The Observer XV.I - Summer in Review 2018

XV.I

SUMMER IN

REVIEW

LETTER FROM THE EDITOR ISSUE XV.I

Dear Readers, It is with great excitement that I welcome you to Volume XV of The Observer. In our annual Summer in Review issue, we explore five continents and various areas of international affairs to provide an overview of the significant events and news stories of this past summer. We are grateful to start the year with contributions from both returning and new staff writers, as well as six external submissions.

As you read the articles, I encourage you to take the time to appreciate the cover art and layout design of Art Vijayaratnam, as we bring a new year and a refreshed style into the publication.

We begin the issue looking at the Americas with an external submission by Stanton Thai providing an analysis of microtargeting in the context of the recent Facebook–Cambridge Analytica data scandal. Jacob Ahearn looks at the current narrative of violence against Indigenous women in Canada, and Sari Osada describes a burgeoning plastic issue and its environmental implications.

Another external submission by Alec Langlois explores Brazil's upcoming elections while Harrison Giovannetti's article discusses the inconsistencies in Trump's foreign policy.

Trump appears again as we delve into the Asia section - Harry Fang's article describes the 2018 North Korea–United States summit and denuclearization. Ethan Mitchell discusses peaceful mass protests in Armenia’s April Revolution, while Sinead O'Hara takes a close look at misogyny in India in light of the murder of Asifa Bano. Shifting into Europe, Tanisha Amarakoon provides an update of the refugee crisis. Eva Li covers the rise of populism in Italy and Sean Stead-Fescer writes on modern whaling and the lifted ban in Iceland. In my article, I discuss the consequences of urbanization in the Philippines.

We end the issue with a look into the Middle East and Africa. David Lazzam covers Israel’s demographics issue, and Angela Feng discusses the implications of the United States Embassy's relocation to Jerusalem. Laura van Wyngaarden writes about preventive diplomacy at the United Nations, and Cade Cowan explores the nuances of legal systems in post-colonial Africa. Lastly, we have an article by Ben Dinsdale, who discusses the unrecognized state of Somaliland.

This issue would not be possible without the talented work of our team and we look forward to an informative and engaging year at The Observer. If you have any remarks or concerns, please do not hesitate to email contact@theobserver-qiaa.org. Furthermore, should you have even the slightest inclination, I strongly encourage you to consider writing for our next issue - please follow us on Facebook (The Observer - Queen's University) or Instagram (theobserver.qiaa) for further updates.

Happy reading!

Sincerely, Monique Sereneo Editor-in-Chief Economics ‘19

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C ONTENTS

07

THE AMERICAS

19

ASIA

in Modern Democratic Politics 8 Microtargeting Stanton Thai (University of Calgary)

Korea, and a Chinese Mare Nostrum 2o Singapore, Harry Fang

Against Indigenous Women in Canada and 10 Violence Indigenous Feminism

April Revolution: A Lesson in Nonviolence 22 Armenia’sEthan Mitchell

Jacob Ahearn

So Fantastic 13 Plastic: Not Sari Ohsada the Pink Tide, a Turn to the Left: Has Brazil’s Car 15 After Wash allowed for the Rise of an Extremist?

Alec Langlois

Murder of Asifa Bano: The Eventuality of India’s 24 The Enduring Misogyny and Fundamentalism Sinead O’Hara

Tale of Too Many Cities: Sustainability and 26 AUrbanization in Asia Monique Sereneo

Doctrine 17 The TrumpHarrison Giovannetti

28

35

is the New United States: An Update on the 29 Hungary European Refugee Crisis

Time Bomb of Israel's Demographics Issue 36 The Ticking David Lazzam

Europe

middle east and Africa Tanisha Amarakoon

Populism: Italy's Ongoing Political Crisis 31 Up Next,Eva Li Whaling Efforts Need To Be Stopped 33 Why Modern Sean Stead-Fescer

Embassay in Jerusalem: Implications of Middle 38 U.S. East Conflict Angela Feng

Diplomacy and the United Nations: Why it 40 Preventative Has Not and Cannot Work Laura van Wyngaarden

Law and Civil Law in Post-Colonial Africa 42 CommonCade Cowan Unrecognized State 44 Africa's 25-Year-Old Ben Dinsdale

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Writer Bios EDITORIAL TEAM Monique Sereneo Editor-in-Chief

Art Vijayaratnam Layout Editor

Monique Sereneo is a fourth year Economics student, pursuing a minor in Global Development Studies and a Certificate in Law. Throughout her time at Queen’s, she has developed an interest in development economics, food insecurity, and attempting to understand global socioeconomic inequalities. Outside the academic realm, Monique enjoys baking, videography, and is currently the President of AIESEC Queen’s.

Art Vijayaratnam is a fifth year Political Studies major with a minor in Classical Studies.

Throughout her time at Queen’s, she has been interested in international relations and political media. Her passion for graphic design has lead her to continue her role as the Layout Editor for The Observer. In her free time, Art enjoys baking and DIY crafts.

Alexander Bernst Assistant Editor

Harrison Giovannetti Assistant Editor

Alex Bernst is from Ottawa. He is in his 4th year in the Commerce program and serves as one of the Assistant Editors for the Observer. He worked as a Staff Writer for the Observer last year.

Alongside academics and international affairs, he is a passionate athlete. Alex is captain of the rowing team and, at one point, was part of a leading tier-2 intramural inner-tube water polo team. He also loves dogs.

Harrison is in his fourth year at Queen’s and is completing a dual degree in Commerce and Law. Aside from being a history and geography nerd, he enjoys reading, golfing, and watching his two favourite shows: The Office and Seinfeld.

Mae-Lin DeLange Assistant Editor Hailing from East coast New Brunswick, Mae-Lin is a fourth year Commerce student with a focus on International Business and Marketing. Last year, her passion for international affairs led her to join The Observer as a staff writer and she is currently working with other writers as an Assistant Editor.

She enjoys bringing a business perspective to current events and looks forward to continuing to work with the great team at The Observer.

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Alec Langlois

WRITERS

Angela Feng

Alec Langlois is a 4th year Life Sciences student specializing in Neuroscience. When he is not memorizing lists of body parts or enzymes, he enjoys reading about politics and the impending collapse of modern society. His interest in the political realm and world affairs began early but was mostly superficial until the 2016 US presidential election. His primary interests are the tracking of radical movements (good or bad) which seek to reshape society, and learning about political and economic theory.

Angela is a third year Global Development and Environmental Studies student. She began her Queen’s experience at the Bader International Study Center and passed her first year in the beautiful countryside of East Sussex. Her academic interests include sustainable development and human rights. Angela spares her free time traveling, painting, taking naps, and taking care of her plants.

Ben Dinsdale

Cade Cowan

Ben is a Third Year Politics, Philosophy, and Economics student at Queen’s. His interests range from elections in Central and Southern America to secessionist movements in Africa and the Middle-East. His is also a big fan of his cat and spends way too much time at QP.

Cade Cowan is an Assistant Editor for the Online publication at the Observer. His research interests are European Politics, the Asia-Pacific and World History. He was born and raised in Kingston and has taken on the townie life with gusto.

David Lazzam

Ethan Mitchell

David is a Queen’s student currently in his third year, studying Political Studies and English.

Hailing from Toronto, David’s interest in international affairs stems from a long history of global engagement and an even longer one of debating with his family and friends. David currently intends to study diplomacy or international law after his fourth year, and hopes to find a role in which he can help promote international cooperation and peace.

Ethan Mitchell is a third-year Politics student. He enjoys reading, debating, and exercising.

