宣佈了廢除帝號的大總統令，限 溥儀交出玉璽，即日遷出紫禁城。而在這一日以前，溥儀一直不遺餘力的將他精挑細選的清 宮珍寶通過溥傑偷運出宮。從時間上看，這件《御製山莊荷花詩》應該就是這個時段流出內 府的。 張伯英（1871－1949），江蘇銅山人，清代光緒朝時舉人，書法家、金石鑒賞家，是著名畫 家齊白石的老師。繼張伯英之後，這件作品流入德國藏家手中。 在宮廷作品的收藏裡面，有詳細歷史記載的很少，與皇帝本人息息相關的更是鳳毛麟角。乾 隆帝的四萬多首詩中，由他本人晚年親選，製成後又置於案頭，直至臨終的應該只有這一部 《御製山莊荷花詩》了。其歷史地位毋庸置疑，其價值不可估量。

圖2. 承德避暑山莊 荷花池

Lot 818 A FINE AND RARE WHITE JADE ARCHER'S RING QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

The thumb ring inscribed with four auspicious characters ji xiang ru yi , good fortune as one wishes, intricately carved within medallions and encircled by a ring of studs, all divided by ruyi scepters, the stone of an even white tone.

H 2.5 cm.

Provenance Christie's Hong Kong, 30 April 2000, lot 569.

HK$ 500,000 - 800,000 NT$ 1,923,000 - 3,077,000 US$ 64,500 - 103,200 清乾隆�御製吉祥如意白玉扳指 選用上等無瑕新疆和闐白玉，由造辦處玉匠精雕細琢，鐫刻淺浮雕圓形圖案〈吉祥如意〉四字，上下以吉祥 象徵的如意圖案為紋飾。 來源 香港佳士得 二〇〇〇年四月三十日 拍品 569號 參考 乾隆皇帝對扳指製作非常重視，除了對傳統騎射的維護並且也是賞玩珍品，頌揚玉的廉潔品德如君子。乾隆 皇帝將詩句、吉祥語和圖案鐫刻在扳指上是前朝所未見。皇帝對扳指的推崇，帶動了皇親貴族佩戴扳指的時 尚潮流。所以精緻扳指不僅蘊藏玉的永恆文化，乾隆時期玉雕的登峰造極、乾隆皇帝詩文的造詣、為君之道 等，在在顯示不只是騎射的佩飾，更是集滿漢文化，藝術、文學、哲理思想於一身的重要歷史珍寶。 〈吉祥如意〉為宮廷常用吉祥語，常見於瓷器、玉器、金銀器、屏風等。台北國立故宮博物院所藏玉如意的 握柄上鐫刻〈吉祥如意〉四字。請參閱台北國立故宮博物院，1995年《吉祥如意文物特展圖錄》28頁。

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圖1. 乾隆皇帝馬上戎裝像 《宮廷畫師郎世寧》 天津人民出版社，二〇〇八年

Lot 819 A YELLOW JADE ARCHAISTIC PENDANT QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

This pendant is made of precious yellow jade, which the material itself is quite valuable. This piece is a fine example of the work of Palace Workshop. It shows a dragon and a phoenix in archaistic form. The details executed in thread relief and openwork. The stone is in fine quality with a small area of pale brown color on the tail.

L 7.5 cm Provenance Christie's New York, 25 March, 2011, lot 1551.

HK$ 500,000 - 600,000 NT$ 1,923,000 - 2,308,000 US$ 64,500 - 77,400

圖1. 西漢 龍形珮，西子山1994-5出土，江蘇省 蘇州博物館藏，THE SEARCH FOR IMMORTALITY – TOMB TREASURES OF HAN CHINA, FACING PAGE 61。

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清乾隆�黃玉仿古龍鳳紋珮 這件龍鳳呈祥珮以黃玉雕成，玉質上佳，玉色純淨，瑩潤如脂。夔龍雛鳳，合為一體。 龍是升龍，鳳是翔鳳；雙面浮雕，紋飾相同。龍型仿古，與戰漢時期的龍形類似，鳳的 形象出自漢代漆器。玉佩通體裝飾紋樣源自商周玉器。清代宮廷的仿古玉器雖多，但其 中黃玉並不多見，此珮造型優美大方，雕工精絕，實為宮廷造辦處仿古玉中的珍品。黃 玉是玉材中最名貴的品種之一，材料極其稀少難得。清代黃玉作品中，玉質多屬上乘， 是玉中的佼佼者，其價值絕不亞於羊脂白玉。 自宋代始，仿古的玉器製作逐漸形成了傳統，以後歷代多有沿襲，成為玉器形制的一個 重要類型。到清代乾隆年間在皇帝偏好的引領之下，好古達到新的頂峰。乾隆一朝，舉 世盛行仿古之風，尤以內務府造辦處所造仿古器物水平最高，其中仿照前代古玉制作新 玉，在形制和紋飾上加以模仿和創新，在用料和用工上精益求精。 來源 紐約佳士得 二〇一一年三月二十五日 拍品1551號 參考 乾隆好古，除了是古玉收藏大家之外，亦是一位創新的藝術家。藉由擁有世界最強大的 資源，良匠、良材，藝術的創新在他的指揮下，精品琳瑯，此件即為很典型的乾隆仿古 玉器。 面對真正的古玉 （圖1.）西漢 龍形珮，古玉靈動而神秘，不難理解乾隆對古玉的 鍾愛，進而創新仿古。另一件精品可參考（圖2.），天津博物館收藏的清 乾隆 白玉鳳紋 獸面紋潔矩, 《乾隆戊申仲夏御製》款 底陰刻楷書 “大清乾隆仿古”。

圖2. 清 乾隆 鳳紋獸面紋潔矩, 《乾隆戊申仲夏御製》款 底陰刻楷書 “大清乾隆仿古”。天津博物館藏。〈天津博物館文物精華〉圖版32，第23頁。

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乾 隆 仿 古

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Lot 820 AN ARCHAIC ETERNAL LUCK FOR OFFSPRING CHANGYI ZISUN JADE PLAQUE QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Of bi disc form enclosing the four characters chang yi zisun ('Eternal luck for offspring) in archaic script in the four cardinal directions, elaborately worked with two confronting phoenixes with an upward plumage on the upper quadrant above another pair of archaistic animals on the lower quadrant, the pierced top surmounted by a pair of confronting archaistic dragons with an undulating bodies, finely incised with the four-character Qianlong nianzhi mark on the outer edge on one side, and the eight characters Cai zi yibai liushiqi hao (series number 167) on the other, the well polished stone of an even pale greenish tone.

Fig.1

H 12.8 cm. 清乾隆�白玉龍鳳紋長宜子孫珮

For millennia, jade was largely an elite art for the aristocracy as it was a laboriously demanding and a time consuming art involving many labor-intensive steps. Historically, it has traditionally been regarded as a prestigious raw material believed to be capable of revitalizing the living and transpiring immorality for the dead. The dictum "By gold and jade put in the nine orifices of a body, the dead could reach immortality", frequently found in many historical records of the third and fourth centuries, coupled with the sheer amounts of jade artifacts found in archaeological burials testify to the material's importance. In retrospect, the Ming dynasty lasted for 276 years before being overthrown by the Manchu. The subsequent Qing dynasty witnessed an adoption of a policy of assimilation of Han traditions, which expands to the realms of its artistic productions and traditions, particularly in the field of jade art.

Fig.2

In retrospect, the Qianlong emperor (1736-1795) achieved various technological advances and innovations in jade craftsmanship.

The Imperial Academy spent fifteen years to compile the largest encyclopedia in the world at the time, entitled Siku quanshu (The Complete Books of the Four Sources), which encompassed a historical record of the significance of an extensive range of an 3457 subjects in a total of 79,070 chapters. The Qianlong emperor's active involvement can be seen through his commentaries on the work, which total more than 130,000 words. Furthermore, the Emperor's connoisseurship and passion for the art of jade is expressed in his 40,000 poems, 800 of which focused solely on the beauty of jade alone. Moreover, the emperor's understanding in the difficulty of quarrying jade is reflected in his commissioning of a jade piece depicting two Muslims moving a stone. The emperor had also composed ten poems describing the quarrying of Hetian jade during 1761 to 1793.

In essence, patronage under the Qing court and the expansion of the Imperial workshop were great contributors to the flourishing of the art of jade. The prevailing taste at the time often predicated upon synthesizing new techniques with classical forms, many of these works are practical while decorative with multiple functions. These elements have the combined effect of pushing the boundaries of jade art beyond the routinized craft skills. By extension, the present lot of a Changyi Zisun jade plaque epitomizes an imitation of these classical forms, as the bi-disc with auspicious phrases intended to induce good fortune appeared during the Eastern Han Dynasty, shown by a jade plaque decorated with raised circular bosses surmounted by the phrase Yi shou in between a pair of confronting archaistic dragons (Fig.1). Other examples have been excavated, such as another jade-bi worked with the three characters Yizisun (luck for offsprings) flanked by a pair of upward facing dragons and surmounted by a bird, all of which rendered in openwork and dated to the Han Dynasty (Fig.2 & 3). The techniques employed such as openwork and the design of a jade plaque portrays an artisan's technical skills. Another piece attributed to the Han Dynasty, the stone mottled with russet inclusions and decorated with a bi-disc adorned with raised bosses beneath a pair of dragons framing the characters Zhangle (Eternal happiness) (Fig.4). These aforementioned examples are essentially prototypes on which the design of the present lot is based upon.

Another closely related example of almost identical size measuring 13.7cm in length, currently residing in the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco feature a piece of pale greenish nephrite worked with the four vertically centered characters Changyi zisun (eternal luck for offspring) with two characters on the upper portion and two within the disc. (Fig.5) Similar to the present lot, the bi disc is surmounted by two confronting dragons with twisted bodies and intertwined tails forming the letter C while a smaller dragonet leans on the back of each larger dragon's neck. Within the disc appear two phoenixes with three small dragonets in close proximity, one on its head, one in its beak, and one in its claws, illustrated in Later Chinese Jades, Ming dynasty to early twentieth Century, Asian art museum, pl.203, p.196. Moreover, according to James C.S. Lin in The Collection of Qing Dynasty Jades in the Fitzwilliam Museum, similar jade plaques were made in the Imperial Palace Workshop until after the fifteenth year of Qianlong's reign in 1750. Likewise, the craftsmen would enumerate their creations on the side of the outer edge according to the characters in Qian zi wen (The Thousand Characters Essay). Compare with a similar jade plaque from the Collection of L. de Luca, sold at Sotheby's Hong Kong, 8 April 2011, lot 2805. See also another Changyi zisun plaque of similar form and dated to the same reign, sold at Christie's New York, 16 September 2010, lot 1094.

Fig.3

Fig.4

HK$ 4,000,000 - 5,000,000 NT$ 15,385,000 - 19,231,000 US$ 516,100 - 645,200

Fig.5

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清乾隆�白玉龍鳳紋長宜子孫珮 “乾隆年製”，“才字壹百六十七號”楷書款 公元一七五五年，清朝真正統一了新疆，同時也打通了玉石之路。之後新疆和田地區的優質玉料源源不斷進入中原。所以乾隆中期宮廷 玉雕作品的材質是最好的。時值盛世，玉癡皇帝乾隆又是不惜工本，沒有最好，只求更好。這一時期的宮廷玉雕作品是玉器收藏界最夢 寐以求的珍品。 長，長遠長久。宜，君子宜知。子孫，萬代也。“長宜子孫”是中國傳統大家族的家長經常會有的觀念；就是希望自己的家業能夠世世 代代維持下去，並且讓子子孫孫永遠保持發達興旺。古往今來，歴代皇帝的幾乎都如此朝思暮想，孜孜以求，慘淡經營。從漢代出土的 諸多文物看，帶有長宜子孫字樣的皇家器物說明在兩千多年前，長宜子孫這個觀念在皇室就很根深蒂固了。乾隆帝好古，他借用了漢代 玉璧的形制，精工細作了玉質長宜子孫珮賜予皇子皇孫，用以表達對子孫的期許和厚望。 本件“長宜子孫”珮，以上好和田玉雕成，玉材潔白無瑕斑，致密溫潤，清雅純淨，品質上乘。為宮廷造辦處所製。器形源自漢代的玉 質出廓璧。上部透雕兩只夔龍，面面相對，頭頂祥雲。下部圓形璧身�雕雙夔鳳紋及篆書“長宜子孫”四字。此璧雖是借鑒漢代的造型 和紋飾，但是在裝飾、造型上較漢代玉器更加複雜精緻，富於變化。它運用圓雕、透雕、線刻等諸多玉雕技法，做工精致，紋樣精緻， 具有典型的宮廷造辦處風格，盡顯清代宮廷器皿的奢華，是工精料美的典範之作，彌足珍貴。

參考 數千年來，玉器是貴族菁英奉為上品的工藝佩飾，它經過繁複的工序（圖1），在良工巧匠雕琢打磨下才能成大器。從古至今，玉石極 為珍罕，同時被人們視為能夠為生者回復精力、為往者積德的奇物。在三、四世紀眾多歷史記載中都曾提及：「將金玉置於人的九竅， 能保存精氣、屍骨不腐。」，而在考古過程中發現的隨葬品則進一步證明玉器的重要性。回顧過去，歷時276載的明朝最終被滿清推 翻，新的統治者在工藝和藝術創作等方面同化漢文化傳統，包括歷史悠久而又蘊含豐富內涵的玉器文化。 清朝乾隆帝在位期間(1736-1795)推動了玉器工藝的創新和進步，其時翰林院用了十五年時間編纂《四庫全書》—一本在當時世界上內容 最豐富的百科全書：79,070卷書中記錄了3457個主題項目。乾隆帝本人經常賦詩詠物，其文字創作總計超過十三萬字。在其40,000首詩 中有800首詠玉（圖2），表現了他對玉器的鑑賞力和鍾愛。此外，乾隆帝曾命人製作一件刻劃兩名穆斯林搬運石材的玉器，反映其深深 瞭解採集玉石之難；而在1761至1793年間，他一共創作了十首有關採和闐玉的詩。 清宮廷對玉器製作大力支持，擴展了造辦處，令玉文化藝術蓬勃發展。當時流行以新的工藝技巧製作造型典雅的玉件，成品不但具有裝 飾性而且用途廣泛。這些新嘗試可謂打破了玉器製作流於刻板工序的傳統。此拍品「長宜子孫」仿古玉璧將多種古典元素共冶一爐，在 設計上參照了東漢雕刻有吉祥字句的玉器—一塊上緣飾有一螭一龍、中間透雕「益壽」二字、下部圓形璧面飾谷粒紋的玉璧（圖3）。 類似的文物可參見兩塊漢代刻有「宜子孫」三字的玉璧，圓璧內飾有一對龍紋，面面相對，上緣為鳥，通體透雕而成（圖4及5）。製作 此類玉件的工匠巧奪天工，以精細的鏤雕工藝呈現典雅設計。另一件漢代玉璧帶有赤褐色斑，圓璧上飾谷粒紋，出廓部份刻有一對龍 紋，包圍鏤刻的「長樂」二字（圖6）。綜合所觀，不難發現這些漢代玉璧的設計，實為此拍品的工藝典範。 另外一件與這件拍品極為相似的玉器現藏於美國三藩市亞洲藝術博物館，該件玉璧長13.7厘米，為淡綠色軟玉，中央直行刻有「長宜子 孫」四字，兩字透雕於出廓部份，另外兩字側在圓璧內。與此拍品一樣，這件玉璧出廓部份飾有兩條面面相對的龍，龍身卷曲，尾部內 彎呈C形，兩龍頸部各自伏有小龍。圓璧內刻有兩隻鳳凰，各有三隻小龍緊挨其身，一隻在頭上，一隻在喙下，另一隻在爪下（圖像請 參看亞洲藝術博物館出版《中國後期玉器：明代至二十世紀初》第196頁，圖203）。另一方面，劍橋費茲威廉博物館亞洲部主任林政昇 曾提及，類似的玉器曾於一七五〇年、即乾隆十五年後於清宮造辦處製造。當時工匠按照規定，會以千字文內容為完成的創作排序，然 後將表示次序的字刻於器物的外緣上。此玉璧與香港蘇富比2011年4月8日拍賣L. de Luca收藏的一件玉器（拍品編號2805）、以及紐約 佳士德2010年9月16日拍賣的清「長宜子孫」玉璧（拍品編號1094）造型相似，可茲比較。

Lot 821 A RARE YELLOW JADE ARCHAISTIC EWER AND COVER QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

This ewer is superbly carved in shallow relief on each side with an archaistic phoenix, with the mouth of a dragon head forming the elegant sprout with a looped ring attached to the underside, the cover topped with archaistic bird finial with its crested head turned slightly upward, resting on four out-turned bladed legs of beautiful curvature.

