Now Is The Time Liberate The Black Nation

NOW IS THE LIBERATE

THE BLACK NATION PAPER PRESENTED BY SUNRISE CDIXECTTVE AT A PORUM ON THE NATIONAL QUESTION, FEBRUARY 5, 1984.

TIME

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NOW

IS THE TIME TO LIBERATE THE BLACK NATION

Paper presented by Sunrise Collective at a Forum on the National Question, February 5, 1984 Good afternoon, comrades, fellow patriots and friends of the Black Liberation Movement. We have come together t o discuss the question of freedom f o r Blacks i n America. Because t h i s question has far-reaching implications for everyone here, i t i s important t o understand that the fact that you are here today w i l l hopefully advance the answer to that question. I t i s f i r s t i n the struggle around ideas that our liberation takes place.

The Sunrise Collective w i l l present our present views and stand on the question of Black Liberation i n the following manner: 1) Summary of our previous position on the Black National Question.

2) Self-criticism of the incorrect understanding and presentation of this question.

3) Our present views, and renewed oonrattanapfc t o put i n t o practice the essence of Marxism, which i s "not t o observe the world, but t o change i t . " Heretofore, the Sunrise Collective has seen the National Question as a s e t t l e d one; one that can be stated: Black people oonstitute a naticn i n the Black Belt South. For the existence of a nation i s an objective fact of history. ' I t i s as Lenin stated, "s product of a definite epoch, the epoch of r i s i n g capitalism. The abolition of feudalism and the development of capitalism was also the process of formulation of such nations." However to f l a t l y state that Black people constituting a nation i s a settled question i s not to imply that the masses of our people are clearly conscious or organized under such a banner. But i t i s t o say that theoretically as well as p r a c t i c a l l y , i t can be s c i e n t i f i c a l l y proven and demonstrated through our people's 400 years of struggle, that we are, as Joseph Stalin summarized i n the c r i t e r i a for nationhood, an " h i s t o r i c a l l y constituted, stable community of people farmed on the basis o f a carmen language, t e r r i t o r y , economic l i f e and psychol o g i c a l make-up, manifested i n a common culture."

As a nation oppressed i n imperialist America, Black people here have the r i g h t to self-determination up t o and including secession. However, Black people, 96% of whom are workers, also have played a key role as part of the American multi-national working class' f i g h t t o do away with c a p i t a l i s t oppression and establish socialism. Sunrise Collective (SC) has always recognized the dual role of Black people i n t h e i r f i g h t against the US c a p i t a l i s t class. Our error was t o liquidate the real f i g h t for national l i b e r a t i o n by making Black workers' f i g h t f o r socialism a necessity of or pre-condition for national l i b e r a t i o n .

Hence, SC could articulate the view that Black people constituted a naticn, while a t the same time, relegating the struggle (armed or otherwise) t o a secondary p r i o r i t y . This was based on our incorrect analysis that the struggle for national liberation was not as Marx had said, " i n the f i n a l analysis, a struggle f o r socialism," but one that bad t c be fought only under the condition of proletarian struggle. This position liquidated the r e a l i t y of Black workers h i s t o r i c a l relationship with the white working class which has been dominated by the ideology of white supremacy, thus offering up no theoretical or p r a c t i c a l solutions. I n addition, our position held that the r i g h t t o p o l i t i c a l secession was synonomous with the r i g h t of self-determination (which actually

i s determined by the w i l l of the people through, sooa form of plebiscrtel I f the leadership of the national liberation movement was not the working class i t would lead t o some form of neo-colonialisra and would therefore be secondary to s o c i a l i s t revolution. • I t i s c r i t i c a l f o r Marxist-Leninists to be able to look at t h e i r p o l i t i c a l l i n e and the practice that i t guides, i n order t o sum-up and denounce t h e i r errors and t o develop and propagate the correct analysis. As we've previously stated, our shallow and unscientific approach to analyzing and propagating the Black national question essentially led us t o taking a l i q u i d a t i o n i s t position. To understand t h a t self-determination was simply a c a l l f o r p o l i t i c a l and/or governmental control of a given nation by i t s indigenous population, was a t best, naive, at worst, anti-Marxist. By raising socialism as the pre-condition for self-determination was a l e f t deviation and liquidated the role o f the proletarian a l l i e s i n the national liberation movement.