Growing up, he read a book about Napoleon and found himself more interested in the particularities of Napoleon’s administration than the cataclysmic battles. Since that point, he has embraced his interest in politics, and is now studying it, and even delving into it for fun.

Eva Li

Harry Fang

Eva Li is a third year commerce student at Queen’s University, originally from Ottawa, Ontario. She has developed an interest in current affairs shaping the globalizing world, particularly among emerging markets. Next winter, Eva will be completing an exchange semester abroad in Singapore and is excited to travel to surrounding South-East Asian countries, such as Myanmar, Thailand and Malaysia. On campus, she is involved with AIESEC Queen’s and Queen’s Global Markets. Eva is happy to write for The Observer as an external contributor.

Harry is a student from Ottawa entering his fourth year in the Commerce Program. He has been a part of QIAA during the entirety of his time at Queen’s. Currently, he is a logistics director for the MUN team and a committee director for QMUNI.

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Jacob Ahearn

Laura van Wyngaarden

Jacob is going into his third year of Politics, Philosophy and Economics. His research interests include the international political economy and the effect of social issues and domestic issues in international affairs. Besides from his role with the Observer, Jacob is also the lead tip in the Queen’s Bands and volunteers with Kaleidoscope and the Student Academic Success Services.

Laura van Wyngaarden is a third year Political Science major, history minor from Ottawa. Laura is focusing her undergrad on International Relations through a historical lens. Laura is heavily involved in QIAA, serving as Director General for this year’s Queen’s National Model UN Conference and last year’s Logistics Director of the Queen’s Model UN team. This is Laura’s first year writing for the Observer, and is looking forward to analyzing and writing about current political affairs.

Sari Ohsada Sari is a fourth-year undergraduate student studying Environmental Science and Global Development. Raised in a Japanese-speaking family in the Rocky Mountains of Canada, Sari is passionate for learning about global environmental issues, immersing herself in different cultures, and advocating for real change. Sari has lived in France for a year, was Killam Fellow at Arizona State University through the Killam Fellowships Program, and held a Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada Undergraduate Student Research Award. Most recently, she returned from a threemonth internship at the United Nations Development Programme in Pristina, Kosovo, working as Communications Intern.

Stanton Thai Stanton Thai is currently a 2nd year student at the University of Calgary taking a combined degree in Chemistry and Education. Stanton’s general interests lie within the fields of STEM education and NPO management. As such, he is the current Regional Chair for the Foundation for Student Science and Technology, a national NFP organization dedicated to developing the career potential of exceptional students in STEM. Stanton is also the President of a TEDxYouth organization, and is incredibly passionate towards assisting others in reaching their full potential. At the moment, Stanton is working as a private tutor for high school students.

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Sean Stead-Fecser Sean Stead-Fecser is in his 4th year at Queen’s studying Political Science and English. His interest in International Politics stems from growing up in the Nation’s Capital and being surrounded by politics in Ottawa. His interests range from environmental issues, cyber security, and trying to figure out Trudeau’s hair regimen.

Sinead O’Hara Sinead O’Hara is a third-year student at Queen’s University. She is majoring in Global Development and minoring in Classics. Her academic interests are indigeneity and imperial history. Sinead is passionate about writing and travelling. It is her second year as a staff writer for The Observer and is thrilled to be working with them for year 2018/2019.

Tanisha Amarakoon Tanisha Amarakoon is a third year Political Studies and Sociology student at Queen’s University.

On campus she can be found advocating for North Korean human rights with HanVoice, chatting about international affairs on QIAA’s Right of Reply Radio podcast, walking students home at night with WalkHome, or covered in mud as a NEWTS orientation leader. Her interests within the field of politics include North Korean relations, women’s rights, and international law.

ISSUE XV.I

The Americas

Microtargeting in Modern Democratic Politics By: Stanton Thai (University of Calgary)

In an era of continual digitalization, where online news outlets and social media sites are gradually becoming the first contact points for political information, an important question arises: do online political advertisements influence our political decision-making processes?

Microtargeting is a marketing strategy that utilizes publicly available consumer data and demographics to develop messages and advertisements that are specially tailored to an individual’s values, beliefs, and interests. To elaborate, consider instances of browsing through websites, searching for a particular pair of shoes, or looking for a recently-released phone. Even after exiting the website, does it not seem that the advertisements for those products seem to follow the consumer everywhere?

Those situations demonstrate instances of microtargeting, in which information regarding search history, the advertisements a person clicks, and the websites visited, are all shared with external third parties that utilize this information to target the consumer with specially-created ads.

In relation to political decision-making and digitalization, microtargeting social media ads allow political parties and various interest groups to display different advertisements to different voters depending on their demographics and personal interests.

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For instance, the recent Facebook-Cambridge Analytica data scandal - which involved the collection and distribution of personally identifiable information of 87 million Facebook users - sparked allegations that the campaigns behind Brexit and President Donald Trump had used personal data from millions of Facebook users, in order to produce micro-targeted political ads. Furthermore, in the 2015 Canadian federal election, millennials on Facebook were exposed to more comedic, hip ads from Justin Trudeau’s Liberal Party, whereas baby boomers were more likely to see serious ads regarding carbon-pricing or immigration policies.

In 2013, a study conducted by researchers at Stanford University and the University of Cambridge, attempted to predict individual psychodemographic profiles from Facebook ‘likes’. The researchers developed a computer model that processed the Facebook likes of 58,000 volunteers, and used those digital behavioural records to automatically and accurately predict a range of highly sensitive personal attributes. Overall, the study was able to correctly discriminate between African-American and Caucasian Americans in 95 percent of cases, between homosexual and heterosexual males in 88 percent of cases, and between Democratic and Republican voters in 85 percent of cases. In addition, the more Face-

ISSUE XV.I

book ‘likes’ publicly available by a given user, the more accurately the computer model could guess their personality traits. At 300 Facebook likes, the computer model was able to correctly guess an individual’s personality traits more accurately than their own spouse could.

As the current era of digitalization continues to progress and computer algorithms become more complex, the effectiveness of microtargeting will only rise - which then detrimentally harms the public sphere. The public sphere is defined as an area of social life where individuals can come together and freely discuss and identify societal problems, in which those discussions can subsequently influence necessary social action. According to William Gorton, a political science professor at Alma College, the health of a democracy depends on the quality of public opinion, and a high quality public opinion requires a healthy public sphere.

William Gorton argues that microtargeting then harms the public sphere in three fundamental ways. Firstly, microtargeting channels voter into information silos. A healthy public sphere must be all-inclusive and expose people to ideas and viewpoints that they might not necessarily agree with. However, micro-targeted advertisements only expose individuals to viewpoints that similarly resemble their own, which then directly contributes to uninformed voting.

Secondly, microtargeting facilitates the evasion of public scrutiny. Due to the personalized nature of micro-targeted political advertisements, they are easily able to avoid direct scrutiny from the press and broader public, which then correlates in an increased possibility of political campaigns disseminating misleading or inflammatory information. For instance, during the 2018 Ontario general election, the pro-Conservative group Ontario Proud targeted individuals who “liked” the Canadian Taxpayers Federation on Facebook with inflammatory political advertisements claiming that billions of dollars have been lost in Ontario due to government scandals.

Lastly, microtargeting facilitates political redlining. Political redlining occurs when only certain demographics are exposed to political campaigns and advertisements by a given political party or interest group. If consumer data and demographics suggest that someone is unlikely to vote at all, or highly unlikely to vote for the de-

sired political candidate, then opposing political parties won’t waste time advertising to that person. Political redlining suppresses the amount of political public dialogue and ultimately contributes to uninformed voting.