L14 cm Provenance From the Melina Collection.

The shape of this present ewer is probably an adaption of the archaic bronze wine vessel, he. Emperor Qianlong was well known for his interest in archaism. A number of jades made during his reign were either after archaic bronze or jade form, simultaneously incorporating the motifs found on these archaic pieces. The present lot is an excellent archaistic example from the Qianlong period. The material of this wonderful piece is high quality yellow jade. Only one example is found in Palace Museum Beijing, illustrated in Jade Ware II, The Complete Collection of The Treasures of the Palace Museum Beijing, no.

112.

HK$ 2,200,000 - 2,800,000 NT$ 8,462,000 - 10,769,000 US$ 283,900 - 361,300

清乾隆�黃玉龍首鳳紋天雞壺 和闐田黃玉歷代量都極為稀少。它柔和如脂，細膩滋潤，是當仁不讓的玉中的珍品。清代的諸多傳世玉器中，黃 玉作品數量極少，通常是可遇而不可求。天雞是古代的神鳥。相傳住在東海岱輿山的扶桑樹上，率天下之雞報 曉。南朝梁任昉所著《述異記》中記述：“東南有桃都山，上有大樹……上有天雞，曰初出，照此木，天雞則 鳴，天下雞皆隨之鳴。”唐代詩人李白也曾有過“半壁見海日, 空中聞天雞”的名句。在古代，天雞是瑞獸，乃 吉祥之物，能避邪祈福。在清代皇家藝術陳設品中，天雞是呼喚日出、呼喚光明的神鳥，成為宮廷內府專用的形 象。清代民間藝術品中絕少看到天雞造型的器物。 這件黃玉龍首天雞壺造型十分獨特稀有，借鑒了古青銅器“盉”的器形。天雞，是也鳳的別稱。此壺整體如圓雕 之鳳，蓋頂端坐壹尊鳳雛。龍是皇權的象徵。此壺以龍首為流，上結兩條綬帶，十分罕見。龍口下方配以活環， 遠觀似鳳首。壺口一圈飾雲肩如意紋。壺體兩側取自商周古玉中的神鳥圖案。壺柄參照古玉器形制，形似鳳尾。 線條優美的四足上是典型的古代青銅器紋飾。這件作品運用浮雕、透雕、圓雕及挖空多種工藝手法，雕刻出這件 高貴清雅，巧奪天工的佳作。此壺集龍鳳於一體，意為陰陽調和，龍鳳呈祥。 這種四足帶流的器皿在上古時期叫盉，是古代酒器。那時候“盉”與“和”是通假字。清代段玉裁注的《說文解 字》中說，因為“和”字流行，使得“盉”、“龢”等同義詞字被取代了。乾隆皇帝好古成癖，更愛考據。用 “盉”來比喻“和”正是有據可考的。 滿族以武功奪天下，卻特別注意用文德守江山。從清朝入關的第一位皇帝順治帝開始，各代統治者都崇尚漢文 化，研讀漢文詩賦典籍。乾隆皇帝自幼飽讀詩書，深受漢文化熏陶，有雄厚的國學功底。儒家文化在清代是國學 正宗，是皇權的法理基礎。儒家思想的精髓是中庸，就是“中”與“和”。《中庸》云：“中也者，天下之大本 也；和也者，天下之達道也。致中和，天地位焉，萬物育焉。” 所謂“執中致和”，就是通過“不偏不倚”的方 法，實現天地上下尊卑各安其位，使世間萬物孕育成長，達到天地萬物完美和諧的境界。可見，這個“和”字囊 括了人世禮制，自然運行，萬物生機的法則，充分體現了乾隆皇帝為君的理念，符合他著重“�永可思”的審美 思路。 “乾隆皇帝一生寫作八百多篇與玉相關的詩文。他首次表達對玉的看法，是在皇子時期撰寫的〈良玉比君子 賦〉，乃依循著儒家以玉比德之載體的觀點。詩中寫道“永惟無當戒，三複實我師”。換句話說，玉器不能以生 活器皿的功能，風花雪月的心情去品玩，而應以莊重的態度，君王的角色理解其禮制與德行的意涵。此後數十 年，他反複強調相同的觀點，似乎宣誓賞玉絕非玩物喪志，而是進德修業。由此可知，自我的提醒與教育，在乾 隆皇帝品味的養成中，是不容忽視的一環。”《十全乾隆》第57頁，台北故宮博物院2013年版 古人把玉看作是天地精氣之結晶，是人與神溝通的中介。乾隆皇帝以“盉”來比喻“和”；用珍稀的黃玉來雕造 一個呼喚日出、呼喚光明的吉祥神鳥，辟邪祈福，讓人真實地感受到乾隆帝作為盛世君王獨特的藝術審美，深厚 的漢學功底，和其內心世界的理想追求。 這尊吉祥瑞獸優美舒展線條流暢，精致典雅，演繹著皇家獨有的雍容氣派。這件古代宮廷陳設在今天仍然別具神 韻，煥發著美的光彩。北京故宮的清宮舊藏中有一件乾隆御制碧玉天雞壺和本拍品造型十分接近。此壺是乾隆時 期清宮造辦處仿古創新之力作，寓意深遠，傳世罕見，堪稱國寶。 來源 美國 Malina 家族舊藏 參考 《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系》玉器卷下 第112頁〈清乾隆碧玉仿古天雞壺〉

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Lot 822 A SPINACH JADE MARRIAGE BOWL QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Thick walled and of strong proportions, carved with low relief on the exterior with fruiting peach branches and bats, flanked by a pair of large bat on peach handles on either side, with strong lose ring under each glamour handle. Also decorated on the exterior are two extra bold and exquisitely carved in high relief large peaches with bats landed on top. The bowl raised on a short but strong circular foot, typical workmanship of the Beijing Palace Workshop.

D 36.8 cm.

Provenance From the Collection of Sir Kenneth Matheson, UK. Spink & Son Ltd., London, illustrated in its catalogue, Chinese Carved Jades.

The short but strong circular foot of the present lot epitomizes the typical workmanship of the Beijing Palace Workshop. Large Jade marriage bowl of this form was traditionally regard as a symbol of social status and wealth. It is interesting to note that they were commonly displayed in palace of royalty or high ranking nobleman.

HK$ 2,400,000 - 3,600,000 NT$ 9,231,000 - 13,846,000 US$ 309,700 - 464,500

1920至1930年代英國倫敦Spink & Son展覽圖錄

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清乾隆�碧玉福壽紋如意雲頭耳活環洗 整器通體以碧玉雕成，造型壯碩，正圓深腹，口緣光素內歛，圓形圈足，通體 浮雕蟠桃蝙蝠紋飾。此器內部掏空，壁厚外鼓，兩側雕如意雲頭紋雙耳，如意 頭上裝飾蟠桃蝙蝠，有一長柄接於腹部，內套活環，腹部外側淺浮雕連續蟠桃 枝葉圖案，蝙蝠展翅飛翔其中，下方還有整圈的崖石海水紋飾，器壁前後方裝 飾半圓雕的巨型蟠桃，蟠桃上都有張翅蝙蝠的細節，襯托出鮮明的主題，寓意 「福壽連綿」的吉祥意義。本品造型莊重大方，紋飾規整，布局對稱。在裝飾 手法上採用浮雕、立雕、鏤空雕等複雜組合工藝。最特別的一點，是本件與現 展覽於北京故宮博物院〈盛世琳瑯－院藏乾隆朝玉器精品展〉的一件碧玉活環 洗，除細部花紋略有不同，質材、尺寸、器型、裝飾上均極為相似，應出於同 一宮廷作坊。 來源 英國舊家 Sir Kenneth Matheson 收藏 展覽及出版 1920至1930年代英國倫敦Spink & Son，當時定為康熙年代。

Lot 823 A SPINACH JADE ARCHAISTIC VASE AND COVER QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Each side carved in low relief with a Taotie mask on the sloping shoulder and neck, flanked by a pair of mythical beast handles issuing lose rings.

H 42.3 cm.

Provenance Acquired in 1950s from Montreal, Canada.

It is very rare to have a 18th Century Qianlong jade vase of this large size. Vases of this size are usually referred to as Palace vases because of their sheer size. The imposing presence of the present lot can only lend compliment to the largest and most lavish of settings such as palaces, temples and official offices.

HK$ 2,000,000 - 3,000,000 NT$ 7,692,000 - 11,538,000 US$ 258,100 - 387,100

《故宮博物院藏品大系》卷十，第70-71，乾隆仿古碧玉百獸紋豆。

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清乾隆�碧玉獅耳活環饕餮紋大蓋瓶 乾隆是歷史上僅有的皇帝身份的古玉鑒定專家。“仿古”是乾隆皇帝的一大喜好。得益於康熙雍正兩朝的雄厚積澱，又處於太平盛 世，清乾隆時期的玉器成為數千年的玉雕歴史上，三大高峰中最為燦爛光輝的頂峰。內外部大環境都為乾隆玉器的興盛創造了優越條 件。加之乾隆皇帝對玉及玉文化情有獨鍾，在宮中造辦處設有玉作坊，如意館之內亦曾添玉作，一時玉器之風大盛。但縱觀如今拍場 上的清宮玉器，大件的宮廷玉器十分稀少，高過40公分的乾隆宮廷玉器更是鳳毛麟角，可遇而不可求。 在古代，單靠水凳砣機極難製作大件的玉器；其材料和人工成本都很高；加工中仼何小失誤都不可逆轉，無法擬補。製作充滿各種 對稱圖案，曲線豐富大件玉器，難度不可想象。這尊乾隆玉瓶體量碩大，淨高達罕見的42.3公分。細看之，能感到“勻”，“正”， “穩”三個字。壺體上各個對稱線條的曲直轉折勻稱流暢，比例恰到好處，造型明朗大方，雕工精確嚴謹，地子收拾得平整細膩，口 蓋嚴絲合縫不差分毫，高圈足規矩劃一。更難得的是，這樣的大瓶通常失蓋，而這尊大玉瓶連同頂蓋完好無損。歴時兩百餘年，殊 為不易。常言道一方勝十圓；就是說製作方形器比圓形器困難很多。其實橢圓形玉器的製作難度大大高於方形玉器；因為用水凳加工 時，玉件琢的磨角度要求不斷變化而保持精准。而這個橢圓形器的上下左右曲線形狀又是連續而對稱變化的，其製作難度又提高了數 倍。在這樣的設計下這尊大瓶能夠達到“勻”，“正”，“穩”，非當時頂尖的良工巧匠絕不能為。 乾隆時期的仿古玉器常用碧玉，碧玉材質的綠色暗合古青銅器的顏色。這符合乾隆皇帝的審美。這尊大碧玉瓶選材精良，玉質細膩油 潤，雖體型碩大，但材質中幾乎沒有綹裂，這是大件玉器十分難得之處。大玉瓶中段的饕餮圖案不繁不簡，威嚴而神秘，符合宮廷禮 器的莊重與華貴。單看瓶蓋頂端的鈕，就有台階，收徑，一圈乳丁，兩條陽線，細膩而精巧。再看雙獅耳生動有神；其活環處一個小 小的凸起使活環不緊貼瓶身；這些細節的處理顯示出了皇家玉器工藝之講究，以及造辦處玉匠的不凡身手。這尊大玉瓶的內膛打磨細 膩平整，一絲不苟，與外壁無異。只有乾隆鼎盛時期的宮廷玉器，才能為取悅玉癡皇帝而如此不計工本。這尊玉瓶典雅貴重，氣派豪 邁，工精料美，體量碩大，稀有罕見，是十分難得的乾隆宮廷藝術佳作。 來源 加拿大蒙特利爾重要資深藏家 購於上世紀50年代

Lot 824 A PAIR OF DOUBLE-SIDED BLACK LACQUER WALL PLAQUES WITH INLAID JADE QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Each zitan panel inlaid with a poem in white jade, reading Heqi nai jia rui, jing de qishu, the reverse depicting elegant branches issuing flowering plum blossoms and coral buds, surmounted by a reticulated copper handle at the top.

H 90 cm Wall Panels such as the present lot would frequently appear in the Imperial palace, particular in places that the Emperor frequently visited. Historically, these decorative panels first appear in early Qing and became prevalent during reigns of Yongzheng and Qianlong.

HK$ 1,600,000-2,800,000 NT$ 6,154,000 - 10,769,000 US$ 206,500 - 361,300

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清乾隆�紫檀嵌玉詩文雙面掛屏 一對 此對雙面掛屏，紫檀木框雙面打窪，嵌黑漆板心，漆面蛇腹斷紋，一面以白玉鑲嵌五言詩 掛屏「和氣乃佳瑞，靜德即奇書」。另一面以木雕凸嵌乾枝梅樹、以厚螺鈿嵌梅花、珊瑚 為花苞。銅掛勾為原件，獸面造型並陰刻雙目，做工講究。為宮中書齋內非常具個人涵養 又文雅的飾品。在清代宮廷中，皇帝及后妃的寢宮、書齋、園林內，幾乎隨處可見掛屏。 掛屏在清初開始出現，於雍正、乾隆兩朝最為風行。主要是代替懸掛的畫軸，成為牆上的 裝飾品，一般都是成對或成套。 展覽 〈圓明園—大清皇帝最美的夢〉國父紀念館 台北2013 出版 《圓明園—大清皇帝最美的夢》 2013頑石創意 第210-211頁

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北京 紫禁城 養心殿 西暖閣

清 宮 秘 藏

Lot 825 A GILT-WOOD FIGURE OF A LUOHAN AND SHAKYAMUNI BUDDHA QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

The monk intricately carved with two legs pendant, wearing lose robes tied at the waist with a tasseled string, the head turned right and slightly tilted upwards, flanked at the sides with a pair of lobed ears with circular earrings, the hands holding a weighted string on both ends, overall gilded in gold. Another figure of Shakyamuni Buddha seated in vajrasana on a triangular twelve lotus petals pedestal, dressed in a plain robe draped over the left shoulder and falling in folds, the serene face with delicate features framed by a pair of long pendulous ear, the hair arranged in regular rows of tight snail curls whorls surmounted by a domed usnisa.

H 9.5cm.

HK$ 200,000 - 300,000 NT$ 769,000 - 1,154,000 US$ 25,800 - 38,700

《清宮秘藏 承德避暑山莊藏傳佛教文物特展》圖錄 一九九九年五月

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清乾隆�白檀木胎漆金羅漢坐像／白檀木胎漆金釋迦牟尼像 白檀香木是名貴、珍稀植物，主要產於印度尼泊爾和中國的海南等熱帶地 方。在中國，這種樹木據說從清代就已經消失殆盡。檀香樹是半寄生性植 物，幼苗期必須寄生在鳳凰樹等植物上，長大後才能獨立生存；而且生長 極其緩慢。檀在印度的梵語中，有“布施”的意思，這或許是檀木進入佛 教儀式的緣起。佛經�有專門的《佛說旃檀經》，經文裡有“此樹香潔， 世所稀有……利除百病”句，給這種自然之中本就罕有的樹木披上更厚實 的神秘面紗。白檀香木本身有一種清香的味道，在清代宮廷和顯貴當中很 多的人將稀有的白檀香木作為供佛的上品香料和珍貴的佛造像用料。白檀 香木還可以入藥，有理氣化淤、祛除汙穢等的功效，其香氣還有助于修行 之人平靜心緒，使之容易進入禪定的狀態。 這兩尊白檀佛像是典型的乾隆宮廷佛造像。一尊釋迦牟尼像，法相莊嚴， 雙手結說法印，全跏跌坐於蓮花座上，雕工精緻。另一尊為雙手執金剛索 的羅漢像。此尊雕像完整細膩，臉部刻畫生動自然，衣紋流暢。兩尊都是 典型的乾隆宮廷造像風格。他們原來應該是供奉於佛龕內，所以表面落灰 並不多；原始泥金還完整如初。十分難得。

Lot 826 A LAPIS LAZULI SEATED FIGURE OF AMITAYUS QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Superbly carved from a single stone of lapis lazuli, his chignon secured with a sevenleaf diadem with hands held together above the crossed feet, his bare chest covered with beaded jewels and arms wrapped with a celestial scarf.

H 19 cm.

Provenance Ashkenazie & Co., San Francisco.

An Important Private Collection, USA. The present lot is modeled after an important god in Buddhism, Amitayus and epitomizes typical works of art from the Qing Imperial workshop. Lapis Lazuli is known in Chinese as the blue golden stone. It was among the most precious stone in the Qing court, much more valuable than jade. It is very rare to see an 18th century carved figure of lapis lazuli in this large size. Most carved figure of lapis lazuli were usually made in much smaller size contributing to the rarity of the present lot as the raw material utilized to construct it must have been substantially large. Similar examples can be found in the Palace Museum in both Beijing and Taipei. It is also interesting to note that lapis lazuli is one of the seven treasures of Buddhism.