Having struggled to repudiate the incorrect position on the national question SC now clearly sees that from a h i s t o r i c a l point of view, ever since Africans were kidnaped en mass by the Europeans and brought t o America, we suffered national oppression. We have been treated as one people whose relationship t o the U.S. economy has been i n i t i a l l y as chattel slaves f o r a period of 250 years and subsequently maintained up to the present time as wage slaves . But even as wage slaves our quality of l i f e has been the worst i n the society. I n a count r y which leads the world i n wealth accumulated through the super-expolitation of nations and particularly through the super-exploitation of the Afro-American Nation, we've always existed i n a state of depression with 50% unemployment, the highest infant mortality rate, inadequate health care, poor education, deteriorating housing, police repression, f a c i s t KKK terror, etc. I n fact, we've been denied a decent quality of l i f e through lows h i s t o r i c a l l y implemented by force and through the propagation of racism.

Clearly, the ideas of racism alone could not have affected folks so profoundly, but rather, i t i s the material power of the ruling class t o super-exploit Blacks as a people through force that constituted national oppression and thereby gave racism i t s significance. Consequently, what was and remains the most fundamental question i s the actual economic relations that e x i s t i n the society.

Those who control the means of production and d i s t r i b u t i o n (the economy) also control the State (i.e. the police, the armed forces, FBI, (HA, courts, prisons and other related agencies) which serves not only t o protect private property but t o maintain the exploitation of the masses t o further enrich themselves.

The relationship that Blacks i n America have toward the U.S. economy i s that 96% of us are workers. As part of the working class, we have nothing but our labor t o s e l l t o the highest bidder to make our l i v i n g . I n t h i s most fundamental sense, Afro-Americans are objectively part of the nulti-national working class of t h i s country. I n the f i n a l analysis then, i t i s capitalism that provides the material basis f o r the dictatorship of the ruling class (bourgeoisie) over the working class i n general and f o r the national oppression of Blacks.

That i s why the struggle of Black people against national oppression and racism i n America must be waged alongside of the struggle to overthrow capitalism.

Therefore, we see that the most revolutionary expression of the struggle of Black folks against national oppression and class exploitation as the f i g h t for self-determination . This i s a revolutionary c a l l to arms f o r the entire mass of workers and other oppressed nations and nationalities within the bounds of the U.S. imperialist state. Under imperialism, oppressed nations are used as a source of cheap labor and a market/dumping ground f o r cheap or obsolete goods. Through the flagrant economic exploitation and m i l i t a r y oppression of

numerous nations and peoples throughout the planet, a handful of nations have risen t o tremendous economic heights. They were propelled forward o r i g i n a l l y through the vehicle o f the vast capital accumulation resulting from the slave trade. Indeed, the enslavement of the m i l l i o n s o f Africans was the basis of the the i n d u s t r i a l revolution.

Today we l i v e i n the b e l l y of the richest and the most tehnologically advanced monopoly c a p i t a l i s t state, the headquarters of the greatest empire i n the world.

The U.S., over the years has managed t o reach out i t s tentacles t o numerous nations and peoples whose exploitation i s the basis f o r i t s standard of l i v i n g .

I n particular, the Black nation, held i n bondage f o r nearly 400 years, has been the most important aspect i n the development of America's world Gemination.

Indeed, i n the imperialist scheme of things, oppressed peoples and nations are u t i l i z e d as a reserve t o strengthen imperialism. The d i a l e c t i c a l essence of oppressed nations however, i s that while they help t o maintain imperial.ism, they also turn i n t o t h e i r opposite and become the reserve of the p r o l e t a r i a t whose task i t i s t o destroy the imperialist system and replace i t w i t h socialism, under which true democracy can be established, the national l i b e r a t i o n movements are essential parts of the proletarian motion for worldwide revolution.

They have been the pregnant volcanoes which since World War I I have been erupting a l l over the world. Each eruption weakens imperialism as i t sinks deeper and deeper i n t o the c r i s i s . Objectively, the victories scored by the national liberation movements of Asia, Africa and Latin America have dealt death blows t o imperialism. Concretely, these newly liberated nations have generally, although not absolutely, deprived imperialism of easy access t o cheap labor, natural resources and markets. The liberation of nations has curtailed expansionism and the capacity of big powers t o hold back other national l i b e r ation movements throughout the world.

I n the U.S. the c a l l f o r self-determination, up to and including secession, for the Black nation i s a proletarian revolutionary question. I t i s a c a l l f o r political/governmental and economic control of the Black Belt South. I t i s a p o l i t i c a l democratic question of the r i g h t of the Black nation t o determine i t s own destiny. I t i s a c a l l to break from the m i l i t a r y dictatorship of the oppressor nation's ruling class. Consequently, the demands f o r self-determination of the Black naticn, the demand f o r land, and the c a l l for equality and community control by Blacks i n the urban centers outside of the Black Belt South, are not only l i g i t i m a t e , but are fundamentally revolutionary calls t o arm for the exploited proletariat i n the U.S. who can only gain by our liberation.