Given that the gradual progression of digitalization will only correlate to further micro-targeted political advertisements, what can be done to ensure that we are making rational political decisions?

According to David Moscrop, a political theorist at Simon Fraser University, there unfortunately isn’t too much that an individual can do against monolithic data collection companies.

However, in terms of improving rational political decision-making processes, there are a few possible courses of action: Firstly, whenever you are asked to make a political, take approximately fifteen minutes to question yourself, and allow yourself to truly reflect on what factors are influencing your political decision. Secondly, engage in conversation with individuals who respectfully disagree with your personal viewpoints, and allow yourself to be swayed by their arguments. Overall, in order to effectively combat microtargeting, it is fundamentally important that we, as voters, regularly involve and engage ourselves in meaningful political conversation, to ensure that we are making well-informed democratic decisions.

Although in regard to digital security, hope is certainly not all lost. In May of 2018, Cambridge Analytica filed for insolvency proceedings and officially closed operations. In addition, Facebook has also recently been charged with hundreds of thousands of dollars in fines over the Cambridge Analytica privacy scandal. The shutdown of Cambridge Analytica certainly demonstrates the vast impact that public advocacy and public awareness can have on large data collection companies.

What does that mean for the world moving forward? The topic of digital security and information sharing is certainly not black and white, and legislation will continue to develop over time to adapt to the ever-changing digital landscape.

However, as long as we continue to engage in open-minded public conversation, we, as democratic citizens, can foster significant societal change, even in the face of technological monoliths such as Cambridge Analytica and Facebook.

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Violence Against Indigenous Women in Canada and Indigenous Feminism By: Jacob Ahearn In Canada today, Indigenous women are subject to violence at an alarming rate. They are three times more likely to report being victim to a violent crime in comparison to non-Indigenous women. Furthermore, it is estimated that eight out of every ten Indigenous women will be beaten or sexually assaulted in their lifetime.

This violence often flies under the radar of public officials for a multitude of reasons. Community dynamics within Indigenous communities, including the idea that violence against women is a private or secondary concern, often hinder domestic violence from being reported. When people are aware of violence against Indigenous 10

women, it is easy to attribute it to poor lifestyle choices, as more women within Indigenous communities suffer from substance abuse issues.

Hence, this violence can often be met with a certain degree of indifference, as the vulnerability of Indigenous women may be seen as self-inflicted.

However, not taken into serious enough consideration are the historical ramifications of European colonialism and patriarchalism. These have played a pivotal role in the subjugation of Indigenous women today. This subjugation has transpired both externally, at the hands of the Canadian government; and internally, as patriarchal attitudes have seeped into Indigenous culture and thus been prevalent within Indigenous communities. Understanding the complexities of these colonial and patriarchal impacts on Indigenous women is key in understanding and henceforth combating violence against Indigenous women.

Before European settlers came to the America’s, most Indigenous communities were characterized as matriarchies. Women were deeply respected and protected. Infractions against women, in the form of violence or any other type of abuse, were strictly forbidden because they were viewed as a threat to the well-being of the community as a whole. If an act of violence or abuse against a women occured, the perpetrator was punished in an equal effort to heal both the victim and the offender. Women were not only viewed as being worthy of equal treatment alongside their male counterparts, they were revered.

They were the creators of new life and, as an extension, gave birth to and facilitated relationships between new life and the Creator. It was always auspicious to treat women in a respectful manner.

After European settlers arrived, the process of displacement of culture and identity for Indigenous women within their communities began. During the fur trade, Indigenous people were treated as inferior and thus the exploitation of Indigenous women was seen by many as justifiable. Indigenous women were often deemed as naturally promiscuous by European traders during this time, making it easier for them to be victimized and treated as commodities. Such stereotypes have persisted, making Indigenous women increasingly vulnerable today and causing them to be targeted more frequently in acts of violence.

In the 19th and 20th centuries, certain insti-

ISSUE XV.I

tutions created by and actions carried out by the Canadian government played critical roles in the dispossession of identity for Indigenous women.

A section of the Indian Act stipulated that if women married a non-status Indian or a white man, they would lose their Indian status. Furthermore, the residential school system’s forced sterilization laws and the removal of children exacerbated the removal of women from their traditional role within Indigenous communities as caregivers, leaders, and equals in relation to men. Patriarchal values, such as the man being the head of the household, become a fixture within Indigenous communities and gradually reshaped an egalitarian way of life into the European ideal for familial relations. Over time, Indigenous communities were regendered to reflect male interests.

The deterioration of matriarchal values within Indigenous communities, as a result of institutions, policies, laws and stereotypes shaped and perpetuated by male-dominated values, explains the naturalization of violence against Indigenous women and the increased likelihood of Indigenous women being victims to violent acts. In Canada today, roughly 28 percent of missing and murdered women are Indigenous, yet Indigenous women make up less than 5 percent of the Canadian population. Moreover, Indigenous women are far more likely to be subject to emotional and financial abuse, and suffer from low unemployment and education. In 2009, roughly 67,000 Indigenous women living in the Canadian provinces had reported being victim to violence in the past 12 months. Since abusers are often also seen as victims, and the patriarchal norm is to place an emphasis on the family life as being private, violence is often not reported. At the same time, justice for Indigenous women is seen as secondary to justice for Indigenous people as a whole.

Violence against Indigenous women is not only restricted to Canada. European colonialism and patriarchalism have also impacted Indigenous women in other colonial countries such as the United States, Australia and New Zealand. Moreover, violence against Sami women in Scandinavia is also very prevalent. Similarly to Canada, cultural norms have largely been reshaped to reflect a male dominant conception of reality and this internalization of patriarchal and cultural norms has normalized violence against women. Also of a

similar nature to Canada is that violence against Sami women is often seen as a private concern and comes second to the perceived larger oppression that face the Sami people as a whole.

It can be said that Indigenous women are

In Canada today, roughly 28 percent of missing and murdered women are Indigenous, yet Indigenous women make up less than 5 percent of the Canadian population. faced with a double-edged sword. In Canada, the government enacted laws and institutions, such as the Indian Act and the Residential school system, and perpetuated stereotypes that played a significant role in specifically oppressing Indigenous women during the oppression of Indigenous people as a whole. As aforementioned, patriarchalism also became pervasive within Indigenous communities, eroding the matriarchal values that had previously been dominant and creating an internal structure of oppression. Therefore, Indigenous women have been subordinated as Indigenous people by the Canadian government, even more so than their male counterparts, and they are subordinated as women within their own communities, as male interests have become dominant due to patriarchal values becoming ingrained in their culture. It is evident that there exists an internal and external dimension in the oppression against Indigenous women and that they are effectively silenced. This lack of a voice only serves to exacerbate violence against them.

Rauna Kuokkanen, in her adaption of political intersectionality, a feminist theory first developed by Kimberle Crenshaw, focuses on how Indigenous women are oppressed in various, interlocking ways. She states that the “agenda of Indigenous peoples which focuses on self-determination is led by male priorities while women’s struggles against sexism and patriarchy are usually characterized by white middle-class concerns.”

Overall, Indigenous women in Canada are severely marginalized, indicating that the colonial and patriarchal impacts on these are women are significant.

The solution must look at not only at Can11

ada and the Canadian government, but within Indigenous communities as well in order to address both the internal and external transgressions. In doing so, the solution must be accountable to, and represent the voices of, Indigenous women One starting place for a transformation is to find inspiration in Indigenous feminist literature. Allison Hargreaves argues that “Indigenous women writers contribute vital insights into the analysis of gendered colonial violence while envisioning new, nonviolent realities.”