HK$ 700,000 - 800,000 NT$ 2,692,000 - 3,077,000 US$ 90,300 - 103,200

青金石佛坐像 1998年11月3日 香港佳士得 Lot 1021

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清乾隆�御製青金石無量壽佛像 青金石在古代是一種較為罕有的寶石, 比玉石貴重得多。呈藍色的青金石古器甚為珍貴，屬於佛教七寶之一。 《石雅》云：“青金石色相如天”,“光輝燦爛，若辰星麗於天也”。所以中國古代通常用青金石作為上天威 嚴崇高的象徵。據《清會典圖考》載：“皇帝朝珠雜飾，唯天壇用青金石，地壇用琥珀，日壇用珊瑚，月壇用 綠松石；皇帝朝帶，其飾天壇用青金石，地壇用黃玉，日壇用珊瑚，月壇用白玉”。皆借玉色來象徵天、地、 日、月，其中以天為上。自明清以來，青金石“色相如天”，天為上，因此明清帝王重青金石。在故宮博物院 的兩萬餘件清宮藏玉中，青金石雕刻品不及百件。現存的18世紀大尺寸的青金石雕少如鳳毛麟角。 無量壽佛是梵文阿彌陀佛的譯名。阿彌陀佛，西方極樂世界教化眾生的導師也，梵語“阿彌陀”，中文稱“無 量”，因此阿彌陀佛光明無量、壽命無量，所以號阿彌陀，阿彌陀含無量光，無量壽之二義。他的壽命、光 明、智慧、功德、神通、道力、慈悲、相好......等等，無一不無量，故我們可以稱他為“無量壽佛”，也可以稱 他為“無量光佛”。據記載，在很古的時候，他原是世自在王佛時的法藏比丘，受到世自在王佛的教化，自願 成就一個盡善盡美的佛國（極樂淨土），並要以最善巧的方法來度化眾生，發了四十八誓願，因而成為阿彌陀 佛。他發願，目的是為了救度眾生，他要一切眾生都在此生中，了生死、出三界、生淨土、成佛道，人人都跟 他一樣，壽命無量、光明無量，樣樣皆無量、圓滿。據說遇到他大慈光的人，能夠避免一切痛苦。阿彌陀佛為 西方極樂淨土世界的教主，以無盡願力誓渡一切眾生，不舍悲願，以無量光明照獨行者，業障重罪皆可消減， 凡持其名號者，生前獲佛護佑，消除一切災禍業苦；死後更可化生其極樂淨土，得享一切安樂。所以佛教界還 流傳著一句“家家彌陀佛”的話，那就是家家戶戶都有人念“阿彌陀佛”的意思，由此亦可見世人對其崇拜敬 仰之一斑。 這尊十分稀有的青金石無量壽佛是典型的清乾隆年間造辦處的精品。從這尊作品的縫隙中看，其早年或許有泥 金和彩繪。在我們已知的清宮青金石佛像中極罕有尺寸如此之大，做工如此精良的。在故宮裡，我們見到的青 金石佛像通常是三寸，四寸高。青金石因其材質脆硬，不易雕琢。即便是故宮博物院中的青金石藏品，也很少 有如此精雕細琢。用如此之大塊貴比寶石，色相如天的青金石來精心製作的佛像，體現了皇家求阿彌陀佛保佑 的至誠之心。 其它近似青金石雕像例子有承德避暑山莊藏壹件菩薩坐像；見1999年台北出版《清宮秘藏: 承德避暑山莊藏傳佛 教文物特展圖錄》，圖版81號。另一件青金石佛坐像，1998年11月3日於香港佳士得拍賣，拍品1021號。 來源 美國舊金山 Ashkenazie & Co. 美國資深藏家舊藏

Lot 827 A MAGNIFICENT MARBLE MANJUSRI STELE QIANLONG AND OF THE PERIOD (1736-1795)

Deeply carved with Manjusri seated in dyyanasaria on a double lotus pedestal, holding a lotus stem flowering at both sides of his shoulder, dressed in a dhoti, further adorned with a flowing scarf and beaded jewelry, his face modelled with a benevolent expression below an elaborate five panel crown toppled with a domeshaped knob, the charming stele bordered with an undulating motif in between two bands of raised circles, the reverse with further inscriptions.

H 62 cm.

HK$ 800,000 - 1,200,000 NT$ 3,077,000 - 4,615,000 US$ 103,200 - 154,800 清乾隆�漢白玉雕文殊菩薩像 此尊漢白玉雕文殊菩薩頭戴五葉花冠，束髮高髻，寶珠頂嚴。耳側繒帶飛揚，耳下垂圓環，面相方正飽 滿，神態沉靜安祥，雙肩寬厚，軀體健碩，體態勻稱；上身飾項圈和長鏈，項圈下綴U字形聯珠式瓔珞，下 身著長裙，腰間束帶。雙肩披大帔帛，衣紋流暢優美。手臂還有釧鐲裝飾。右手下垂，結與願印，表示佛 菩薩能給與眾生願望滿足，使眾生所祈求之願都能實現。兩手同時各拈一莖，蓮花齊肩開放，左右肩花上 分別置經書和寶劍。經與劍是文殊菩薩的重要標識，皆有深刻寓意。經書表示智慧淵博如大海，利劍表示 可以斬殺一切煩惱之賊。菩薩全跏趺坐於仰覆蓮花座上。仰覆蓮花中間飾大顆飽滿連珠紋，排列規整。背 光後面刻有文殊菩薩增長智慧的咒語，又稱文殊菩薩心咒。從整體上看，此件漢白玉文殊像造型完美，裝 飾繁縟，雕工上乘，華麗大氣，體現了清乾隆時期宮廷雕刻藝術的精緻與典雅，在藝術上有很高的造詣。

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圖 香山碧雲寺 金剛寶座塔菩薩造像

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參考 研究北京御製石刻佛像，在北京幾處寺廟及御苑，如外妙應寺、大正覺寺、嵩祝寺、弘仁寺、 居庸關雲台、雍和宮、西黃寺、香山昭廟、碧雲寺、金剛寶座塔…等地都還有一些未被破壞的 當朝藏傳佛教藝術品及石刻真品遺跡。 左圖為香山碧雲寺中極有名的金剛寶座塔中的菩薩造像，不論是服飾、開臉、比例都和此件極 為類似。金剛寶座塔建於乾隆十三年（1748年）全塔由漢白玉石刻，工藝精美，為乾隆御製佛 像藝術留下最好的參考實証。 文殊菩薩是梵文“文殊師利”的音譯簡稱，意思是“妙德”和“妙吉祥”。在佛教諸菩薩中， 文殊以智慧見長，位居各大菩薩之首。藏傳佛教對文殊菩薩十分尊崇。他們認為，佛教修學的 主要宗旨是斷煩惱、證菩提；而實現這一目標的主要方法就是修智慧。智慧如利劍，可以斬斷 一切煩惱；如果不修智慧，而僅僅去做一些善事，只能修得好的福報，終究不能擺脫生死輪迴 之苦，達到成佛的最高成就。藏傳佛教還將一些重要的上師和歷史人物視為文殊菩薩的化身， 歷史上先後有格魯派創始人宗喀巴、吐蕃贊普赤松德贊、清代乾隆皇帝被尊為文殊菩薩的化 身。這些化身形象也都帶有文殊菩薩的形象標誌，即手中或肩花上有經書和寶劍。

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Lot 828 A COPPEER FIGURE OF TARA WITH TURQUISE INLAID YONGZHENG / QIANLONG

Seated in dhyanasana on a double lotus base, her right hand in varada mudra and her left hand holding a lotus blooming on both sides of her shoulders, the palms incised and painted with eyes, the serene face of radiate opulence frame by a crown of five jeweled plaques below a network of elaborate jewelries festooned across her torso, wearing a lose garment of flowing rhythmic elegance embossed with rich foliate designs visible from the reverse, her legs folded in padmasana.

H 73 cm.

Provenance A Private European Collection

HK$ 8,000,000 - 12,000,000 NT$ 30,769,000 - 46,154,000 US$ 1,032,300 - 1,548,400

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The present lot epitomizes the most beautiful sculptures of Tara made under the patronage of the Yongle emperor during the Ming dynasty. In essence, the Tara in the Tibeto-Chinese style of the Ming dynasty not only constitute the pinnacles among representations of Tara and of Buddhist art as a whole, they also represent the most perfect example of casting techniques of that period. For instance, works of smaller size were often cast in two major pieces, one formulating the figure and another the base. Similar to the present lot, appurtenances such as the scarf were also often cast separately and skillfully re-assembled later on. Traditionally, the skin of the figure is often painted in the liturgically prescribed colors when a sculpture is polychrome. Similar to the present lot, gold being the favored color used on the face while black or blue were invariably used on the hair. Traditionally, gold paint was re-applied as they became discern over time. This method involved applying a mixture of gold powder and gelatin with a fine brush and was known as trang ser (gold coated) in Tibet. The turquoise inlaid adorning the crown of the present lot is also inline with the artisan's practice of encrusting their surface with semi-precious stones as it enhances the sumptuousness of their works. The artisan's preference and tendency to use blue precious stone such as turquoise inlaid can be summarized by E.H. Schefer's annotation: “The Chinese were not alone among the Far Eastern peoples in their admiration for blue mineral. The Tibetans valued it above all others, even ahead of gold, and those highlanders saw in it the image of the azure sky, and said that the hair of their goddesses had its color.�

Tara's name translates to the one who saves and is often referred to as the manifestation of wisdom and the embodiment of prajnya (insight), worshipped by laymen and lames across centuries. In retrospect, Tara's great popularity coincided with the growth of Tantric worship early in western Tibet and subsequently have had a profound influence on Buddhism. There are essentially twenty one forms of Tara, each representing the Tara invoked in "Twenty one Verses in Praise of Tara" recited by Vairochana Buddha in the thirty five chapter of the Tara Tantra, each Tara correspond to one of the verses in the text. It is highly probable that the present lot is a depiction of Sitatara (White Tara) as the gesture of her right hand in varada mudra and her crossed leg folded in padmasana signifies a trademark of the deity. According to popular folklore, the legendary origin of Tara is related to the great bodhisattva, Avalokiteshvara.

As he witnessed the ever-increasing misery of humanity, he shed an endless stream of tears of compassion streaming down his face and from the tears the White and Green Taras were born. It is from the aforementioned concepts that depictions of Tara in both painted as well as sculptural forms have been conceived, such as the impressive images of White Tara gracing the halls of the Patala palace, constructed by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama in 1645 above Lhasa over the ancient ruins of Songtsen Gambo's castle.

In addition, the majestic grace of the deity seems to have inspired the present lot of the graceful Tara as it also constitutes one of the most exquisite depictions of the female deity and one of the most extraordinary sculpture to survive from the early periods of Buddhist art. The figure's gesture is both alert and majestic in a pose of power, further adorned with an elaborate jeweled crown with a network of royal ornaments festooned across her naked torso. The White Tara is also known as the Maiden with seven eyes. As seen on the present lot, her serene face is meticulously depicted with a third eye on her forehead, which symbolizes her direct vision of the unity of ultimate reality simultaneous with her two eyes seeing the dualistic world of beings. The eye in the palm of her hands is connotative that her generosity is always accompanied by perfect wisdom. The deity's crossed legs signify her immovability from contemplative union with Nirvana while the eyes in the sole of her feet enables a continuing wariness of all living beings' plight. It is also interest to note that the stem of a triple lotus in her hand extending to further buds and blossoms is indicative of the Buddhas of past, present and future. Compare with a closely related White Tara Stele dated to the second half of the 11th century from the Herbert and Florence Irving Collection. (Fig.1) This impressive stele depicts White Tara in a similar posture as the present lot, illustrated in Wisdom and Compassion, The sacred art of Tibet, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco and Tibet, New York, 1991, p.124, pl.22. See also another important embossed embroidery Thangka from the Tibet Museum Collection and another statue of White Tara from the Nor-bu-gling-ka Collection (Fig.2), similarly adorned with a five panel crown and decorated with precious turquoise inlays, illustrated in Jane Singer's Tibetan Art, towards a definition of style, London, 1997, pp.126-127 and 130-131.

Fig.1 The Herbert and Florence Irving Collection

Fig.2 The Nor-bu-gling-ka Collection

清雍正／乾隆�銅泥金白度母坐像 白度母是二十一度母之一，為觀音菩薩的方便化現，亦為藏傳佛教中的長壽尊。此像儀容端莊，溫婉秀麗，豐乳細 腰，姿態典雅，飄帶鏨纏枝花卉，一面三目，另於雙手雙足心各生一目，合為七目，故此尊亦稱“七眼佛母”。佛母 戴五葉冠，面相飽滿，儀容秀美。身配釧、環、纓絡等，作工精緻，並鑲嵌寶石。左右兩側各生花枝，葉蔓盤曲生 動，頂飾蓮花。右手結與願印，左手當胸，結跏跌坐於高蓮臺上，度母和蓮座分層製作，打摺裙鏨中式團花圖騰非常 罕見，是一尊富有尼泊爾韻味的漢藏造像珍品。 來源 歐洲舊藏 參考 此件稀有的白度母坐像，尺寸巨大，整體外相，包括臉相、體態，具有尼泊爾－西藏的韻味，七隻藍色的天眼，畫 工傳神，至今依舊完美，直達本初自性。其中鏨纏枝花卉的飄帶及刻花衣裙，是16-17世紀菩薩造像的典型風格，見 （圖1.）The Kemper Collection, Sold at Christie's Amsterdam, 11 October 1994, lot 171. 此件尼泊爾的銅鎏金四臂觀音， 鮮明的華麗造型，刻花飄帶、高型五葉寶冠，並鑲嵌石，代表16-17世紀當時菩薩造像的風尚，這樣的風尚也在西 藏、中國宮廷等信奉藏傳佛教的地區都可見到。另一件16-17世紀的銅鎏金白度母坐像（圖2.）Collection of Alice & NasliHeeramanec, Tantric Buddhist Art, China Institute in America, NO. 15, Page 56，刻花裙及蓮花座的型式，亦可比較出 此件的風格是相符合的。 在清宮舊藏中有一件大型彌勒菩薩坐像，其臉相、高型寶冠、嵌綠松石，卷葉翻轉造型及紋樣，工藝技法等，都和此 件極為相似。如此大型的銅佛造像，放在宮中的佛堂，是極為相配的。（圖3.）故宮經典 藏傳佛教造相, 坐相彌勒菩 薩，故宮博物院編，紫禁城出版社，圖版85，第159頁 清宮對藏傳佛教的信奉及供養，相較於明永樂、宣德，實在有過之而無不及。藏傳佛教在清宮的影響，由帝王帶領， 如康熙祟信奉無量壽佛，雍正帝本身以圓明居士自居，乾隆帝祟信無量壽佛更甚祖輩，在清宮佛堂中建了不少的「極 樂世界」道場，以供膜拜，嚮往其美妙的環境和與佛等量的無量壽命及無量光，以成就無量無邊的功德。 白度母屬蓮花部，西方極樂世界，與無量壽佛、尊勝佛母三尊組合一起時，稱為長壽三尊，是蒙藏地區十分常見並廣 受信仰的壽神組合。因為這三尊均為吉祥福壽的尊像，而祈福祈壽，祈國運綿長、國泰民安等是皇家信佛及皇家佛堂 的特色和重要功用，所以這三尊並置的造像及唐卡也很常見。依據北京故宮宮廷部研究員 王子林的研究，可以知道 白度母的供養在宮中多處的極樂世界道場，最有名者為雨花閣，雨花閣建於乾隆十四年（1749年），一層設有西方極 樂世界阿彌陀佛安養道場。 據現存原狀，雨花閣供奉密宗四部神祗，共三層，第一層即下層分為仙樓、後殿和前殿，仙樓供奉密宗功德品，後殿 供密宗智行品，前殿為抱廈，空間開闊。前殿與後殿之間建有花蓮罩以隔開，罩上貼磁青泥金字乾隆帝御筆“西方極 樂世界阿彌陀佛安養道場”橫條一張，表明前殿為西方極樂世界道場。由於前殿開闢為極樂世界道場，故後殿密宗四 部中的第一部智行品所供諸尊調整為以蓮花部諸尊為主，無量壽佛是其中心，後殿佛龕上的說語帖落曰：此層供奉智 行品佛，應念智行品內無量壽佛、四臂觀世音菩薩、尊勝佛母、白救度佛母、積光佛母、大悲觀世音菩薩、綠度母佛 母、隨求佛母、白傘蓋佛母等經。後殿佛龕正中供奉無量壽佛，是此層的主尊，奉無量壽佛經，無量壽佛是蓮花族的 部尊，部主是觀音菩薩，由於此層已標明是阿彌陀佛的道場，祈壽延年是其宗旨，因此蓮花族諸神佔據了主要地位： 以《大乘無量壽經》為根本經典的無量壽佛位居中心，四臂觀音菩薩和大悲觀音菩薩即十一面觀音菩薩跟隨其後，白 度母和綠度母為其眷屬。其他四尊為佛族尊勝佛母、白傘蓋佛母、積光佛母和隨求佛母。……清宮極樂世界道場，並 沒有獨立的佛堂，它只存在於佛堂之中，如佛堂中的一間。極樂世界道場以乾隆時期所開闢的為最多。據檔案和現存 原狀，貼有乾隆御筆“西方極樂世界安養道場”橫條的只有雨花閣一層和養和精舍東間兩處，重華宮雖設有西方極樂 世界，但原狀今無存，其供奉形情如何己不可知。其他佛堂若開闢供奉有無量壽佛的法器、唐卡和造像等，則我們可 以確定為與西方極樂世界道場有關的佛堂。 乾隆帝崇信西方極樂世界，以雨花閣、闡福寺、千佛閣、萬佛樓、養和精舍為代表，供奉無量壽佛，不僅祈求自身長 壽，而且也祈求萬民長壽。如乾隆十一年《御製闡福寺碑文》中說：“上為慈聖祝厘，下為海宇蒼生祈佑。”又如乾 隆三十五年《御製千佛閣碑記》記：“譬指覺岸，渡大願船，祗蘄情器世界，一切有生，匯無央數劫，共臻大年。” 他以大慈悲思想，超越自身，視這些極樂淨土為有情眾生同登彼岸的大願船，與《無量壽佛經》所宣導的無量眾生思 想是一致的，在極樂世界裡，如恆河流沙，有億萬億佛，眾生皆能成就無量壽佛之身。

146

圖1. The Kemper Collection, Sold at Christie's Amsterdam, 11 圖2. Collection of Alice & NasliHeeramanec, Tantric Buddhist Art, China Institute in America, NO. 15, Page 56 October 1994, lot 171.