Men of Color, to "From East to West, from North to South, the skv is written all over, NOW OR N E V E R . Liberty

won by white men would

half its luster. Who would be free, themselves

lose

must strike the blow.

Better even die free, than to live slaves. This is the sentiment of

every brave colored man amongst us . . . Remember Denmark Vesey of Charleston; remember Nathaniel Turner of South Hampton; remember Shields Green and Copeland, who followed noble John Brown and fell as glorious martyrs for the cause of the slave.

Remember that in a contest with oppression, the Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with oppressors." — Frederick Douglass, Rochester, March 21, 1863

Harry Haywood captured the essence of the point, saying: "The revolutionary essence of the struggle f o r Black equality and self-determination arising from the f a c t that the special oppression of Blacks i s a main prop of the system of Imperi a l i s t dcmination over the entire working class and the masses of exploited American people.

Therefore, the struggle for Black Liberation i s a ccnponent part of the struggle f o r Proletarian Revolution."

I t i s important programmatically t o make a correct analysis of the d i a l e c t i c a l relationship of the Black National T.ihetation Movement t o proletarian revolution i n order to unleash at f u l l force, the i n i t i a t i v e o f the masses. Blacks have always been a part of the struggle o f the American vrorking class against the U.S. bourgeoisie. As ninety percent workers themselves, Blacks have made both the general demands o f t o i l e r s , demonstrated by t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l role i n the Populist movement, trade union movement, the American Revolution, the C i v i l War, etc., and the p a r t i c u l a r demands for self-determination, democratic rights and equality, stemming from the super-exploitation Blacks suffer as an oppressed nation i n America. Without socialism, the equality of nations w i t h i n a m u l t i national state cannot be r e a l ; and without the f i g h t f o r self-determination of the Black nation, the proletarian revolution f o r socialism w i l l not succeed.

The tasks are simultaneous. Today the oppressed Black nation functions as a rereserve of imperialism. Therfore, the struggle for self-determination would v i o l e n t l y sever i t s relationship with the system that oppresses i t . Objectively and subjectively t h i s struggle would unite the Black nation with the proletary an drive f o r socialism. Thus the position calling f o r self-determination i s revolutionary i n that i t aims at changing the relationship of the oppressed Black nation to the oppressor naticn and unites i t with the struggle o f a l l oppressed mafisea i n t h e i r struggle against the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The national question i s the principal contradiction inthe U.S. today. As such, i t represents the weakest l i n k i n the imperialist chain. I t (the Black nation) has the least to lose and the most to gain. I t i s therefore, subjectively the most responsive grouping inside the U.S., having the longest and most consistent history o f struggle against imperialism.

Today Marxist-Leninists from the Black nation must unite with genuine revolutionary nationalists to build the foundation of a "Front* prepared to wage the p o l i t i c a l / m i l i t a r y struggle necessary to achieve national liberation. Genuine revolutionary nationalists have demonstrated i n word and deed t h e i r stand f o r principles which are i n unity with the Marxist-Leninist line on t h i s question.

In fact, t h e i r c r i t i c i s m of corrmunists i n general i s that Marxist-Leninists tend to s t a r t from the idea of revolution, and never put that idea into real practice.

Sunrise Collective views t h i s c r i t i c i s m as basically correct and sees, through the struggle around t h i s contradiction, a real basis to move forward the conscious leadership of the Black liberation movement as we f i g h t t o b u i l d a revolutionary Conmunist party which can carry national liberation through t o the end, socialism.

S THE BELLY OF THIS BEAST OF EXPLOITATION AND OPPRESSION CALLED AMERICA, WE BLACKS HAVE A SPECIAL TASK WHICH HAS PUT US AT THE CENTER STAGE OF WORLD HISTORY. FOR OUR NATIONAL LIBERATION WILL DEAL A FATAL BLOW TO U.S. IMPERIALISM AND IN TURN, ALL OF IT'S RUNNING DOGS. IT IS ONLY FITTING THAT THE PEOPLE WHOSE VICIOUS MURDER AND ENSLAVEMENT GAVE RISE TO WORLD IMPERIALISM WILL PLAY A LEADERSHIP ROLE IN SOUNDING IT'S DEATH KNELL.

FOR THIS TREMENDOUS TASK OUR NATIONAL BATTLE CRY MUST BE:

FREEDOM OR DEATH