Secondly, it is crucial that colonialism not persist as a scapegoat for violence against women. Men must not be seen as victims, but rather as agents that are to be held accountable for their actions. According to scholar Rauna Kuokkanen, “violence is often rationalized and somewhat normalized as a consequence of colonial history, yet externalizing violence denies agency and con-

dones perpetrators behaviour, of which neglects the internalization of patriarchy.” However, colonialism should never be utilized as a blanket explanation for violence against women. Accountability for men, and for the communities that perpetuate patriarchy intentionally or unintentionally, must be present.

It seems as if reconciliation to the Canadian state has been the goal in finding a solution for injustices against Indigenous women. However, moving forward, the goal must be to find a solution that is accountable to Indigenous sovereignty or, more specifically, Indigenous women.

Accountability for men, and an increased voice for Indigenous women, are the first two steps towards reaching this goal.

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Plastic: Not So Fantastic By: Sari Ohsada

Plastic is one of the most widespread sources of pollution in our world. Every year, over 300 million metric tonnes of plastic is produced, in which 8 million tonnes are dumped into our oceans, equivalent to a truck-load of plastic dumped into the water every minute. From macroplastics, such as plastic bags, bottles and packaging, to microbeads found in many health and beauty products, plastic is simply everywhere.

As plastics have become an essential part of our everyday lives, we need to consider its risk on human health. We heat food packaged in plastic, consume fish and seafood, and drink water from oceans, lakes, rivers and bottled water which may be contaminated by pollutants and additives from microplastics. Additionally, plastic pollution affects individuals at varying degrees across the globe, as plastic waste from the Global North often ends up in oceans and collects in coastal Global South communities. Also, wildlife such as marine animals are at high risk of ingestion and entanglement of plastic litter. Once a material of

incredible utility, convenience, and technological advancement, plastic has now infiltrated our precious ecosystems, affecting living organisms, the economy, and our standard of living.

Fortunately, there has been significant media attention around plastic reduction, prompting powerful political bodies to enact change. The G7, with the exception of the United States and Japan, recently signed the Ocean Plastics Charter last May in Charlevoix, Quebec, promising a “resource-efficient lifecycle management approach to plastics in the economy”. The United States decided to refrain from signing the charter with its intention to withdraw from the Paris Agreement, while Japan’s reasons were not clear.

However, many environmentalists argue that the charter is not enough. The charter is non-binding and does not mention any strategies or bans on single-use plastics, one of the major sources of ocean plastic pollution. If the Charters aren’t enough, how can one change a plastic-obsessed society?

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Setting small, measurable goals – for example, targeting reductions in the consumption of specific single-use item such as plastic bags – is a good start. A significant push has been made towards reducing or outright banning the use of the ubiquitous plastic bag in various municipalities across the globe. As of last January, Montreal, Canada was the first city to do so, implementing a bylaw that penalizes retailers and companies up to $2,000 and $4,000, respectively if they fail to conform. Victoria has also instructed its businesses to eliminate plastic bags; instead they may provide paper bags for 15 cents each (increasing to 25 cents in July 2019) and reusable ones for $1 (increasing to $2 in 2019). These milestones were not achieved without difficulty, however. Toronto had planned to take similar measures in 2013.

However, powerful industry opposition convinced councillors to swiftly rescind the ban before its case was ever heard. Furthermore, major Ontario retailers, such as Loblaws and Indigo Books & Music, which adopted a 5-cents per plastic bag policy in 2007, have reversed their plastic bag reduction program to “empower our customers to choose what’s best for them”.

Plastic bags have been successfully banned

If the Charters aren’t enough, how can we truly change our plastic-obsessed society? in various other countries as well. Since 2008, China has banned retailers from handing out plastic bags, except for when selling fresh and cooked foods. In 2007, San Francisco became the first major American city to ban plastic bags. They were followed by other municipalities, prompting California to ban them entirely at large retailers in 2014. Even entire countries have banned them; Kenya penalizes anyone using, producing, or selling plastic bags with 4 years of jail or a $38,000 fine. Sri Lanka also banned plastic bags: a move which was motivated from a tragedy of a garbage pile collapse that killed 32 people and crushed dozens of homes.

With civil society action, multi-sectoral collaboration, and perseverance, we do not have to wait for governments to create regulations and laws that help rethink our plastic consumption and waste.

Instead, as global citizens, we can start locally.

On an individual level, we can be responsible consumers by reducing single-use plastics, buying fresh food without or with minimal plastic and Styrofoam packaging, and supporting companies that have waste-free practices. We can participate in environmentally-friendly volunteer activities, join organizations spearheading environmentally-conscious grassroots initiatives, and encourage our peers to organize events and conferences that use less plastic and combat against improper recycling. Finally, as diverse voices of the global community, we can urge powerful groups and leaders to create accountability mechanisms against plastic polluters and use our knowledge and creativity to seriously rethink our entire plastics industry, from extraction to disposal.

With the awareness of how plastic pollution proliferating in our world’s oceans, “out of sight, out of mind” is not a viable solution. It may be hard to truly grasp the severity of the issue when we don’t live next to the ocean or see the impact plastic waste has on Global South coastal communities. However, phasing out single-use plastics through a zero-tolerance approach in our daily lives is a simple first step. Addressing environmental issues doesn’t have to be so grim: it’s a win-win situation for everyone, as reducing plastic consumption benefits our earth, health, and technological advancement to propel ourselves in a more vibrant, sustainable society. With every individual effort, there will ultimately be enough momentum to give us an opportunity to urge corporations and governments to adapt and implement more environmentally friendly alternatives. Saying no to a plastic bag at your next grocery start is just the beginning.

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After the Pink Tide, a Turn to the Left: Has Brazil’s Car Wash allowed for the Rise of an Extremist?

By: Alec Langlois

A superficial glance at opinion polling for the upcoming Brazilian presidential election reveals an all-but-concluded race. The ever-popular former president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (generally referred to as Lula), is set to lead the Social Democratic Workers’ Party (PT) to their fifth straight presidential victory - the four previous wins being split between Lula and the PT’s Dilma Rousseff. The truth, though, is that Lula will almost certainly not become Brazil’s president on January 1st, 2019. In fact, he will not even be present on the ballots of the first and second election rounds on October 7th and 28th.

Earlier this year, Lula was sentenced to 12 years in prison for accepting bribes from a contractor and has been in prison since April. His prosecution is part of a larger anti-corruption initiative in Brazil called Operation Car Wash, which is an investigation into corruption at the state-owned Petrobras petroleum corporation. Lula’s attempts to be released from prison while appeals are ongoing have failed thus far. Although, opinions on his right to be released have differed even among Brazilian judges, one of whom briefly ordered Lula’s release before being overruled later that day.

In any case, the Clean Slate Law in Brazil forbids

candidates convicted of a crime from running in elections, so Lula would not be able to run even if released.

In Lula’s absence, a headline-grabbing radical right-winger has taken the lead in polls that exclude the former president. Jair Bolsonaro, a former military official and congressman, has been called a “right-wing demagogue” in The Economist, and “a far-right provocateur” in The New York Times. He has advocated for the wage gap, for torture, for Brazil’s former military dictatorship, and for opposition to “the LGBT agenda”. His main economic advisor (owning a PhD from the University of Chicago) has declared that privatization of all government firms is needed, including Petrobras - a classic tactic of the Right to make mostly insignificant short-term fiscal gains and allow for further private accumulation of wealth.

A tour of the U.S. in late 2017 was intended to show Bolsonaro’s policies as being conventional Republican policies, as opposed to their general media characterization as radically right-wing.