圖3. 故宮經典 藏傳佛教造相, 坐相彌勒菩薩，故宮博物院編，紫禁 城出版社，圖版85，第159頁

148

Lot 829 A BRONZE MYTHICAL BEAST CENSER AND COVER EARLY QING DYNASTY

Of waisted rectangular section, the censer finely cast in high relief with mythical beast, dragon, white tiger, bird and sea beast galloping across turbulent waves on the four sides, flanked by a pair of animal heads handles, supported on four slightly flared feet, the domed openwork cover similarly decorated beneath the tall finial surmounted by a crouching recumbent beast exposing its sharp canine incisors, the bottom with a six character reign mark.

H 25 cm.

Provenance A Private French Collection

HK$ 150,000 - 300,000 NT$ 577,000 - 1,154,000 US$ 19,400 - 38,700

清初�帶獅鈕蓋海水瑞獸紋銅方爐 本品爐身呈長方形，四面以光素寬邊作框，四角以狻猊紋飾為足，四足外張，益增全爐的穩重感。爐身四 面裝飾淺浮雕海水波濤瑞獸紋，瑞獸包含有青龍、白虎、玄武、朱雀、麒麟、大象、貔貅、海亀、獅子、 辟邪、天祿等，翻騰於波濤之中，形象各異，神態生動。 上蓋對稱鏤空高浮雕朵雲龍鳳紋，體態靈活。作工透雕線刻兼有，生動龍鳳穿梭於祥雲之中，翻轉盤旋。 在點香之後，煙霧繚繞，有似真似幻之效果。中間立一柱台蓋鈕，四面有蓮瓣及回字紋飾，頂頭有一獅子 昂首坐姿，張嘴作嘶吼狀。器底鑄”大明宣德年製”六字三行楷書款，字體端正，筆劃清晰，包漿亮麗。 來源 法國私人收藏 參考 宣德銅製香爐，在清朝亦受宮廷之珍視，所製之銅爐亦延用「宣德年製」款。圖1. 青海的塔爾寺（明洪武 十一年建），少數完好未被破壞的寺院。寺內保存有少見的宣德年製款銅爐實物，與本次拍品類似。圖2. 為康熙年間的宣德爐，美國Clague Collection. Phoenix Museum of Art 藏品。 宣德爐，又稱宣爐，特指明代宣德年間宮廷鑄造的銅質香爐。宣德爐據傳是明宣宗在1428年（宣德三年） 特製的一批銅器，既有供郊廟等大型祭祀和宗教活動的禮儀用器，也有供日常生活的陳設器。有別於常見 銅器，宣德爐由黃銅鑄成，工藝精湛，在明末就與永樂雕漆、景泰琺瑯、成化鬥彩齊名，被譽為「精巧遠 邁前古」，是中國晚期銅器中最為重要的一類。明末以來，宣德爐常用於室內焚香，倣造日漸盛行，清代 雍正、乾隆時期達到高潮。自此宣德爐也泛指帶有宣德年號款識的各類香爐，甚至在口語中逐漸變成銅香 爐的代名詞。宣德銅爐受世人寵愛非今日始有，早在明代宣德皇帝於宣德三年（1428）使用泰國進貢的數 萬斤黃銅料開始鑄爐之後，世人便以擁有「宣德年製」款的銅爐為榮，在後來的清代及民國初年更是如 此。五百多年來，藏家們除了爭相購藏宣德銅爐外，對於後鑄與後仿之精美者，亦無不加以寶愛。而宣德 銅爐之所以深受世人重視，乃因其蘊藏的文化淵源與內涵實為積數千年來中華文化的菁華所在。

圖 1 . 塔 爾 寺 藏 宣 德 銅 爐 《 藏 傳 佛 教 藝 術 》 天 津 人 民 美 術 圖2.清康熙 鎏金銅爐 美國 Clague Collection, Phoenix Museum of 出 版 社 、 三 聯 書 店 香 港 分 店 聯 合 出 版 圖 版 5 2 9 , 第 2 6 8 頁 Art The Arts of China 900-1620, William Watson, Yale University Press, page 250.

150

Lot 830 A RARE BRONZE FIGURE OF BODHISATTVA, AVALOKESVARA MING DYNASTY

The Bodhisattva seated in lalitasana on a double-lotus base with his right leg resting on a lotus bloom emerging from the lower base. His hands are held in vitarkamudra with the left hand in front of his chest and right hand resting on his right knee, each holding the end of the lotus stem that rises to the shoulder, wearing voluminous robes falling in elegant folds from his shoulders, the slender figure arrayed in beaded jewelry, with large pendent earrings, his face with a benign expression surmounted by a tiara centered by the image of his spiritual father Amitabha, the face painted with gold.

H 55 cm.

Provenance A Private Swiss Collection Christie's New York, 25 March 2004, lot 137

HK$ 5,000,000 - 8,000,000 NT$ 19,231,000 - 30,769,000 US$ 645,200 - 1,032,300

152

154

明 十五世紀�銅蓮花手觀音菩薩坐像 觀音菩薩遊戲坐姿，左腳平置於仰覆蓮台上，仰覆蓮台下生出小蓮台，右腿下垂踏於小蓮台上。右手施與願印，置右膝上，左手於胸前結蓮花指。 雙手各持一蓮莖，由手順勢往上翻卷，長成蓮花立於身體兩側。頭載五葉寶冠，寶冠中央為為阿彌陀佛，佛著單肩式袍坐於蓮台上，造型清晰。菩 薩身穿珠寶瓔珞，耳帶大型花瓣式耳璫，身著披肩飄帶，下穿輕薄貼身的長裙，衣褶貼身流暢，並飾以珠寶瓔珞。菩薩臉方圓，白毫相，柳葉眉 型，眉勾尾上揚，雙目細長，微張俯視，雙唇輕抿，嘴角微收。臉部泥金。 來源 瑞士私人收藏 佳士得紐約 二〇〇四年三月二十五日 拍品 137號 參考 銅佛坐相超過33公分，已屬少見的大尺寸。此件銅製菩薩坐相，尺寸巨大，有55 公分高。鑄造工藝精良。造像風格繼承了明代永樂、宣德宮廷造像 之風格，但有部分細微的不同。如天衣飄落在座前，是永樂、宣德之後的變化。蓮座的蓮瓣卷紋，腰帶所掛之瓔珞，雙腿上之衣褶形式均是典型的 永樂、宣德時期的風格。而銅臉部泥金的風格則承自元代。 北京故宮博物院有一件類似的十五世紀 轉輪王蓮花手觀音菩薩坐相(圖1)，尺寸 32公分高。另一件可以參考明宣德十年 鎏金銅〈南海觀音〉坐像 （圖2），蘇富比香港拍賣，2011年4月8日，Lot 2839，成交價3314萬港幣。此件的造像風格和此件多有類同之處，但工藝細緻程度卻有差別。 就以上兩件菩薩造像不論從造型比例、工藝細緻度上而論，精細程度、體態、手足姿態美感、衣褶線條柔順自然，皆比不上此件拍品。工匠水平顯 然不同，此件的細緻程度，和永宣時期的宮廷匠師水平等齊，以巨大之尺寸及工藝精美程度，實是一件難得的明代宮廷佛造像精品。 漢藏風格佛像 漢藏風格的佛像，是藏傳佛教藝術的東漸是中國美術史上的重大事件，“漢藏佛教藝術”風格同樣是中國藝術史上重要的美術思潮和流派：表明不 同的地域、不同的民族、不同的藝術樣式和風格來源的多種藝術形式，在中國各民族形成發展的社會文化進程中同樣發生了內容與形式各個方面的 交融，形成了新的藝術樣式，豐富了中國多民族的藝術史，從這個意義上說，漢藏佛教藝術風格的形成史就是一部藏傳佛教藝術的發展史！而促成 漢藏傳佛教美術融合，如此巨大的轉變，不是民間，而是由宮廷引領，由上行而下效的結果。 北京，這個三朝古都，三朝帝王都對藏傳佛教都有極大的供養，基本上可說是傾一國之力的程度，流傳下來的寺廟、佛像、石刻等應是極為巨大 的。可惜，在1900年有太多寺廟連同宮苑被破壞或洗劫，再來文革時期的黑暗時期，有眾多佛像也被佛教徒保護送走，流散到了其他國家及地區。

故宮收藏有藏傳佛教造像數萬尊，其主要來源為元、明、清三代的宮廷鑄造及蒙藏等地區的朝貢。這些造像因製作時代及產地的不同而呈現出各異的風格。 宮廷藏傳佛教造像的製作始於元而盛於清。元代以降，歷代宮廷均設有專事造像的機構，如元代的梵像提舉司、明代御用監的佛作、清代的造辦處等。 北京自元代以來與藏傳佛教藝術的關係非常密切，元代宮廷貴胄對藏傳佛教的尊崇使得社會僧俗人士對藏傳佛教宗教藝術品的需求急速增長，元代的漢藏政 治文化交流又使得藏地藝術創作所需要的材料大為豐富，漢地藝術的建築樣式，雕塑與繪畫的技法在後藏夏魯寺等眾多寺院建築藝術中有完美的體現；藏族 聚居區的藝術家借鑒尼泊爾加德滿都河谷紐瓦爾藝術家的造型手段，使得西藏的金屬雕鑄工藝水準快速成長，出現了金銅造像的黃金時期，薩迦寺大經堂金 銅釋迦牟尼大像，現今供奉在大昭寺的覺臥釋迦牟尼像，乃至此後具有衛藏夏魯風格、丹薩替風格的金銅佛都是這一時期、這一樣式的發展，並對元以來漢 地極度衰落的金屬造像乃至整個漢地雕塑起到了推進作用，漢地明永樂、宣德時期所造比例勻稱、形體分明、清秀宜人的藏傳金銅佛造像的興起正是這一風 格的自然演進。 明代永樂帝常年駐守北京，似乎對藏傳佛教頗為留意，即位之初即盛邀五世噶瑪巴活佛得銀協巴來南京弘法祈福，西元1421 年遷都北京之後，皇室出於穩 定邊疆的政治目的和個人信仰的訴求在西藏推行多封眾建的政策，對西藏僧人屢加恩賞，更加不遺餘力的推崇藏傳佛教。永樂朝以後的百年間的幾位皇帝更 是沉溺其間，以致因為朝廷對藏僧封賞無度導致國庫常年虧空，直到明中葉嘉靖皇帝抑佛重道方告一段落。可以說，在整個15世紀之間，藏傳佛教在內地特 別是北京得到了空前的發展，西藏藝術風格也得到了普遍的歡迎和接受。在皇室和內府太監的傾力資助下，在北京城內外修建了大量的佛教寺院，至今仍留 下了很多彌足珍貴的歷史遺跡，其中很多都可以清楚地看到西藏藝術風格直接或間接的影響。現存較完整的有西山的大覺寺，東城區的智化寺、西直門外的 真覺寺金剛寶座塔等。 除京城以外，西北地方明代漢藏佛教藝術的重要遺存為青海樂都瞿曇寺，其中瞿曇殿或許保留了寺院初建時期，即我國美術史上少見的洪武至永樂時期的青 綠重彩堆粉瀝金壁畫，如瞿曇殿東西兩壁《十方如來》和《五十三參》；隆國殿高達數米的瀝粉堆金的本尊神壁畫顯示皇家氣象，殿內原先供奉的八大菩薩 造像像高1.5米，現今存世的蓮花手菩薩收藏於青海博物館，這件作品顯現出永宣時期金銅佛造像的絢麗。(圖3.) 明代永、宣時期的金銅製佛像在世界佛教文 物收藏中，代表的是漢藏式佛教美術的高峰及經典。 早在清軍入關以前，在和碩特蒙古軍隊的支持下，格魯派(黃教)就已挫敗了西藏各個教派和貴族勢力，取得了無可匹敵的絕對優勢，建立了以五世達賴為首 的噶丹頗章政權。1652年五世達賴的北京之行。其後清王朝與西藏關係迅速升溫，康熙年間著名的蒙古活佛哲布尊丹巴來到北京尋求政治避難，也得到了清 王朝極高的禮遇。 乾隆四十五年（1780），六世班禪來京為皇帝祝壽標誌著漢藏之間的交流和關係的穩定達到了一個全盛的時期。清朝皇帝一方面以中央王朝的名義尊崇黃 教，同時也向蒙藏擺出一種姿態，使得自己不單只是扶助黃教的最高世俗領袖，同時也自稱為文殊菩薩的轉世，賦予自己同達賴班禪同等地位的神格，傾力 投入北京的藏傳佛教文化建設，將北京塑造成一個拉薩以外新的藏傳佛教聖地，借此加強北京對於蒙藏地區的向心力，以維護清王朝的統治地位。因此，清 代北京城的藏傳佛教建設又一次進入了繁盛期，留存至今的遺跡也是相對較多的。如永安寺白塔，雍和宮、清淨化城塔、碧雲寺金剛寶座塔、頤和園後山須 彌靈境、香山昭廟等。 清代宮廷之佛教造像，大量製造佛像是在清乾隆年間（1736-1795年），作品上多刻有“大清乾隆年敬造”款。由宮廷檔案記載可知，乾隆時期宮廷造像是 在皇帝本人的嚴格監督下製作的，造像匠師不僅有內地工匠，還有西藏與尼泊爾工匠。技術高超的匠師們在儀軌允許的範圍內充分施展了藝術才華。西藏、 蒙古等地進貢的佛像也以清代為最多。西藏地接中亞、印巴次大陸，是多種文化的交匯地。西藏寺廟中保存有印度、尼泊爾古佛像，這些西藏早期佛造像藝 術的範本是寺廟中最珍貴的財富，其中一些進貢清宮後亦備受珍視。

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圖1. 《故宮經典 藏傳佛教造相》十五世紀晚期 轉輪王蓮花手觀音菩薩坐相，故宮博物院編，紫 禁城出版社，圖版88，第166頁

圖2. 明宣德十年 鎏金銅〈南海觀音〉坐像，蘇富比香港拍賣，2011年4月8日，Lot 2839，成交價 3314萬港幣

Chinese Works of Art (hong kong)

the following provisions are entered into by and between ravenel Auction hong kong Limited, , as the auctioneer(hereinafter referred to as “the Company”) and the seller (hereinafter referred to as the “seller”). this Agreement is also entered into by and between the Company as the agent of the seller and the Buyer (hereinafter referred to as the “Buyer”). the Prospective Buyer, the Buyer and the seller must carefully review and completely agree all provisions hereunder and any revisions from time to time. the Buyer should pay special attention to Article 2, section 5which provides limitations as to the legal responsibilities of the Company.

Article 1.Definition Some of the phrases commonly seen herein are defined as follows: 1. “the Buyer” shall mean highest bidder accepted by the Company.

2. “the Prospective Buyer” shall mean any potential bidder willing to attend the auction sale hosted by the Company.