Of course, any distinction between the Republican party and the radical right-wing is merely aesthetic, but aesthetics are undeniably important in electoral politics. Whether or not attempts to im15

prove his image have succeeded, he has gained enough popularity to be nearly guaranteed to reach the second round of October’s election as a member of the Social Liberal Party (PSL). In fact, every opinion poll undertaken in the past year has Bolsonaro being one of the two candidates facing off in the second round.

Opposition to Bolsonaro is scattered.

Apart from Lula, the only candidate who polls favourably when matched up with Bolsonaro in the second round is Marina Silva of the centre-left environmentalist Sustainability Network (REDE).

However, given the nature of a two-round election, it is not unlikely that a different candidate will advance to face Bolsonaro in the second round.

The Democratic Labour Party (PDT), the traditionally powerful Centrist Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB), and Silva’s REDE are all polling nearly equally. Even the probable PT candidate replacing Lula, Fernando Haddad, could reach the second round; in polls where respondents are told that Lula would personally endorse Haddad, he generally polls only behind Bolsonaro. None of this accounts for the possibility of alliances between parties opposed to Bolsonaro (for instance, in 2014 the PT and the PDT were part of a larger alliance backing Dilma Rousseff in the second round). Such alliances could swing either round of the election.

Of course, any distinction between the Republican party and the radical right-wing is merely aesthetic, but aesthetics are undeniably important in electoral politics.

failed.

Over-reliance on polls several months before the election and before all candidates are officially selected would be a mistake, though.

Abstainers or undecided voters make up nearly a third of respondents in most polls, and the decisions of these voters, unknown for now, are likely to seal Brazil’s fate in October.

Over-reliance on polls several months before the election and before all candidates are officially selected would be a mistake, though.

The rise of Bolsonaro parallels a now-familiar narrative in world politics. In response to the failure of traditional liberal democratic politics to build equitably prosperous societies, the far-right has offered a solution: blame immigrant and minority crime, blame the moral rot of society, blame the use of social services and profit from the state by undeserving populations. It is the responsibility of those who see the immorality of such an ideology to offer their own solution to the real problems facing our populations today. If one of the candidates attempts to appeal to the population and offer them an alternative that acknowledges the massive inequality in one of the world’s wealthiest countries, and grants them economic and social rights (as AMLO did in Mexico to some extent), Bolsonaro may be defeated. Otherwise, the people of Brazil may choose his errant solution over the lack of an acknowledgement of the problem.

Because of the two-round election system and the presence of an extremist candidate, it may be tempting to compare this election to France last year, where France’s electorate coalesced around Emmanuel Macron in opposition to Marine Le Pen, who was defeated easily. However, polling for the second round never gave Le Pen a chance to win. Bolsonaro appears to have a broader appeal in Brazil, which may allow him to succeed where Le Pen and the Front National 16

ISSUE XV.I

The Trump Doctrine By: Harrison Giovannetti

Through President Donald Trump’s first year-and-a-half in office, it has remained unclear exactly what overall direction, if any, his administration’s foreign policy will take. Contrary to claims made by many within his party that he would behave more responsibly and “presidential” upon taking office, Mr. Trump has continued to deliver much of the over-the-top, oversimplistic, and contradictory rhetoric he engaged in while running for office. As a consequence, contrary to what many (including this author) had hoped, the United States has so far failed to exert its influence in a purposeful manner on the world stage.

The President’s paranoia and open contempt for American governmental norms and institutions has frequently led him to be compared to one of his predecessors, Richard Nixon.

However, foreign policy-wise, he shares a surprising amount in common with another former US president. Last summer, I wrote about Trump’s then-emerging foreign policy by drawing a comparison between him and another inexperienced outsider who made his way into the Oval Office: Jimmy Carter. Like Carter, Trump’s foreign policy has often been contradictory and incoherent – for example, embracing nuclear détente with North Korea, then pulling out of the Iran deal; overlooking human rights concerns in order to strengthen ties with Arab states, only to cite similar concerns to justify reversing the Cuban Thaw; and making it known that Israel’s status as a promoter of democracy and freedom will always ensure American support, while attacking NATO and threatening to pull out the alliance. Yet, unlike Carter, Trump doesn’t seem to be compromising on his foreign policy objectives – in fact, he is staying true to much of what he promised when he was campaigning for President.

Trump entered office with a worldview guided by few genuine principles or ideological beliefs. The only overarching principles by which his foreign policy appears to abide are as follows: (1) Make the United States (appear) “tough” on the world stage; (2) Appease the President’s political base at home; and (3) Reverse what his predecessor Barack Obama effected. The result is a

set of objectives often based on conflicting reasoning and often detrimental to the interests of the United States and the world. If Trump were to articulate and adhere to a consistent foreign affairs doctrine, he would have the opportunity to meaningfully change the United States’ role within the world by embracing, say, isolationism, realism, or the promotion of American values. Instead, the President seems content pursuing a series of short-term victories with no clear vision for how his policies will, when taken together, impact the world in the long run.

Perhaps the most baffling demonstration of this incoherence came during the July summit in Helsinki between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. In what was one of the most shameful acts of his Presidency, Trump, standing next to Putin during a joint press conference, stated that he did not “see any reason why” the Russian government would have interfered in the 2016 US presidential election and emphasized the Russian President’s steadfast denial of any involvement in election meddling. Why a US President so determined to assert his country’s strength on the world stage would go to such great extents to avoid criticizing Russia’s illegal intervention in the his country’s democratic process – in spite of the unanimous conclusions of the US intelligence community and the Special Counsel, and in spite of the fact that he has been far more critical of his allies for far less egregious offences – is a genuine mystery. While there is growing speculation among the media and public that the Russian government has compromising information on Mr. Trump, there is currently no evidence to support such claims. As such, it is wrong to assume this is a factor in the President’s behaviour. A more plausible explanation for his approach towards Russia is that, so determined to improve relations between the two countries (perhaps to draw a contrast between him and his predecessor), Trump is throwing reason into the wind in an effort to please the Russian government no matter the cost.

Whatever the motive, this approach is wrong: while there is merit to the argument that world leaders should refrain from being openly confrontational with their adversaries in an effort to promote cooperation and stability (as I have argued in the past), it is wholly unacceptable to remain silent in the face of an attack by a foreign 17

power.

The President seems content pursuing a series of short-term victories with no clear vision for how his policies will, when taken together, impact the world in the long run.

Even when the President does speak clearly on the world stage, the effectiveness of his actions are often still ambiguous. One of the most notable achievements of his administration in any area of policy was the organizing of the June summit in Singapore with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un.

After a year of increased economic pressure and aggressive (and sometimes reckless) rhetoric, the United States was able to pressure Kim to come to the negotiating table and openly discuss the prospect of denuclearization. However, notwithstanding the attention and fanfare generated by the historic meeting, it accomplished nothing of any concrete substance. While the prospect of a future arms-reduction agreement with North Korea very much remains a possibility, it is far from

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clear whether the President’s aggressive approach towards the belligerent state will yield any meaningful long-term benefits.

In that sense, President Trump’s North Korean policy is somewhat emblematic of his foreign policy at large. Despite all the bluster, posturing, and showmanship, little action has been taken that will have a material long-term impact on international relations. NAFTA and NATO are, for now, intact. The President’s decision to initiate trade wars and pull out of the Paris Climate Agreement, while regrettable, can easily be undone by one of his successors. His infirmity towards Russia and refusal to continue recertifying the Iran nuclear deal are among the most serious mistakes of his presidency; however, it is impossible to know what the ultimate ramifications of these decisions will be at this point in time. Trump’s inexperience and ignorance in foreign policy have led him to adopt an incoherent approach towards world affairs which many have dishearteningly described as the abdication of US leadership abroad. Yet, given the President’s temperament and judgment, perhaps this abdication is for the better.

ISSUE XV.I

Asia

Singapore, Korea, and a Chinese Mare Nostrum By: Harry Fang

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On June 12th, 2018, United States president Donald J. Trump and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) supreme leader Kim Jong Un sat down for a closed-doors meeting the first of its kind since the establishment of the DPRK. While the scope of issues discussed in the summit ranged from economic development to the repatriation of soldiers’ remains, there is little doubt about its centrepiece: denuclearization.

The possession of nuclear arms has long been the elephant in the room for talks between the United States and the DPRK, with the former insisting that the latter give up its nuclear arsenal fully as the prerequisite for any such discussions.

The DPRK’s refusal in this matter, while frustrating, is understandable. One needn’t look beyond Libya and Ukraine’s post-denuclearization fates to understand why Kim believes nuclear power to be his shield against foreign powers. Thus, many may be surprised by Kim’s enthusiasm towards denuclearizing the peninsula both in the recent 2018 North Korea–United States summit in Singapore and earlier this year in a meeting with Republic of Korea’s (ROK) president, Moon Jae-In. Many now ask: what does denuclearization look like?

It come to no surprise that Kim’s denuclearization involves more than the destruction of the DPRK’s arsenal. As pointed out by many other parties, Kim considers the end of US military presence on the peninsula an inseparable part of denuclearization. It is reasoned that, as representatives of the United States, a nuclear power, U.S. military assets in the ROK “nuclearizes” the peninsula. Many critics accuse Trump of being ignorant of the implications of the agreement. His reference to “bringing our boys home” in the subsequent press conference, however, would suggest at minimum an openness to put withdrawal on the table.

The fact that the DPRK negotiations are taking place almost concurrently with a trade dispute against China, the DPRK’s historical ally, may be no coincidence. Prior to initial talks with the ROK and the U.S., Kim met General Secretary Xi Jinping of China in Beijing. This visit took place almost immediately after Trump’s decision to impose tariffs on Chinese goods. It would not be unreasonable to connect Kim’s newfound reconciliatory tones with the pressure against China.

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From Xi’s point of view, however, ushering Kim to While seemingly unrelated, the First Island the negotiating table in exchange for a favourable Chain strategy may be a driving force behind resolution to the trade dispute may just be the Kim’s denuclearization push. The existing U.S. aswin-win scenario for China’s strategic position. sets inside the ROK presents a major challenge for China. The ROK is positioned well inside the islands and sits uncomfortably close to China’s Kim considers the end of US military northeastern coast. Removal of American milipresence on the peninsula an tary installations from the ROK would be akin to inseparable part of denuclearization. a tacit acceptance of Chinese hegemony over the First Island Chain, if only for the northern portion.

Any discussion of China’s maritime ambi- While it is currently uncertain whether the denutions in the Pacific must involve two crucial bat- clearization progress will take place as expected, tlegrounds: the South China Sea and Taiwan. The one cannot help but think Beijing is the biggest former being one of the busiest shipping route in winner at Singapore. the world, while the latter’s de facto political independence continues to challenge country’s claim as its sole modern progeny. These goals, alongside China’s disputed territories with Japan to the east and strategic partner Russia in the north, are referred to as the “First Island Chain”. This series of islands extending from the Sakhalin Islands to the Paracel Islands forms the basis of China’s Pacific strategy. Chinese military planners believe securing the sea zones inside the First Island Chain to be a key strategic goal and many Western think tanks such as RAND believe the country may begin to develop the capabilities to do so by 2020.

For Chinese planners, military and economic, the boon brought by such a Chinese “Mare Nostrum” cannot be overstated.

Those watching the region will see China’s decision to focus on the maritime contest as its goal in 2018 based on the aforementioned goals.

In May 2018, the Chengdu J-20, a Chinese fifth generation stealth fighter designed to match the American F-35 entered active service. Soon after, anti-ship missiles were installed onto Chinese islands in the South China Sea. Both decisions are clearly aimed at ensuring Chinese dominance by reducing the capability of U.S. carrier groups to operate inside the First Island Chain. Within the same period of time, the Dominican Republic and Burkina Faso withdrew their recognition of Taiwan as an independent nation, resulting in the resignation of Taiwanese foreign minister Joseph Wu. While largely symbolic, these gestures nevertheless demonstrates clear intention on the part of Xi.

Chinese military planners believe securing the sea zones inside the First Island Chain to be a key strategic goal and many Western think tanks such as RAND believe the country may begin to develop the capabilities to do so by 2020.

Ultimately, the Singapore North Korea– United States summit was largely symbolic. With a shortened schedule and a list of vague commitments, there is likely to be little direct policy impacts resulting from the summit. As is tradition, meetings such as these will pave the way for more substantive talks held by relevant departments between governments. Regardless, a withdrawal in the Pacific seems puzzling amidst an US-Russian thaw and the Sino-American trade disputes.

The willingness to cede grounds in the Pacific challenges the notion that the United will switch its main target from Russia to China. Is this the publicity stunt of a TV star or a geopolitical move into isolationism? Only time will tell.

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Armenia’s April Revolution: A Lesson in Nonviolence By: Ethan Mitchell

On April 22nd, 2018, Armenia’s Prime Minister, Serzh Sargsyan, responded to protesters calling for his resignation by ordering arrests and speaking ominously of violent suppression.

The very next day, he resigned.

Without a shot fired or a drop of blood spilled, the national leader and the oligarchic party he represented had been cast aside, and power restored to the people. The country proceeded with free and fair elections, and a new leader came to power, ready to steer the country into a brighter future. However long this honeymoon phase lasts, and whatever challenges the future may bring, the events of Armenia’s peaceful revolution have been undoubtedly remarkable.

Mr. Sargsyan became Prime Minister on April 17th, 2018. Before that, he had served two consecutive terms as president. His transition from president to prime minister came at a time when the Armenian political system itself was transitioning from one led by a president to one led by a prime minister. Meaning, of course, that the former president would remain at the head of government. This constitutional overhaul would, incidentally, allow Mr. Sargsyan to sidestep the two-term limit imposed on the presidency and continue on as Armenia’s boss, merely with a slightly different job title.

This maneuver sparked controversy among Armenians. Not only was it a flagrant violation of the principle underlying the term-limit rule, the prognosis for another Sargsyan term was just as bleak as his previous two had been. He had, as

president, presided over a time of economic stagnation, oligarchic pocket-lining, and the corrupt single-party rule of his own Republican Party. Despite his lofty promises of economic development, the prospect of Mr. Sargsyan’s continued rule was met with outraged opposition among the people.

This opposition was personified in the form of the ballcap-clad Nikol Pashinyan, a journalist and opposition leader who toured the country spreading a popular message of peaceful rebellion. Pashinyan stirred up a decentralized and modern political movement, conspicuously young and tech-savvy. When he arrived in the capital, Yerevan, in mid-April, he rode atop a tidal wave of mass support, joined in the street by thousands and supported by many more. The demonstrations they staged, involving acts of nonviolent civil disobedience, exerted increasingly sharp pressure on the government.

Eventually, Mr. Sargsyan and Mr. Pashinyan met each other on April 22nd, with the latter’s calls for the prime minister’s resignation prompting the response mentioned above. Mr. Sargsyan commented that the protesters “had not learned the lessons of March 1”, in reference to anti-government protests a decade before that had ended with government forces firing on demonstrators.