3. “the seller” shall mean the mandator who provides the Lot and agrees to appoint the Company as its exclusive agent to sell the Lot at the Auction and participate, and cooperate, in exhibitions prior to the Auction if so required by the Company.

4. “the Lot” shall mean the item delivered to the Company to be sold in an auction, especially the single or multiple pieces of items numbered in the catalogue.

5. “hammer price” shall mean the highest bid with respect to one particular auction item accepted by the auctioning party.

6. “the Buyer’s Premium paid by the Buyer” shall mean the fee based on a certain percentage of the hammer price paid by the Buyer; the percentage shall be as prescribed in Article 2, section 4a.

7. “the reserve Price” shall mean the lowest price agreed by the Company and seller. the Lot cannot be sold at a price lower than such price.

8. “Counterfeit” shall mean the Lot constitutes imitation and the original concept of the imitation and its overall execution result in fraud to cause deception in connection with the author, history, year, age, culture or origin of the Lot, for which the accurate description is not reflected in the catalogue and the value of the Lot on the auction day is far less than the value it should have according to the description in the catalogue. therefore, no auction item will become a counterfeit as a result of any damage and/or any repairing in any manner (including repaints).

9. "insured amount" shall mean the value of the insurance purchased for the Lot which the Company considers necessary under its absolute power from time to time (regardless whether such insurance is purchased by the Company).

Article 2.the Buyer 1. the Company as the Agent the Company, as the auctioning party, shall act as the agent of the seller. except otherwise provided, items successfully sold in the auction held by the Company shall be bound by the agreement made by and between the seller, through the agency of the Company, and the Buyer.

2.Prior to the Auction a. Authentication We strongly recommend that the prospective buyers conduct their own authentication for the items they are interested in bidding prior to the auction. We provide no guarantees to the buyer including but without limitations whether the Lot is a counterfeit or the authentication of the Lot’s certificates (with the exception of the guarantee with regard to counterfeits as defined in Article 1 of the Transaction Agreement). b. important notice Attention, the Prospective Buyers: As far as possible, the descriptions of auction items will mention obvious defects of the items; however, they do not necessarily include all flaws, defects, or incomplete aspects. the Company does not guarantee that the Lots on auction are in good working condition and the descriptions in the catalogue must not be construed as implying such. the description of the auction items also do not imply that the items have not gone through readjustment or repair or allude anything about the current state or storage conditions of the items. Any omission in the catalogue description regarding the current condition or the appraisal of defects in the items by no means represent that those items are in good condition, function normally, or that there will be any free repair or replacement of parts. We strongly recommend the Prospective Buyers to personally view the items for which they plan to bid before the auction itself. if a Prospective Buyer is unable to view an item for whatever reason, then in our role as a service provider, we would be more than happy to offer our opinion of an item’s special characteristics and current condition. however, the Company is not a professional restorer of the Lots; therefore, any description in the catalogue or any statement provided by the Company is purely the Company’s subjective opinion and not a statement of fact, not for representations or warranties. the Prospective Buyer completely understands and acknowledges that all of the items on auction are being sold in “as is” condition.the Company does not provide any representation or guarantee as to the conditions of any of the items. Unless otherwise stated in laws of hong kong, the Company does not provide any warranty with the items. c. symbol key the following key explains the symbol you may see inside this catalogue.

Premium Lot in order to bid on “Premium Lots” the Buyer must complete the required pre-registration application and deliver to The Company such necessary financial references, guarantees, deposits and / or such other security as the Company’s may in its absolute discretion require for your bid. the Companydecision whether to accept any pre-registration application shall be final. We recommend you complete and return the Lot pre-registration form in this catalogue in the manner required therein or contact the Company at least 5 working days prior to the relevant sale in order to process the pre-registration. Please bear in mind that we are unable to obtain financial references over weekends or public holidays. The Company will provide a special paddle number for the register of “Premium Lot”. ○ guaranteed Property the seller of the Lots with this symbol next to the Lot number has been guaranteed a minimum price from one auction or a series of auctions. this guarantee may be provided by the Company, by a third party or jointly by the Company and a third party. A guarantee may be in the form of an irrevocable bid provided by a third party. third parties providing or participating in a guarantee may benefit financially if a guaranteed Lot is sold successfully and may incur a loss if the sale is not successful. if third parties providing or participating in a guarantee is the successful bidder for the guaranteed Lot, they should be required to pay the full Buyer’s Premium.

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d. Catalogue explanations Any statement of the author, history, date, year, size, material, ownership, authenticity, origin, condition of preservation or estimated selling price of any of the Lots and certificates thereof shown in the catalogue or the authentication opinion made by the Company, or any other verbal or written statements made separately shall be solely statements of opinions and shall not be deemed the basis for the statements of actual fact. the photographs shown in the catalogue shall serve as reference only and shall not be deemed as the basis for determining the color or tone of any Lots or disclosure of the defects of such item. the estimates of the auction price shall not be deemed the price at which such item will be successfully sold or the statement of the value of the item for other purposes.

Many auction items fail to maintain their perfect condition because of time and other environmental factors. some of the explanations in the catalogue or the authentication opinions will state defects and/or the repair background of the Lots. such information is meant for reference only. Missing information in the statements does not mean the Lot has no defects or has not been repaired. Any statement of one particular defect does not mean there is no any other defect. e. responsibility of the Buyer the Buyer is responsible for clarifying and satisfying himself about the condition of the items and any related matters stated in the catalogue descriptions and making his/her own judgment or estimation independently regarding the items.

3. in the Auction a. refusal of Admission the auction is held at the premises of the Company or any location where the Company has control of for the auction. the Company has full discretion to exercise the right to refuse entry to the premises for the auction or to prevent participation in the auction. b. registration Prior to the Bidding The Prospective Buyers must fill in and sign the registration forms prior to the bidding and provide personal identification. The Prospective Buyers should also note that the Company may be requested to conduct credit checks against Buyers. c. the Bidder is the Buyer Unless a written agreement has been made upon registration that the bidder will be the agent who acts on behalf of a third person and such third person is accepted by the Company, the bidder will be deemed as the Buyer who will bear individual legal responsibilities. d.Commission Bids the Company will make the proper effort to bid for the Prospective Buyers who instruct us to bid on their behalf by using the forms attached to the explanations of the catalogue; provided, however, bid commission instructions are delivered to the Company prior to the auction. if the Company receives several commission bids for one particular item, with all bid prices being equal and of the highest bid price at the auction, priority shall be given to the Buyer whose bid commission is delivered to the Company first. Commission bids are subject to auction conditions. the situation at the auction may prevent the Company from making the bid as commissioned. this is a free service provided by the Company to the Prospective Buyers pursuant to the provisions prescribed. the Company will not be held legally liable if it fails to make the bid as commissioned. the Prospective Buyers should attend the auction in person if they wish to ensure a successful bid. e. Bid by Phone the Company will make proper effort to contact the bidder so he can participate in the auction by phone if the Prospective Buyer makes arrangements with the Company prior to the auction. however, the Company will bear no responsibilities to the seller or any Prospective Buyer if no contact is made or any failure to participate in the auction by phone under any circumstances. f. online Bids via LiveAuctioneers if the bidder cannot attend the auction, it may be possible to bid online via LiveAuctioneers for selected Lots to bear individual buyers’ responsibilities. This service is free and confidential. for information about registering to bid via LiveAuctioneers, please refer to ravenel.com.

Bidders using the LiveAuctioneers service are subject to the additional terms and conditions for online bidding via LiveAuctioneers, which can be viewed at ravenel.com and be revised by the Company from time to time. g. exchange rate Conversion Board there will be an exchange rate conversion board operating at the auctions. the exchange rate is calculated at the exchange rate of the one-month future goods reported to the Company from the bank when starting business on the day of the auction. nonetheless, the auction will still be conducted in hkdollars. the exchange rate conversion board is not absolutely reliable and for the reference only. the accuracy of either the Lot numbering shown on the board or the equivalent of the bid price in any foreign currency is not within the control of the Company. the Company will not be responsible for any losses caused by the reliance of the Buyer on the exchange rate conversion board. h. recorded images there is image projection in the auctions; however, errors may occur during the operation. the Company is not liable for the color accuracy of the reproduced image and whether the projected image corresponds to the item being auctioned. i. Determining Power of the Auctioneer the auctioneer has the absolute power to reject any bid, push for bids at his discretion, withdraw any auction items, separate or combine two or more auction items, and if there is any error or dispute, re-auction the items.if the auctioneer announcethe points for attention before the auction or the bidding, the Buyer shall pay attention for any announcement as its own responsibility. j. successful Bids Under the sole discretion of the auctioneer, the fall of the hammer indicates the acceptance of the highest bid price, i.e., the seller and the Buyer enter into a successful auction agreement. the Buyer shall be responsible to the seller for performing the obligations and responsibility of a Buyer.

4. following the Auction a. the Buyer’s Premium of each Lot Payable by the Buyer (1)the Buyer should pay the hammer price and, in addition, the Buyer’s Premium to the Company. for hammer price below hk$ 8,000,000 (inclusive), the Buyer’s Premium should be calculated at 20% of the hammer price.

(2)for hammer price higher than hk$ 8,000,000, total amount of the Buyer’s Premium should be that the first HK$ 8,000,000 of the hammer price should be calculated at 20% and the rest of the amount of the hammer price should be calculated at 12%. b. taxes All the payments payable by the Buyer to the Company do not include any government tax any commodity or service taxes or any other value added taxes. the Buyer should be responsible for paying any applicable taxes as required by the law. c. Payment the Buyer should provide his name and permanent address to the Company upon the successful bid. relevant bank information, including but without limitations the payment account, should also be provided upon request. All payments due (including the hammer price,

Buyer’s Premium and any applicable taxes) should be paid within 7 days following the auction date. the aforesaid provision also applies if the Buyer intends to export the Lot and (may) need the export permit. if the Buyer fails to pay to the Company all the payments due, the Buyer will not acquire the ownership of the Lot even if the Company has delivered such item to the Buyer. if the payment to the Company are made in any currency other than hk dollars, the Company will collect from the Buyer any foreign exchange expense incurred therefrom, including bank charges and foreign exchange Buyer’s Premiums. the exchange rate of the payments to the Company in any currency other than hk dollars should be the exchange rate reported by the hong kong and shanghai Banking Corporation (hsBC) to the Company on the auction date and should be based on the certificates issued by the Company according to such exchange rate. d. Collection of the Lot sold Unless otherwise agreed by the Company, the Company will hold temporarily the successfully sold Lots until all payments to the Company are made in full. the Lot will be covered by the insurance of the Company from the auction date for 7 days during the temporary holding period. the insurance coverage will terminate upon earlier collection of such item. the Buyer should be responsible for all risks following expiration of the said 7-day period or the collection (whichever is the earlier). e. Packaging and transportation the Buyer is requested to note that he should bear all the risks after expiration of the said 7 days period or from collection of such items(whichever is the earlier), without prejudice to the Company’s right. f. referral of Packaging or transportation Companies the shipping department of the Company may act as the agent of the Buyer to arrange for delivery. Although we can refer freight forwarders upon special request, the Company will not be held liable for any legal responsibilities in this regard.And the Buyer shall prepay the freight charges. g. remedies for non-Payment of items sold the Company is entitled to exercise one or more of the following rights or remedies if the Buyer fails to make payment within 7 days following the auction date: (1)An interest at the annual rate of no higher than 10% plus the base interest rate of hong kong and shanghai Banking Corporation (hsBC) will be imposed on all of the payment due if payment is not made within 7 days following the auction date. Besides, we have the right of charging also 1% selling price (including of hammer price and the commission) multiplied by the number of delayed days as fine for the default. The payment to be made by the Buyer mayoffset any payment owed by the Company or its subsidiaries to the Buyer for any other transactions upon the Company’s sole decision.

(2)to exercise lien of any items owned by the Buyer and held by the Company for any purposeincluding but without limitations other transactions. the Company may arrange to sell such items after serving a 14-day notice to the Buyer about his non-payment. the proceeds shall make up for the payment due.

(3)if the Buyer owes the Company several payments as a result of different transactions, the payments will setoff any payments due in any particular transaction, regardless of whether the Buyer specifies to setoff such payments.

(4)refuse the Buyer to make, or to make on behalf of others, bids in any future auctions and/ or to require a security deposit from the Buyer before accepting any future bids from him. if the Buyer fails to make payment within 35 days, the Company is entitled to exercise one or more of the following rights in addition to the aforementioned: (a)to bring legal proceedings against the Buyer on behalf of the seller to claim the entire payment due and the legal fees and attorney fees resulting from such proceeding based on a total claim. (b)Cancel the transaction of Lots bid by the Buyer or any other auction items sold to the Buyer at the same or any other auctions. (c)to arrange a public or private re-sale of the Lot. if the re-selling price is lower, the difference will be claimed against the Buyer together with any cost incurred as a result of the non-payment by the Buyer. h. no Collection of the Lot sold the Company will arrange for the storage of the Lot if such item sold is not collected within 7 days following the successful auction, regardless of payment. such storage cost will be borne by the Buyer. only when the storage, shipping, insurance cost and any other expenses together with any other payments due to the Company are paid in full can the sold Lot be collected. i. export Permit except where otherwise agreed in writing by the Company, the fact that the Buyer’s wishes to apply for an export permit does not affect the Buyer’s responsibility to make the payments in 7 days following the auction date; nor does it affect the Company’s right to impose interest on delayed payments. if the Buyer requests that the Company applies for the export permit on his behalf, the Company is entitled to collect monies made in connection with such an application and any miscellaneous expenses together with any relevant value added taxes. if the Buyer makes the payment regardless of the fact that an export permit is needed, the Company is not responsible for returning to the Buyer any interest or other expenses incurred therefrom.

5. the Legal responsibility of the Company the Company is responsible for returning payment to the Buyer pursuant to Article 2, section 6. otherwise, whether the Buyer, the Company, any employees or agents of the Company will not be held liable for any statements of the author, history, date, year, ownership, authenticity or origin of any auction item or any errors with respect to any explanations and any flaws or defects of any auction item. the Buyer, the Company, the employees or the agents of the Company make no guarantee impliedly or explicitly with respect to any auction items. Any warranty of any kind shall not be included herein.

6. return of Payments for Counterfeits the transaction will be cancelled and payments made before remit to the seller will be returned to the Buyer if the Lot of the Company is confirmed to be a counterfeit by the professional appraisal party agreed and recognized by the Company in writing. However, if: a. the catalogue explanations or the notice at the auction distributed on the auction day corresponds to the opinions generally accepted by the academic or professional fields or explicitly indicates it conflicts with the opinions generally accepted by the academic or professional fields; or b. The method used to prove that the Lot is a counterfeit is a scientific procedure not generally accepted for use before the publication of the catalogue or a procedure unreasonably expensive on the day of the auction, or impractical, or may cause damage to the Lot; the Company is not liable for the return of any payment under any circumstances. in addition, the Buyer’s payment can only be refunded when the following terms are met: 1. the Buyer must notify the Company in writing within 10 days following the auction day that he considers the relevant auction item a counterfeit. the Buyer must return the Lot to the Company within the following 14 days after notice and the said notice and the condition of the item must be the same as on the auction day and without any damage.

2. Upon returning the Lot, the Buyer must present evidence as soon as possible to convince the Company that the Lot is a counterfeit (The Company has the final and sole discretion and decision and such decision shall not be objected in this regard). the Buyer may also assign the good ownership of the Lot to the Company, which shall not concern any third party claim.

Under no circumstances is it necessary for the Company to pay the Buyer an amount more than what the Buyer pays in connection with the Lot and the Buyer can not claim interests. the interests of the warrantee cannot be assigned and belong solely to the Buyer who receives the original invoice on which such Buyer’s name is recorded from the Company when the Lot is sold. such Buyers shall remain the owner of the auction Lot and cannot assign any interest of the Lot to any other person. the Company is entitled to ascertain that the Lot is not a counterfeit based on a scientific procedure or any other procedure, regardless of whether such procedure is being used on the day of the auction.if the result of appraising and verifying whether the Lot is a counterfeit by the Company conflicts with the evidence provided by the Buyer, the Company’s said result shall prevail over the evidence provided by the Buyer.

Article 3.the seller 1. the Company as the Agent the Company acts as the agent of the seller at a public auction. the Closing Agreement of the Lot is the agreement by and between the Buyer and the seller, through the agency of the Company on behalf of the seller. the seller shall be responsible to the Buyer for performing the obligations and responsibility of a seller.