After evoking the prospect of a lethal crackdown, Mr. Sargsyan had Pashinyan and two other opposition leaders arrested.

If the government had been looking down the barrel of a gun before, the events of April 22nd saw the prime minister reach over and pull the

22 ISSUE XV.I

trigger himself. Immediately following Mr. Pashinyan’s arrest, the protests swelled in size, with a high profile unit of peacekeepers even crossing over to the demonstrators. As the pressure mounted, Mr. Sargsyan finally appeared to realize the magnitude of the movement against him.

With his resignation, the unpopular prime minister, who had once been the unpopular president, yielded to the forces of popular opinion.

Emblematic of the starring role of technology is the prominent place of young, tech-sector workers within the movement.

Despite the leader’s sensible surrender, the oligarchic Republican Party attempted to cling to power a little longer. As Armenia’s long-awaited free and fair parliamentary election got underway, the ruling party attempted to block the inevitable election of Nikol Pashinyan as Prime Minister.

They were soon cowed, however, when the hugely influential Pashinyan called a general strike and brought the country to a halt. After the Republican Party went the way of its leader, Pashinyan took up the Prime Ministerial mantle. With his accession and the victorious culmination of the peaceful revolutionary movement, Armenians looked forward optimistically to a better future.

The April Revolution serves as an example of highly effective nonviolent protest tactics, smoothly executed through the proficient use of modern communication technology. The internet was used to coordinate political actions and spread revolutionary messages, allowing the peaceful tactics to be applied on a wide scale and providing the engine of a diffuse movement based around mass action rather than central control. Emblematic of the starring role of technology is the prominent place of young, tech-sector workers within the movement.

Although Nikol Pashinyan emerged as the leader, he did not lead at the head of a party apparatus, or an administrative structure, but rather through mass communication. The relative expressive freedom enjoyed by Armenians allowed anti-government messages to spread across the disillusioned nation like wildfire, and modern

technology’s organizational capability allowed citizens inspired by those messages to take action.

Without such capability, it is highly unlikely that a large scale campaign of revolutionary civil disobedience could have been coordinated - almost certainly not as quickly or as effectively as it was in April.

Reports from the streets of Yerevan describe demonstrators dancing, playing music, and essentially turning the city into a large celebration.

People laughed, smiled, and came together as a community, all while fighting for their country’s future. Revolutions are very often bloody, chaotic, and tragic affairs. Images come to mind of French guillotines or Russian firing squads, and stories of people torn apart by the fratricidal bloodletting that all too often accompanies political change.

In contrast to this, the April Revolution stands as a shining example of peaceful revolution. Time and again in history, far too many have died for far too little. In Armenia, a corrupt government was overthrown, and political power pulled from the hands of its oligarchs, all without resorting to bloodshed.

The demonstrators used modern communication to wage and win a peaceful political struggle, setting an example of the tremendous power a people can wield without ever taking up weapons.

Whatever the future may bring, the world would do well to take notice of Armenia’s April Revolution.

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The Murder of Asifa Bano: The Eventuality of India’s Enduring Misogyny and Fundamentalism By: Sinead O’Hara

In April, Asifa Bano’s murder trial began.

She was eight years old and living in the region of Jammu and Kashmir with her family when she was kidnapped and murdered. While seven men and one juvenile have been charged with this crime, it is worth noting that four of these men were police officers.

The Bano family belong to the Bakarwals, a Muslim nomadic community found in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, located in the area between India and Pakistan. There has been turmoil between the two areas since partition, which stems from a long history of Muslim-Hindu conflict. In the region, there is a Hindu-majority in Jammu and a

Muslim-majority in Kashmir valley. This atrocious crime brought to surface the deep-rooted conflict of Hindus and Muslims in India - particularly in the Jammu and Kashmir region. The ringleader’s motive was to run out the Bakarwals. Asifa Bano’s murder is a tragic example of a culture steeped in misogyny and fundamentalism, that has manifested itself as rampant violence against Muslim women and girls.

The lawyer who represents several of the accused has stated that the suspects are innocent and have pled not guilty. There has been a wave of support from Hindu extremists for the accused, with claims that the suspects were framed and even that the actions were just. The lawyer has stated that the case is a state conspiracy to demoralize the local Hindu population so they won’t protest what he called the ‘“demographic invasion”’ of Muslims in the area.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India’s conservative government, the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), stated “I want to assure the country that no culprit will be spared, complete justice will be done. Our daughters will definitely get justice.” While the Prime Minister has promised that the crimes will be brought to justice, he has urged the case not to be politicized by the media and observers. His statements are a clear example

24 ISSUE XV.I

of the luxury of de-politicalization that minority groups are not afforded. The Muslim community struggles to separate themselves from politics as the general public does not view them as separate from their religion.

According to the most recent census in India, Muslims are a minority at 13.4 percent. As a result, their identity has become inherently political because they are such a minority. This separation from politics that Modi has requested is reprehensible due to the serious police involvement in the crime. Four police officers have been charged within the case. When Asifa Bano first went missing in January, Deepak Khujaria was one of the police officers initially sent to find her. Khujaria has been accused of committing the crime based on DNA evidence. The three other officers have been accused of hindering investigations and tampering with evidence. Such actions by officers of the law creates a feeling of helplessness and immense vulnerability. Not only do the actions by the police officers promote fear, the actions of two BJP ministers echo this feeling throughout the Muslim community. These two ministers attended a rally to support the accused, thus making it impossible for the prime minister’s request to be heeded regarding the politicization of Asifa Bano’s case.

There has been a pattern of BJP ministers and officials supporting Hindu extremists in criminal acts and this serves as another example of such support. Rape culture is another prevalent issue in the party. As recently as this April, a legislator of the BJP was charged with the rape and assault of a 17-year-old girl. The party also has a history of anti-Muslim actions. Some accredit the beginning of the BJP’s electoral success to an extremely controversial move in 1989. The BJP had called for the erection of a Hindu temple in an area in Ayodhya considered sacred by Hindus, but at the time it was occupied by the Babri Masjid (Mosque of Bābur). The mosque’s demolition led to extreme violence throughout India and left over 1,000 people dead.

In Sahil Wajid’s The Indignity of Being Muslim in India, she concludes that while she has endured a considerable amount of discomfort and discrimination on account of her Muslim last name, it doesn’t compare to the suffering of less privileged Muslim men and women who try to exercise their so-called freedom of religion and

identity. The Bano’s family was targeted due to their religion. They have suffered immensely as a result, and their devastating loss has since been amplified by the violent threats they have been receiving. Asifa’s adoptive father explains that their family has been targeted by some Hindi people who have come looking for them with death threats that they claim will be followed through if the accused men are convicted guilty and receive the death penalty. Their lawyer, Deepika Rajawat, has also received many death and rape threats for defending the Bano family. In April, she said “I don’t know how long I will be alive. I can be raped… I can be killed… I was threatened ‘we will not forgive you,’ yesterday”. The court has since ordered security for Rajawat and the Bano family.

The case is currently ongoing, but it is hoped that it will set a new precedent. In response to the public outcry over Asifa Bano’s murder and rape, the Indian justice system has assigned the death penalty onto those convicted of raping a child under the age of twelve. The new penalty is a sign of progress for many, but the death penalty acting as a sign of progress is a true testament of how dire the circumstances are.

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A Tale of Too Many Cities: Sustainability and Urbanization in Asia By: Monique Sereneo

It’s a scene straight from a dystopian novel; towering skyscrapers, sleek high-speed trains weaving smoothly through the city, and civilians strolling peacefully along refurbished pathways.