2. expenses The Seller shall bear costs relating to the following: a. Packing of the Lot and shipping to the Company for the auction b. Any applicable shipping insurance c. the packaging and shipping if the item is delivered back to the seller. Any applicable custom duties d. insured under the Company art relic insurance policy (explained in detail later) indicate cohere (we point below) e. Any repairs made to the Lot as per prior agreement with the seller f. Authentication made by independent professionals appointed by the Company which the Company believes to be necessary in preparing the catalogue explanations. g. Any independent professional opinions appointed by the Company which the Company deems proper h. the storage, loading and unloading and custody of the Lot after the auction (if applicable) i. the administration cost of the Company reaches the total amount of 10% of all the expenses and 10% of the damages incurred as a result of client services provided. j. Any marketing and promotional expenses 3. insurance Coverage to be Arranged by the Company a. Unless otherwise agreed by the Company, the Lot will be automatically insured under the the Company art relic policy in the amount as deemed appropriate and estimated by the Company. however, the insured amount is not the amount the Company undertakes to be successfully reached during the auction. b. the Company will collect 1% of the hammer price from the seller or 1% of the reserve Price if the Lot is not successfully auctioned as the insurance fee. if the shipping is arranged by the Company, an additional amount will be collected by the Company from the seller as the shipping insurance. such amount varies depending on the individual condition of each auction item. the Company will refer a freight forwarder if necessary. however, in no event shall the Company be not responsible for any legal responsibilities and liabilities incurred therefrom. c. the Lot will remain insured up to 7 days after the auction date. if the Lot has not been sold, it will be at the seller’s risk upon the expiry of 7 days. d. We are unable to accept responsibility for damage caused by woodworm or changes in atmospheric conditions, moisture, force majeure or unforeseeable conditions, or any reason not attributable to the Company.

4. insurance Purchased by the owner If the Seller instructs the Company specifically that it is unnecessary to purchase insurance for the Lot, the risks shall be borne entirely by the seller until the Buyer makes all the paymentsand the Lot is delivered to the Buyer. the seller must indemnify the Company, the employees and agents of the Company and the Buyer (if applicable) any claims in connection with the auction against the Company, the employees and agents of the Company and the Buyer, regardless of the cause of such claim, without any conditions. the Buyer must be responsible and also pay for the expenses incurred as a result of such claim if requested by the Company, the employees and agents of the Company and the Buyer, even if such expenses are made as a result of negligence by the Company, the employees and agents of the Company and the Buyer without proof of legal responsibility. the seller must informby himself/herself the underwriter of the seller the provision herein.

5. Commitments Made by the seller with respect to the Lot the standards for the Company to handle the Lots are provided hereunder. these standards also stipulate and limit the sale relationship between the seller and Buyer. in the event such standards are incorrect in any aspect, the Company or the Buyer may bring legal actions against the seller. the Company should base the purchase and handling of auction items on the following undertaking made by the Seller: a. the seller is the only legal owner of the Lot and has the unlimited rights to assign his ownership to the Buyer which should not concern any third party right or claim (including but without limitations copyright claims, liens, mortgage). b. the seller complies with all the laws in connection with the import and export of auction items and any other laws and has notified the Company in writing any failure to comply with such rules in the past. c. The Seller has notified the Company in writing of any major modifications in the Lot to the best of his knowledge and any concern the third party has raised with respect to the ownership of the Lot and the condition. in the event of any inaccuracy of the above a, b and c now or in the future, the seller must guarantee, if requested, to identify fully the Company and/or the Buyer all the claims, legal fees, attorney fees or other costs and expenses arising herefrom, whether caused by the Lot or the auction proceeds.

6. Auction Arrangements a. the Company has absolute discretion over the description of the auction in the catalogue, display layouts, authentication opinions, location and method of the auction, who will be allowed to bid and the acceptance of the bid price, whether to seek professional opinion and whether to combine or separate the Lots. b. Any price estimates, whether verbal or written are strictly opinions and shall not serve as a guarantee of the final price for the Lot to be sold. c. the seller cannot withdraw the sale of the Lot without obtaining the prior written consent from the Company. the Company reserves the right to withdraw, suspend, or terminate the sale and authorization of the Lots for the following reasons. These reasons include: 1. The Company is doubtful about the definition or authenticity of the Lot or the accuracy of the statement referred to in Articles 5a, b. or c; or 2. Any violations of the transaction Agreement; or 3. the Company deems it inappropriate to include the Lot in the auction.

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d. Withdrawal of Mandate or Authorization (1)the seller may not withdraw, suspend or terminate his/her/its mandate for the item(s) or the authorization to the Company under this Agreement without prior written consent of the Company.

(2)in the case of such withdrawal, suspending or termination stated in paragraph A, the seller shall pay the Company an amount equivalent to 40% of the reserve Price as punitive damages in addition to the compensation for damages or economic loss to the Company.

(3)in case of default or breach of this Agreement, the Company may cancel or terminate this Agreement anytime and the seller shall also pay all costs and expenses incurred by the Company under this Agreement.

7. Auction rules a. the Company will auction the item according to the reserve Price. the reserve Price may not be higher than the minimum of the estimates set in the catalogue except otherwise if the reserve Price agreed is in a currency other than hk dollars and the reservePrice is higher than the minimum of the estimates caused by the exchange rate fluctuation between the reserve Price agreement day and the auction day. Under such circumstances, except where otherwise agreed by the Company, the reservePrice shall be in hk dollars calculated by the exchange rate at the closing of the market the day immediately before the successful auction. b. if the bid price is lower than the reservePrice, the Company is in no way to be held liable; however, the Company is entitled to auction the item at a price lower than the reservePrice. if the Company so auctions the item, the Company is responsible to pay the seller the difference between the closing price and the reservePrice. c. the seller may not increase the price with his own or other third parties’ name, nor participate in the bidding of his/her/its auction item(s)with his own or other third parties’ name, however, the Company is authorized to bid on behalf of the seller at the price not higher than the reserve Price.

8. After the successful Auction a. settlement Upon the successful auction, the Company will request the Buyer to make full payment no later than within 7 days following the auction date, including the compensation payable by the Buyer. Upon payment by the Buyer, unless the Company receives a notice claiming such auction item is a counterfeit (as defined in Article 2 of the Transaction Agreement) or other necessary conditions, the Company will remit to the seller within 60 workdays following the successful auction day an amount equal to the closing price taking away all the expenses payable by the seller. in the event the Buyer delays the payment, the Company will remit to the seller within 7 workdays following the payment in full by the Buyer.

Unless otherwise instructed by the seller in writing, the Company will make its payment in hk dollars. if the seller requests to pay in currencies other than hk dollars, the exchange rate should be according to what the hong kong and shanghai Banking Corporation (hsBC) reports and the Company announces on the auction date. b. Closing of the transaction and handling fee (1)the transaction is closed when the Buyer has paid the Company in full after the auction.

(2)the handling fee is payable to the Company after the closing of the transaction. c. non-payment by the Buyer if the Buyer fails to make all the payments due within 7 days following the auction day, the Company is entitled to negotiate special terms in connection with the payments, storage, and insurance on behalf of the seller and act as deemed necessary by the Company to collect payments payable from the Buyer.Any and all damages, costs, expenses or fees incurred shall be borne by the seller. however, the Company is not responsible for making payment to the seller nor for bringing any legal actions on behalf of the seller. the Company will discuss with the seller to adopt appropriate actions to claim auction payments from the Buyer. d. Counterfeits If the Buyer convinces or make the Company doubt that the Lot is a counterfeit (as defined in Article 1 of the transaction Agreement) or stolen good or involved in any illegality within ten (10) days after the Buyer settles all payments and collects the Lot from the Company, the Company will return the hammer price (the Company may deduct the reasonable expenses and fees incurred) received from the Buyer and the Lot will be returned to the seller or forwarded to the Police for handling. the seller shall not object to the Company’s decision and handling in accordance with this Lot and make any claim or allegation. the Company will notify the seller of such matter and the seller shall return to the Company without objection the entire payment received within three (3) days of such notification, and shall pay the Company fees and expenses, and any and all losses, damages or related expenses and fees. in case that the seller’s failure of payment and compensation obligations, the seller shall pay the interest for delay of the entire payment by the best saving rate of the hong kong and shanghai Banking Corporation (hsBC)plus ten percent (10%) per annum. in addition, the Company may collect one percent (1%) of the total amount of the hammer price plus the Buyer’s Premium paid by the Buyer as the compensations for breach of contract. the Company may decide to offset the seller’s payment payable to the Company from the Company’s or other subsidiaries’payments due to the seller in other transactions. e. items not successfully Auctioned (1)Any items not successfully auctioned, not included in the auction or withdrawn from the auction for any reason must be collected by the Seller within 35 days upon notification by the Company to the seller that he must reclaim the Lot. (2)A storage fee of hk$300 per day per piece will be imposed on each item not collected after such 35 day period together with an additional charge for purchasing insurance coverage. the seller may not reclaim such item until all the payments due are made.

(3)such items may be removed to a third party warehouse if not collected in 60 days after the notification of collection is issued. The expenses arising therefrom shall be borne by the seller.

(4)the Company may dispose of the Lot in the manner it deems appropriate if such item is not collected within 90 days following the auction date or the notice date (whichever is the earlier). such disposal includes removing the item to a third party warehouse with the associated expenses borne by the seller and to auction such items under terms deemed appropriate by the Company (including the terms of estimates and the reservePrice). the Company will pay the seller the auction proceeds after payments owed are offset.

(5)the Company is authorized to act as the sole agent of the seller within 2 months following the auction for any auction item withdrawn from the auction or not sold. the Company may auction in private the item based on net amount the seller may receive (the amount after deducting all the expenses payable by the seller) or sell such item in private at a lower price agreed upon by the Company and the seller. the Company has the rights to offset all expenses payable by the seller in advance. Under such circumstances, the seller’s responsibilities and liabilities to the Company are the same as during an auction.

9. Photographs and Display the seller agrees the Company have rights to make the photographs, illustration, recordings and other reproduced images of the Lot. the Company owns all rights to the photographs, illustration,recordings and other reproduced images of the Lot made by the Company. All the rights(including but without limitation the copyright) of such images shall belong to the Company and the company is entitled to use such images in any manner it deems appropriate,and the seller has no objection.

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10. taxes a. According to the tax laws of hong kong, the Company shall submit to the competent revenue agency the name of the sellerand other relevant documents supplied by the seller. b. if the seller is a hong kong resident (corporation or individual), according to the tax laws of Hong Kong, no withholding amount of the profit tax will be deducted. However, The Company shall reserve the rights to claim for the tax amount and other related expenses (including but not limited to interests, penalty) from the seller if the representation made or document provided by the seller is not true. c. Where the seller is a foreigner, the seller agrees that the Company may deduct an amount equivalent to 0.5% of the hammer price or the reserve Price (if the reserve Price is higher than hammer price) and submit the deducted amount as Profits tax to the competent revenue agency. the amount to be withheld by the Company shall be subject to change once the applicable tax rate is adjusted.

Article 4.terms Applicable to Both the Buyer and the seller 1. intellectual Property rights intellectual property rights (including but without limitations, the copyright or patent) of all the images, photographs and written material in connection with the Lot shall maintain and belong to the Company at any time. the Buyer or any person may not use such items without obtaining prior written consent from the Company.

2. notices All the notices distributed according to the transaction Agreement herein shall be made in writing. Any notice shall be deemed served to the recipient on the second day following delivery if sent by mail. If the recipient is abroad, the notice shall be deemed served on the fifth working day following delivery by mail.

3. severability a. if any part of the transaction Agreement is deemed invalid, illegal or unenforceable by any court, such part can be ignored and the rest of the transaction Agreement continues to be valid and enforceable to the maximum extent permitted by the law. b. the conditions of the Buyer under Article 2 exclusively apply to the relationship between the Company and the Buyer, which the seller shall not apply. And the conditions of the seller under Article 3 exclusively apply to the relationship between the Company and the seller, which the Buyer shall not apply.

4. This Agreement is entered into the parties in English and Chinese. If there is any conflict with two versions, the Chinese version shall prevail.

5. This Agreement may be revised or modified by the Company from time to time, and the Prospective Buyer, the Buyer andthe Seller agree to obey the revision or modification.

6. Jurisdiction the transaction Agreement is governed under the hong kong laws and the interpretation and effect of the rules shall be subject to the laws of hong kong. the Buyer and seller shall submit themselves to the exclusive jurisdiction of the hong kong courts for the interests of the Company.

香港古董業務規則

本業務規則，為羅芙奧香港拍賣有限公司 (「本公司」)作為拍賣公司與賣家訂立合約之條 款，亦作為賣家之代理人與買家訂立合約之條款。準買家、買家及賣家務須細讀各項規則並 完全同意遵守本業務規則。準買家、買家請特別留意第二條第5項，其對本公司之法律責任作 了限定。 一. 本業務規則所用詞彙之定義 在本業務規則中，某些常用詞彙需加以解釋。此等詞彙定義如下： 1.「買家」：指本拍賣公司所接受之出價最高之自然人或法人。 2. 「準買家」：指任何有意參加本公司舉辦拍賣之任何自然人或法人。 3. 「賣家」：指將拍賣品獨家委託本公司於本公司舉辦之拍賣會參與拍賣之自然人或法人。 4.「拍賣品」：指交予本公司以供拍賣出售之物品，尤其在任何目錄內以任何編號描述之一 項或多項物品。 5.「落槌價」：指本拍賣公司就某一拍賣品而接受之最高出價之價款。 6.「買家佣金」：指買家按拍賣落槌價之某一百分比而支付之費用；收費率如第二條第4a項 所列。 7.「底價」：指本公司與賣家協定之最低價格，拍賣品不能以低於該價之價格售出。 8.「膺品」：指拍賣品構成模仿，而模仿之原構想及其整體執行均具有欺詐意圖，以就拍賣 品之作者、來歷、年代、時期、文化或來源進行欺騙，而對此等事項之正確描述並未在目 錄之描述上反映出來，而拍賣品在拍賣當日之價值，遠低於按照目錄之描述所應有之價 值。按此定義，任何拍賣品均不會因為有任何損壞及／或任何形式之修整而成為膺品。 9.「保險值」：指本公司不時按其絕對決定權認為拍賣品所應購買之保險之價值（不論保險 是否由本公司安排購買）。 二.買家 1. 本公司作為賣家之代理人 作為拍賣公司，本公司以作為賣家代理人之身分行事。除另行協定外，在本公司之拍賣中 成功拍賣之物品，即產生賣家通過本公司之代理與買家達成之合約。 2.拍賣前 a. 鑑定物品 本公司鄭重建議，準買家應於拍賣進行之前親自鑑定其有興趣競投之物品。除香港法例 (如商品說明條例)另有規定外，本公司不會就拍賣品及其證明文件之真偽對買家作任何 保證。 b. 拍賣品狀況之重要注意事項 請準買家注意，在可能的範圍內，目錄中對於拍賣品特性上之描述，皆已提及顯著的損 壞，惟不包括所有的缺陷、瑕疪與不完整。對任何拍賣品之描述亦不應視作表示其無經 過重整或修理，亦不應視作對拍賣品狀態或保存情況的陳述或保證。在目錄中若有狀態 陳述的缺乏或損害鑑定的缺乏，並不代表拍賣品是為良好狀態。本公司鄭重建議，準買 家在拍賣進行之前，對於有興趣競投之拍賣品狀況應經由親自檢閱，不應依據目錄中的 描述或陳述，因為任何在目錄中所列出的描述或陳述是為純粹本公司的主觀意見，並非 提供聲明或擔保。準買家知悉並瞭解所有拍賣品均以「現狀」售出。除香港法例(如商 品說明條例)另有規定外，本公 司對於任何拍出之拍賣品狀態不作任何承諾或保證。 c. 符號表示 以下為目錄中所載符號之說明 高估價拍賣品 為對「高估價拍賣品」（ ）作出競投，買家必須填妥拍賣品預先登記表，並向本公司 交付所需的財務狀況證明、擔保、存款證明及／或本公司可絕對酌情要求買家為競投須 作出的其他抵押。本公司對是否接受任何預先登記申請有最終決定權。本公司建議買家 在有關拍賣日期至少五個工作日前聯絡本公司，以進行預先登記。請注意本公司不能在 週末或公眾假期期間取得財政狀況證明。「高估價拍賣品」登記競投者，本公司將提供 特殊的競投牌號參與競投。 ○ 保證項目 拍賣品編號旁註有○ 符號者，表示賣家已取得本公司保證，可在一次或一連串拍賣中得 到最低出售價格。此保證可由本公司、第三方或由本公司與第三方共同提供。保證可為 由第三方提供之不可撤銷競投之形式做出。若保證拍賣品成功售出，提供或參與提供保 證之第三方可能會取得財務利益；惟銷售不成功時，則可能會產生虧損。若提供或參與 保證之第三方成功競投保證拍賣品時，他們仍需支付全額的買家佣金。 d. 目錄說明 本公司於目錄或鑑定意見書內對任何拍賣品及其證書之作者、來歷、日期、年代、尺 寸、材質、歸屬、真實性、產地、保存狀況或估計售價之陳述，或另行對此等方面之口 頭或書面陳述，均僅屬本公司主觀意見之陳述，不應依據為確實事實之陳述，亦不應視 為本公司對於任何拍賣品之狀態所作之承諾或保證。目錄圖示亦僅作為參考而已，不應 作為任何拍賣項目之依據，藉以決定其顏色或色調，或揭示其缺陷。拍賣價格之估計， 不應依據為拍賣品會成功拍賣之價格或拍賣品作其他用途之價值陳述。 許多拍賣品基於其年代或性質，使其未能有完美之狀況，目錄內有些說明或鑑定意見書 會提述拍賣品之損壞及／或修整資料。此等資料僅作為參考而已，如未有提述此等資 料，亦不表示拍賣品並無缺陷或修整，如已提述特定缺陷，亦不表示並無其他缺陷。 e. 買家之責任 有關拍賣品之狀況以及目錄說明所提述之事項，買家有責任自行查明並了解，並就拍賣 品為自己獨立之判斷及評估，確使自己感到滿意。 3.拍賣時 a. 拒絕入場 拍賣於本公司之場地進行，或於本公司為拍賣而具有控制權之場地進行，本公司具有完 全之決定權，可行使權利拒絕任何人進入拍賣場地或參與拍賣而無須作出任何解釋。 b. 競投之前作出登記 每一準買家在作出競投之前，必須填妥及簽署登記表格，並提供身分證明。準買家應注 意，本公司通常會要求對買家作出信用核查。 c. 競投者為買家 競投者將被視為買家而須承擔獨立之法律責任，除非登記時已經與本公司書面協定，競 投者僅為第三人之代理人，且該第三人須為本公司所同意接受者。

d. 委託競投 如準買家使用印於目錄說明之後之表格指示本公司代其競投，本公司將盡適當努力代 其競投，但代為競投指示須於拍賣前送抵本公司。如本公司就某一拍賣品而收到多個 委託競投之相等競投價，而在拍賣時此等競投價乃該拍賣品之最高競投價，則該拍賣 品會歸其委託競投最先送抵本公司之人。委託競投之承擔受拍賣時之其他承諾所限， 而拍賣進行之情況可能使本公司無法代為競投。由於此項承擔乃本公司為準買家按所 述條款提供之免費服務，如未能按委託作出競投，本公司將不負任何法律責任。準買 家如希望確保競投成功，應親自出席競投。 e. 電話競投 如準買家於拍賣前與本公司作好安排，本公司將盡適當努力聯絡競投者，使其能以電 話參與競投，但在任何情況下，如未能聯絡或無法參加電話競投，本公司對賣家或任 何準買家均不負任何責任。 f. 即時網上競投 若準買家未能出席拍賣會，或可透過 LiveAuctioneers 網上競投服務於網上競投指 定拍品，而承擔買方獨立責任。此項服務乃免費及保密。有關透過 LiveAuctioneers 網上競投服務登記，進行網上競投之詳情，請參閱本公司網頁 ravenel.com。使用 LiveAuctioneers 網上競投服務之準買家須接受透過 LiveAuctioneers 網上競投服務進行 即時網上競投之附加條款（可參閱羅芙奧 ravenel.com），以及適用於該拍賣之業務規 則所規範，本公司得隨時修改該業務規則。 g. 匯率轉換顯示板 拍賣會中，本公司會使用匯率轉換顯示板，然而競投仍會以港幣進行。匯率轉換顯示 板僅供參考，不論是顯示板所示之拍賣品編號或是港幣競投價之相等外匯，其準確程 度均可能會出現非本公司所能控制之誤差。買家因依賴匯率轉換顯示板（而非因以港 幣競投）所導致而蒙受之任何損失，本公司概不負責。 h. 錄映影像 在拍賣中會有影像投射，但其操作或會出現錯誤。不論影像是否與成功拍賣之拍賣品 相配合，或是如翻版影像之質素，本公司對買家均不負任何責任。 i.拍賣官之決定權 拍賣官具有絕對決定權，包括但不限於有權拒絕任何競投、以其決定之方式推動出 價、將任何拍賣品撤回或分批、將任何兩件或多件拍賣品合併拍賣，以及如遇有誤差 或爭議，將拍賣品重新拍賣。拍賣官會於拍賣開始前或於相關拍賣品競標前對應注意 事項作出通告，買家須自行注意此等通告。 j. 成功競投 在拍賣官之決定權下，下槌即顯示對最高競投價之接受，視為賣家與買家之成功拍賣 合約之訂立。買家即應對賣家負擔買受人之義務及責任。 4.拍賣後 a. 買家支付每件拍賣品之佣金費率 (1)買家除支付落槌價外，另須支付買家佣金予本公司，落槌價於港幣捌佰萬元以下 者（含港幣捌佰萬元），以20％計算。 (2)落槌價於港幣捌佰萬元以上者，採分二級計價，其中港幣捌佰萬元以20％計算， 超過港幣捌佰萬元之部份再以12％計算，加總計算佣金金額。 b. 稅項 買家應付予本公司之所有款項均不包括任何國家或地區稅賦、貨物或服務稅或其他稅 款。如有任何此等稅項適用，買家須負責按有關法律所規定之稅率及時間，自行繳付 此稅款。 c. 付款 成功拍賣後，買家須向本公司提供其姓名及永久地址。如遇要求，買方亦須提供付款 銀行之詳情，包含但不限於付款帳號。買方應於拍賣日期後起算七天內悉數支付應付 予本公司之款項（包含落槌價、佣金，以及任何適用之稅款及其他費用）。即使買家 希望將拍賣品出口並需要（或可能需要）出口許可證，此一付款條件亦適用。 買家如未向本公司支付應付之全部款項，則不能取得拍賣品之所有權，即使本公司已 將拍賣品交付予買家亦然。如支付予本公司之款項為港幣以外之貨幣，本公司將向買 家收取所引致之任何外匯費用。這包括銀行收費與兌換貨幣之規費及匯差。 以港幣以 外之貨幣付款予本公司之匯率，依拍賣日現場由香港匯豐銀行公佈之匯率，並以本公 司就此兌換率而發出之憑證為準。 d. 領取已購拍賣品 除非本公司另有特別相反協定，否則本公司將暫時保留已成功拍賣之拍賣品，直至所 有應付予本公司之款項已悉數由買家支付為止。拍賣品在暫時保留期間，由成功拍賣 日後起算七天將受保於本公司之保險，如屆時拍賣品已被領取，則受保至領取時為 止。七天期滿後或自領取時起（以較早者為準），拍賣品之風險全由買家承擔。 e. 包裝及搬運 本公司謹請買家注意，成功拍賣日後起算七天期滿後或自領取時起，拍賣品之風險全 由買家承擔，但不得損及本公司之權益。 f. 介紹裝運及運輸公司 本公司之貨運部門在買家要求下可為買家介紹運輸公司、安排付運及購買特定保險， 但本公司在此方面不負任何法律責任。買家必須預先繳付運送費用。 g. 不付款之補救辦法 如買家並未有在成功拍賣日後起算七天內付款，本公司即有權行使下述一項或多項權 利或補救辦法： (1)在成功拍賣日後起算七天仍未付款，則按不超過香港匯豐銀行最優惠利率加10%之 年利率收取整筆欠款之利息。此外本公司可同時按日收取依賣價（含佣金）1％計 算之違約金。本公司亦得自行選擇將買家未付之款項，用以抵銷本公司或其他附屬 公司在任何其他交易中欠下買家之款項，買方絕無異議。 (2)對任何屬於買家所有而因任何目的（包含但不限於其他交易）而由本公司管有之 物品行使留置權，並在給予買家有關其未付之欠繳之14天通知後，安排將該物品出 售並將收益用以清償該未付之欠款。 (3)如買家因多項不同之交易而欠下本公司數筆款項，將所付之款項用以清償就任何 特定交易而欠下之任何款項，而不論買家是否指示用以清償該筆款項。 (4)在將來的任何拍賣中，拒絕買家作出或由他人代其作出之競投，或在接受其任何 競投之前先收取買家一筆保證金。如買家未有在三十五天內付款，本公司除上述者 外，另有權為下述一項或多項權利或補救辦法： (a)代賣家針對買家進行法律程序，以追討整筆欠款，連同此項以悉數賠償為基準 之法律程序之訴訟費及律師費等相關費用。 (b)取消同一次或任何其他拍賣中買家競投得之拍賣品或任何其他售予買家之拍賣 品之交易。 (c)安排將拍賣品公開或私下重售，如重售所得價格較低，就差額連同因買家未有 付款而引致之任何費用一併向買家索償。 h. 未有領取已購拍賣品 如已購得之拍賣品未有被買家在成功拍賣日後起算七天內領取，則不論是否已付款， 本公司將安排貯存事宜，費用由買家承擔。而買方在付清所引起之貯存、搬運、保險 及任何其他費用，連同欠本公司之所有其他款項付清後，買家才可領取已購得之拍賣 品。

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i. 出口許可證 除本公司另有書面同意外，買家希望申請出口許可證之事實，並不影響買家在成功拍 賣日後起算七天內付款之責任，亦不影響本公司對延遲付款收取利息之權利。 如買家要求本公司代為申請出口許可證，本公司有權向其收回與此項申請有關之付出款 項及零碎開支連同任何有關之稅款。 如買家不管需要有出口許可證之事實而作出付款，本公司並無責任退還買家因此而引致 之任何利息或其他開支。 5. 本公司之法律責任 本公司僅在第二條第6項所列之情況下，得將退還款項予買家。除此之外，不論賣家或本 公司，或本公司任何僱員或代理人，對任何拍賣品之作者、來歷、日期、年代、尺寸、 材質、歸屬、真實性、產地、保存狀況或估計售價之陳述，或任何拍賣品之任何缺陷， 均不負有任何責任。賣家、本公司、本公司之僱員或代理人，不論明示或暗示，均無就 任何拍賣品作出任何保證。 6. 膺品/贓物之退款 如經本公司拍賣之拍賣品，經本公司書面認可之專業鑑定機構出具鑑定報告證實為膺品 或贓物，則交易將取消，已付之款項於交付賣方前將退還予買家。但如： a. 在拍賣日發出之目錄說明或拍賣場通告符合當時學者或專家普遍接納之意見，或清楚 表明有抵觸當時學者或專家普遍接納之意見，或 b. 證明拍賣品為膺品之方法，只是一種在目錄出版前仍未普遍獲接納使用之科學程序， 或是一種在拍賣日仍屬昂貴得不合理或並不實際或很可能會對拍賣品造成損壞之程 序，則本公司無論如何並無責任退還任何款項。此外，買家只在滿足下述條件下方可 獲得退款： 1. 買家必須在付款領取拍賣品後的十日內以書面通知本公司，說明買家認為有關拍賣 品乃膺品或贓物之詳細理由及證據，並通知後十四日內及將拍賣品送還本公司，而 其狀況應維持與拍賣當日相同，不得有任何損壞；及 2. 送還拍賣品時，買家須出示證據，足以使本公司確信拍賣品乃膺品或贓物(本公司保 有最終及不可異議的決定權)。在任何情況下，本公司均毋須向買家支付多於買家就 有關拍賣品而支付予本公司之款項，而買家亦不能索取利息或任何賠償。 本條款之利益不能轉讓，完全屬於拍賣品成功拍賣時獲本公司發給正本發票之買家所有 (該買家名稱確係被記載於發票上)，該名買家並須自拍賣後一直保持拍賣品擁有人之身 分，而且並無將拍賣品之任何利益讓予任何第三人。本公司有權依據任何科學程序或其 他程序確定拍賣品並非膺品，不論該程序在拍賣當日是否已使用或已在使用，如本公司 驗證拍賣品是否屬於贗品之結果與買家出示證據相衝突者，應以本公司驗證結果為準。 三.賣家 1. 本公司作為代理人 本公司在公開拍賣會中，以作為賣家代理人身份行事。拍賣品成功拍賣後，即產生賣家 通過本公司之代理與買家達成之合約，由賣家負責向買家履行出賣人義務及責任。 2. 開支 賣家須負責與下述各項有關之費用： a. 將拍賣品包裝並運予本公司作拍賣。 b. 任何適用之運送保險。 c. 如拍賣品交回賣家其包裝與付運。若拍賣品由海外進口，付運費與進口適用之稅項。 d. 受保於本公司之精品保險單（下文另有解釋）。 e. 預先與賣家協定之對拍賣品作出之任何修整。 f. 本公司為擬定目錄說明指定需由外界專家作出之鑑定。 g. 本公司指定之任何外界專家意見。 h. 拍賣品拍賣前後之裝卸、貯存及保管等費用。 i. 本公司之行政費用，金額為因賣家而引致之一切費用及損害金額之10%。 j. 任何市場之推廣及廣告費用。 3. 由本公司安排保險事宜 a. 除非與本公司另有協定外，否則拍賣品將自動受保於本公司藝術品精品保險單，保險 值為本公司自行評估 當時認為適當者。然而保險金額並非本公司承諾拍賣品會成功拍 賣之款額。 b. 本公司將向賣家收取拍賣落槌價之1%或若未拍賣成功時以拍賣品底價之1%，作為保險 費。如由本公司安排運送，本公司將向賣家收取額外款項，作為運送保險費，款額視 每宗拍賣品之特定情況而定。如有需要，本公司可建議/介紹承運人，但不論於何種情 況下，本公司均不承擔任何有關此方面之運送法律責任。 c. 拍賣品在成功拍賣日後起算七天內保險仍然有效。如拍賣品未能成功拍賣，保險屆期 以後風險全由賣家承擔。 d. 由蛀木蟲、空氣、水份情況轉變或其他不能預見或人力不可抗拒情況而對拍賣品造成 之損壞，或其他非可歸責於本公司之事由所致之損壞，本公司不承擔任何法律責任。 4. 物主購買保險 如賣家特別指示本公司毋須為拍賣品購買保險，風險全由賣家承擔，直至拍賣品交付予 買家為止。賣家無條件同意須保障本公司、本公司之僱員與代理人，以及買家（如適 用）免負因拍賣品而針對本公司、本公司之僱員與代理人，以及買家索償之賠償責任， 而不論索償因何引起。賣家亦同意應本公司、本公司之僱員與代理人，以及買家所要 求，負責償還因此種索償而引致之開支，縱使本公司、本公司之僱員與代理人，以及買 家有疏忽之處，而未證明有任何法律責任而作出之付款，亦須償還。賣家須自行將本條 條款揭露予賣家之承保人。 5. 賣家就拍賣品所作之承諾 本項列出本公司處理拍賣品之基準，規範賣家與買家之間的買賣關係。如此基準在任何 方面有不確實之處，本公司或買家可採取針對賣家之法律行動。本公司處理拍賣品及購 買拍賣品，均以賣家所作之下述承諾及擔保為基準，賣家承諾及擔保如下： a. 賣家為拍賣品之唯一所有權人及/或合法持有人，具備將其所有權及相關所有權利(於無 質押、無產權負擔及無涉及第三人權益或申索的情況下)轉讓予買家之無限制權利。 b. 賣家已遵守一切與拍賣品之進出口有關之法律或其他方面之規定，並已將過去任何第 三人未能遵守此等規定之事以書面通知本公司。 c. 賣家已將其所知之有關拍賣品之任何重大修改以及第三人就拍賣品之所有權、狀況或 歸屬所表示之任何關注以書面通知本公司。 如上述a、b或c等三項擔保有任何不確實之處，賣家須應本公司及/或買家之要求，完全負 責及彌償本公司及／或買家一切因此而引起之損失索償、訴訟費、律師費、所有費用及 開支，而不論是因拍賣品還是因拍賣收益而引起。

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6.拍賣安排 a.本公司對目錄內拍賣品之描述與圖示方式、鑑定意見書、拍賣地點與方式、讓何人進場 競投以及競投價之接受、是否應尋求專家意見，以及將物品合併或分開拍賣等均有完 全之決定權。 b.任何估價，不論口頭或書面，均只屬意見，而非拍賣品最終可賣得的價錢之保證。 c.未得本公司事前書面同意，賣家不可撤回拍賣品之委託。但本公司保留隨時因後述原因 而撤回、中止或終止拍賣品委託授權之權利。此等原因為： (1)本公司對拍賣品之界定或真實性或上述第5a、 b或c項所指之承諾之準確性有懷疑； 或 (2)有任何違反本業務規則之情況；或 (3)本公司認定將拍賣品納入或繼續執行拍賣並不適當者。 d. 撤銷委託或授權條款 (1)非經本公司事前書面同意，賣家不得撤回、中止或終止對於標的作品之委託或授予 本公司之權利。 (2)賣家依前項規定撤回、中止或終止拍賣品之委託或授與本公司之權利者，委託者除 應對本公司負損害賠償或經濟上損失賠償責任外，尚須支付委託底價之40%作為懲 罰性違約金付與本公司。 (3)如賣家有任何違約情事，本公司有權隨時終止委託事項，賣家須支付本公司所有之 前為履行委託或授權工作所產生之費用及開支。 7. 拍賣守則 a. 本公司將會參照底價進行拍賣品之拍賣程序。底價不得高於拍賣目錄所印登載估價之 下限，但如所同意之底價為港幣以外之貨幣，並因協定底價之日與成功拍賣之日上匯 率波動而致底價高於估價下限，則不在此限。在此情況下，除本公司另行同意外，底 價須為相等於以緊接成功拍賣前一個工作天之收市匯率計算之港幣款項。 b. 如競投價不能達到底價，本公司在任何情況均不負有任何責任，但本公司有權決定將 拍賣品以低於底價拍賣。如本公司如此將拍賣品拍賣，本公司將有責任向賣家支付成 交價與底價之差額。 c. 賣家不得以自己或第三人名義隨意哄抬競投價格，不得以自己或第三人名義參與競標 拍賣品，亦不得聘請任何人代賣家參與競投，惟本公司有權代理賣家參與競投。 8.成功拍賣後 a. 結算 成功拍賣後，本公司協助賣方要求買家最遲於成功拍賣日後7日內全數付款。在買家付 款後，除非本公司收到通知謂拍賣品為膺品，否則，本公司會於成功拍賣日期後60個 工作天，將一筆相等於成交價減去賣家應支付之所有費用之款額匯予賣家。如遇買家 延遲付款，則本公司將在買家付款後7個工作天內匯款予賣家。如因任何理由而使本公 司在買家付款前即已付款予賣家，則本公司即獲得拍賣品之完整之擁有權與所有權。 但在本公司因拍賣品為膺品而被迫向買家收回拍賣品下，賣家方須將已收取之拍賣收 益退還予本公司。 除賣家另有書面指示外，本公司將以港幣付款。如賣家要求以港幣以外之貨幣付款， 依拍賣現場由香港匯豐銀行公佈之匯率計算付款金額。 b.賣家支付每件拍賣品之手續費： (1)本公司之拍賣須至拍賣完成後買家實際付清所有款項予本公司時，視為交易完成。 (2)當交易完成，賣家須依約定支付本公司手續費。 c. 買家不付款 如買家在成功拍賣日後起算7天內未支付應付之全部款項，本公司即有權代理賣家就 付款、貯存與保險而協定特別條款，並有權代理賣家採取本公司認為適當的任何步驟 以向買家收取其應付之款項，因而產生之相關費用及損害，概由賣家自行承擔。但本 公司並未承擔任何付款責任，亦無義務代理賣家採取任何行動(包括但不限於法律行 動)。但本公司將與賣家討論如何採取適當行動以向買家追討拍賣款額。 d. 膺品/贓物 如買家於付款領取拍賣品後之十日內，使本公司相信或懷疑拍賣品為膺品或贓物或涉 及任何不法情事者，本公司得自行決定無條件買家交付之拍賣落槌價(本公司得扣處因 此所致之相關處理費用)予買家時，而拍賣品將由本公司退回賣家或送交警方處理，賣 家不得異議或對本公司主張任何權利或請求，賣家並應於本公司通知後，於三日內無 條件退還其所得之全數金額予本公司，賣家並應於十日內付清相關基本支出費用，及 賠償本公司因此所致之所有損失、損害及相關費用等。逾期退還、給付者，賣家應另 外支付按不超過香港匯豐銀行最優惠利率加10%之年利率收取整筆欠款之利息。此外 本公司可同時按日收取依賣價（含佣金）1％計算之違約金。本公司亦得自行選擇將賣 家未付之款項，用以抵銷本公司或其他附屬公司在任何其他交易中欠下賣家之款項， 賣家絕無異議。 e. 未能成功拍賣之拍賣品 (1)任何拍賣品如未能成功拍賣，或不包括在拍賣之內，或因任何理由而撤回、中止或 終止拍賣，則在本公司發出通知予賣家要求賣家領回拍賣品後之35天內，賣家必須 領回拍賣品。 (2)任何此等拍賣品如在35天過期後仍未領回，本公司可向委託者徵收每天每件標的作 品參佰港元 (hk$300)貯存費，並收取額外費用以購買保險。賣家須在付清所有未付 費用後，方可領回拍賣品。 (3)此等拍賣品如在發出領回通知後之60天內仍未領回，則可被移往第三人之貨倉貯 存，開支費用由賣家承擔。 (4)任何此等拍賣品如在拍賣日期後或上述通知日期後之90天內（以較早之日期為準） 未被領回，則本公司可視乎是否合適而將該拍賣品處置。處置包括將拍賣品移往第 三人之貨倉而開支費由賣家承擔，以及將該拍賣品按本公司認為適當之條款（包括 有關估價與底價之條款）公開拍賣。本公司其後會將拍賣收益扣除所有欠款後支付 予賣家。 (5)任何拍賣品如在拍賣中收回或未能成功拍賣，則本公司有權代理賣家在拍賣後的兩 個月內作為賣家之獨家代理人，按賣家可收取之淨款額（即扣除賣家應付之一切費 用後之款額），私下出售拍賣品。本公司得事前扣除所致之費用。在此情況下，賣 家就該拍賣品而對本公司所負有之責任、義務及付款條件等，與拍賣品成功拍賣時 一樣。 9. 圖片與圖示 賣家同意本公司有權對拍賣品制作照片、圖示、錄像或其他形式的影像制品，此等照 片、圖示、錄像及影像制品之著作權及其他一切權利均屬本公司所有，且本公司有權以 任何本公司認為適合之方式使用之，賣家絕無異議。

10.稅制 a. 依香港稅法規定，拍賣品成交後委託者須提供報稅名單及相關資料，由本公司提報稅 捐單位。 b. 如果賣家為香港公司或香港居民，根據香港稅法，本公司毋須向賣家代扣香港利得 稅。如果本公司其後發現賣家之聲明及文件不實，本公司保留向賣家追討香港稅款及 其他相關費用（如利息、罰款及律師費等）的權利。 c. 若委託者非香港本地人士，委託者並同意本公司直接代扣落槌價或底價(如底價高於落 槌價)之0.5%，作為拍出後之利得稅，由本公司代為申報並繳交稅捐單位。由本公司 扣除的款項將隨著當時的稅率而調整。 四.買家與賣家均適用之條件 1. 智慧財產權 與拍賣品有關之一切影像、圖示與書面材料之相關智慧財產權(包括但不限於著作權、 專利等)，於任何時候均屬於本公司之財產及所有。未得本公司事先書面同意，賣家、 買家或任何人均不得使用。 2. 通知 a. 根據本業務規則發出之通知，均須以書面發出。如採用郵遞發出，則在付郵寄出後第 二個工作天，視為收件人已合法收受；如收件人在海外，則為付郵寄出後第五個工作 天，視為收件人已合法收受。 b. 本公司根據本業務規則、委託授權書或買家所提供之聯絡資料對賣家或買家發出之通 知，凡已依據委託授權書後附或買家所提供資料上所載的地址、電子郵件地址或傳真 號碼統稱「聯絡方式」)以書面發出該通知者，均視為該通知已有效發出。若賣家或 買家之聯絡方式有變更時，應立即以書面通知本公司。 3.可分割性 a. 如本業務規則有任何部份遭任何法院認定為無效、不合法或不可強制執行，則該部分 可不予理會，而本業務規則之其他條款仍繼續有效及可強制執行。 b. 本業務規則第二條買家條款項下之各條款，專屬適用本公司與買家間法律關係，賣家 不得主張適用。本業務規則第三條賣家條款項下之各條款，專屬適用於本公司與賣家 間法律關係，買家不得主張適用。 4.本業務規則同時存在中文及英文版本，如二版本內容有所歧異，應以中文版條文為準。 5. 本業務規則得隨時由本公司修改，買方及賣方均同意遵守修改後之業務規則。 6. 法律及管轄權 本業務規則受香港法律規範，本業務規則之解釋與效力均適用香港法律。賣家與買家須 服從香港法院之排他性管轄權。

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ABsentee BiD forM the absentee bid forms must be delivered to the Customer service Department at least 24 hours before the auction begins. the bid forms may be faxed to: Tel: +852 2889 0859 Fax: +852 2889 0850 Bidder’s Details name iD number Address Post code tel fax

Auction Date sale no.

Location Address

rAveneL AUtUMn AUCtion 2013 hong kong the imperial treasures Sunday, 24 Nov 2013, 7:30pm hC1310 grand hyatt hong kong (grand Ballroom) 1 harbour road, Wanchai, hong kong

1. interested parties must complete the registration procedures with valid personal identifications (i.e. Identification card, Passport, etc.). the completion of a registration form and the payment of a security deposit are required.

2. in the event that the bidder chooses not to be present at the venue on the day of the auction, the bidder may place an absentee bid through means of a telephone, written or internet bid. A registration form must be completed and the security deposit transferred to Ravenel’s specified Bank account before the 20th November 2013. to obtain a paddle number for the purposes of placing a telephone/ written/internet bid(s).

Mobile email

signature (We must have your signature to execute this bid.)

it is requested hereby that ravenel tenders the bid on my behalf for the following auction items within the bidding range described hereunder. i understand that ravenel provides such bid services for the convenience of customers and ravenel shall not be held liable for any failure to execute a bid. if ravenel receives more than one commission of the same bid price with regard to a particular auction item, priority will be given to the person whose bid is first received.

I understand that if my bid is successful, I shall pay the final hammer price together with the Buyer’s Premium and any applicable sales tax. The Buyer’s Premium shall be calculated as 20% of the final hammer price (not applicable to wines). For detail please refer to Articles 4a, c and d of the Transaction Rules to the Buyer. (4a. The Buyer’s Premium of Each Lot Payable by the Buyer: (1) The Buyer should pay the hammer price and, in addition, the Buyer’s Premium to the Company. for hammer price below hk$ 8,000,000 (inclusive), the Buyer’s Premium should be calculated at 20% of the hammer price.

(2) For hammer price higher than HK$ 8,000,000, total amount of the Buyer’s Premium should be that the first HK$ 8,000,000 of the hammer price should be calculated at 20% and the rest of the amount of the hammer price should be calculated at 12%.) the bid shall be subject to the transaction rules prescribed in the catalogue. Please note especially the limited guarantee and exclusive warrantees that may be provided for certain items.

PLeAse Print LegiBLY Auction item number (in numerical order)

title

Bid price (hk$) (excluding buyer’s premium)

interested buyers should provide ravenel with their current bank and/or other relevant material to ensure all bids will be accepted and the delivery of the auction item will not be delayed, and authorize us to verity the provided informations with the bank. kindly provide this information for processing in advance of the auction date.

Bank reference Approval name of the bank Address of the bank

name of the account Account number Contact of the bank tel. no.

ravenel Auction hong kong Limited Unit 601-3, 50 Connaught road Central, hong kong Tel: +852 2889 0859 Fax: +852 2889 0850 ravenel.com

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委託競投表格 委託競投表格須於拍賣 24 小時前送抵客戶服務部。競投表格可傳真至： 電話：+852 2889 0859 傳真：+852 2889 0850 投標者資料 客戶編號 （如有） 姓名 身份證號碼 地址 郵碼 電話 傳真 簽名

拍 賣 名 稱： 羅芙奧香港 2013 秋季拍賣會 御苑琳瑯 ﹣皇家珍寶之選 拍 賣 編 號：hC1310 香港拍賣日期：2013 年 11 月 24 日（星期日） 下午 7:30 香港君悅酒店（宴會大禮堂） 香港灣仔港灣道 1 號

1. 有意參與競投的買家需事前辦理登記申請手續：請出示 有效証件 ( 如：身份証明、護照…) 並填寫登記文件以及 繳納保証金。 2. 競投者如不能出席拍賣會，可通過電話／書面方式進行 競投。登記申請手續以及保証金之繳納亦需在 2013 年 11 月 20 日以前完成匯款至本公司指定帳號。以取得電 話／書面競標牌號。

行動電話 電郵

（本公司在取得閣下之簽名後方才接受競標）

茲請求羅芙奧就下列拍賣品於下列競投價範圍內投標。 本人亦明白，羅芙奧為方便顧客而提供代為投標的服務，羅芙奧不因怠於投標而負任何責任。倘羅芙奧就同一項拍賣品收到相同競價之委託，以 最先收到者優先辦理。 本人知悉如投標成功，本人應付之購買價款為最後之落槌價加上買家佣金（連同該最後落槌價及買家佣金之營業稅）買家佣金依最後落槌價乘以 佣金費率得之。詳見業務原則規定第 4 條 a,c,d 之規定。（4a. 買家支付每件拍品之買家佣金費率：（1）買家除支付落槌價外，另須支付買家佣金 予本公司，落槌價於港幣捌佰萬元以下者（含捌佰萬元）以 20％計算；（2）落槌價於港幣捌佰萬元以上者，採分二級計價，其中港幣捌佰萬元 以 20％計算，超過港幣捌佰萬元之部份以 12％計算；加總計算佣金金額。） 本競投，本人同意並遵守本目錄所載所有業務規則（特別是有限保證、不負其他瑕疵擔保等規定）。

請用正楷填寫清楚 拍賣品編號 （按數字順序）

名

競投價（港元） （買家佣金不計在內）

稱

為確保所有投標均得以接受及拍賣品之送交不延誤，有意買家應向羅芙奧提供往來銀行或其他適當之參考資料，並予以授權羅芙奧得向銀行查證。 該等資料應及時提供，以便在拍賣前著手處理。

銀行證明 銀行名稱 銀行地址 羅芙奧香港拍賣有限公司 香港中環干諾道中50號六樓601-3室 tel: +852 2889 0859 fax: +852 2889 0850 ravenel.com

銀行帳戶名稱 銀行帳號 銀行聯絡者 銀行電話

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CHRONOLOGY 中國歷代年表

新石器時代 商 周 秦 漢 三國 晉 南北朝 隋 唐 五代 遼 宋 北宋 南宋 西夏 金 元 明 洪武 建文 永樂 洪熙 宣德 正統 景泰 天順 成化 弘治 正德 嘉靖 隆慶 萬曆 泰昌 天啟 崇讀 清 順治 康熙 雍正 乾隆 嘉慶 道光 咸豐 同治 光緒 宣統

10th - early 1st millennium BC NEOLITHIC 16th Century - C. 1050 BC SHAN A G DYN AN Y ASTY YN C. 1050 - 221 BC ZHOU DYN Y ASTY YN 221 - 206 BC QIN DYN Y ASTY YN 206 BC - AD 220 HAN A DYN AN Y ASTY YN AD 220 - 265 THREE KINGDOMS AD 265 - 420 JIN DYN Y ASTY YN AD 420 - 589 SOUTHERN R AN RN A D NORT R HERN RT R DYN RN Y AST1ES YN AD 581 - 618 SUI DYN Y ASTY YN AD 618 - 907 TAN TA ANG DYN Y ASTY YN AD 907 - 960 FIVE DYN Y ASTIES YN AD 907 - 1125 LI AO DYN Y ASTY YN AD 960 - 1279 SONG DYN Y ASTY YN AD 960 - 1127 Northern Song AD 1127 - 1279 Southern Song AD 1038 - 1227 XIXIA DYN Y ASTY YN AD 1115 - 1234 JIN DYN Y ASTY YN AD 1279 - 1368 YUAN A DYN AN Y ASTY YN AD 1368 - 1644 MING DYN Y ASTY YN AD 1368 - 1398 Hongwu AD 1399 - 1402 Jianwen AD 1403 - 1424 Y ngle Yo AD 1425 Hongxi AD 1426 - 1435 Xuande AD 1436 - 1449 Zhengtong AD 1450 - 1456 Jingtai AD 1457 - 1464 Tianshun AD 1465 - 1487 Chenghua AD 1488 - 1505 Hongzhi AD 1506 - 1521 Zhengde AD 1522 - 1566 Jiaj a ing aj AD 1567 - 1572 Longqing AD 1573 - 1619 W nli Wa AD 1620 T ichang Ta AD 1621 - 1627 Tianqi AD 1628 - 1644 Chongzhen AD 1644 - 1911 QING DYN Y ASTY YN AD 1644 - 1661 Shunzhi AD 1662 - 1722 Kangxi AD 1723 - 1735 Y ngzheng Yo AD 1736 - 1795 Qianlong AD 1796 - 1820 Jiaqing AD 1821 - 1850 Daoguang AD 1851 - 1861 Xianfe f ng fe AD 1862 - 1874 T ngzhi To AD 1875 - 1908 Guangxu AD 1909 - 1911 Xuan tong

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