If there was any question whether these images lay in the minds of government officials and urban planners - the evidence can’t be ignored. In a rapidly urbanizing Asia, river beautification projects and newly efficient transit systems seem to be the defining narrative. While aesthetics are certainly 26

important however, a city is much more than that.

The World Bank reported that 200 million people moved into cities within the first decade of the 21st century. Yet according to the United Nations, nearly a third of the population living in urban areas suffer from inadequate living conditions. In the midst of a burgeoning food security crisis and increasingly insufficient infrastructure, many countries in Asia are facing the issue of how to prepare for urbanization.

By 2045, it is estimated that the urban population will increase to over 6 billion people. 90 percent of this number will be concentrated in Asia and Africa. Over the last decade, this kind of urban growth was encouraged. For countries such as China, Malaysia, and the Philippines, urbanization has been a mainstream developmentalist policy - its correlation with income growth justified through economic theory. In the concept of agglomeration economies, firms that cluster together - such as in a city – result in increased productivity and job creation. This is particularly true in the manufacturing and services industries, which account for 80 percent of Asia’s gross domestic product (GDP). With cities responsible for over 80 percent of the global GDP, there should be no reason to doubt the wonders of urbanization.

Cities come with their own set of problems, however. A rising population means that urbanizing areas face increased congestion, pollution, and poor environmental conditions. As cities struggle to provide adequate housing, infrastructure, and basic city services for its citizens, the potential benefits of agglomeration are limited. This issue is both a market and policy failure.

In the Philippines, for example, infrastructure and city services have failed to keep pace with urbanization. Its capital city of Manila and the surrounding urban area has an estimated population of 21.3 million people in what can be considered a rapidly deteriorating urban environment.

While power distribution and sewage systems are not necessarily glamorous considerations, they are the foundation of a city. With an urban development plan disproportionately focused on new housing developments, the Philippines has subsequently neglected other essential physical infrastructure.

ISSUE XV.I

In most cases, the answer would be increased investment. However, the socio-political context of the Philippines – as with many countries in Asia – complicate the narrative to the extent

This isn’t to say that there is no use for loans from China or the recent $300 million policy-based loan from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to support the government’s “Build, Build, Build” (BBB) infrastructure development program. However, effective use of these loans is certainly more difficult without the system to support it. that money alone is not the solution. At a macro level, the country lacks a strong policy framework as well as a governing body to effectively implement a national urban development strategy. Instead, Local Governments Units (LGUs) are given the task of urban and land use planning resulting in a hierarchically structured system characterized by overlapping mandates and multiple conflicting agendas. This isn’t to say that there is no use for loans from China or the recent $300 million policy-based loan from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to support the government’s “Build, Build, Build” (BBB) infrastructure development program.

However, effective use of these loans is certainly more difficult without the system to support it.

In the Philippines unfortunately, there isn’t much choice but to forge ahead.

Insufficient infrastructure is only one facet of the urbanization problem. Governments are also faced with the issue of feeding growing populations amid a declining share of agriculture in the national economy and the conversion of agricultural lands for urban use. In the Philippines, 97,592.5 hectares of agricultural land in the Metro Manila area have been converted to non-agricultural developments since 1988, according to the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR). This land is equivalent to the size of Metro Manila and Cebu City; two major cities in the Philippines. As both arable land and crop production decreases, the

inability of the country to feed its people is exacerbated. While scientists have focused on improving crop productivity and resilient crops, there is little use for this research if there is no land left for crops to grow.

This is not to say that urbanization is inherently flawed. With the proper regulations and a clear urban development strategy, sustainable economic growth is possible. Japan currently has the second-highest total amount of urban land and the third-largest urban population globally.

The government follows a rigorous National Land Use Plan and a National Spatial Strategy that provide general principles on land use, sustainable use of resources, and aims to prevent urban sprawl caused by rapid population growth. It also regulates urban developments on agricultural land.

Ultimately, urbanization means that countries must consider the repercussions of growth.

The Philippines is currently considered a highly-urbanized nation with an urbanization rate of 45.3 percent. Yet, over a third of its urban population live in slums. While urbanization may seems like an expedited path towards economic growth, it is necessary to also consider the integration of urban and rural environments. These outskirt populations, agricultural security, and sustainability form the pillars of urban development that have not been prioritized in the Philippines thus far.

Such is a role for policymakers and government to facilitate land development sustainably.

With the United Nations’ New Urban Agenda, their Sustainable Development Goals are applied to cities. While tangible change will require more than lofty ambitions, it is a step towards bridging the gap that is currently seen in urban development. If well-managed and wellplanned, there are a lot of benefits towards urbanization as a sustainable driver for development.

However, achieving this is another matter.

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Europe

Hungary is the New United States: An Update on the European Refugee Crisis By: Tanisha Amarakoon

June 20th, 2018 marked both World Refugee Day and the third year of the ongoing European migration crisis. This day served as a reminder of the increasing number of refugees in the EU, as well as how little progress the international community has made since 2015 in safely resettling refugees.

Currently over 68 million people in the EU identify as a refugee or asylum seeker, most of whom are fleeing from conflict. In response, the United Nations member states began developing a new migration pact in late 2016 shifting from a unilateral to multilateral approach, with the goal of sharing the burden and responsibility of hosting refugees as a global community. The pact included no mandatory actions for UN member states but has been set to guide nations towards resettling refugees both safely and humanely.

However, a notable drawback to the success of the pact has been the absence of support from Western superpower, the United States. Fol-

lowing World War II, the U.S had been considered a global leader on refugee issues, demonstrating core values of love, unity, and support when welcoming asylum seekers. With the current Trump administration, the government has voiced concerns regarding the loss of national sovereignty, identity, and security threats through immigration.

This has resulted in the U.S disengaging from government-supported refugee relief. The disengagement has been enforced through the Muslim travel ban, a sharp reduction in refugee resettlement into the U.S, and the President’s constant warnings of an ‘outbreak’ of immigrants.

The slow immigration pace set by the Trump administration is resulting in fewer than 20,000 refugees being settled into the U.S. - less than half the intake in previous years. Craig Mokhiber, chair of the United Nations migration task force, acknowledges the power the U.S has in influencing other nations’ migration policies. When one of the world’s superpowers consistently justi29

fies being disengaged in a global crisis, it sets an example to other countries that they too do not need to step up and share the burden.

Perhaps this is the reason behind global disengagement in the refugee crisis, and also the reason as to why Hungary’s immigration policies make the U.S appear lenient.

Hungary has been named the most refugee-resistant country in the EU, closely following the footsteps of the United States. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán - a known Trump supporter - recently approved legislation barring its borders from undocumented immigrants, and establishing punishments for those who attempt to aid them. Hungary has continuously held a hostile attitude towards migrants, notably when it imposed a barrier on its border with Serbia and Croatia that prevented Syrian refugees from travelling to Germany and Sweden. The country continues to defend its aspirations to be an illiberal nation, rejecting multiculturalism in defence of national identity. Similar to President Trump, President Orbán uses harsh and critical language to characterize immigrants.

The slow immigration pace set by the Trump administration is resulting in fewer than 20,000 refugees being settled into the U.S. - less than half the intake in previous years.

Leading EU members met in late June 2018 to devise a plan focused on burden-sharing and unity. However, Hungary, among other anti-immigration states, revealed a different agenda prioritizing sovereignty and power at the expense of others - values that lie in stark contrast to the beliefs of the EU. German Chancellor Angela Merkel called the 2018 refugee crisis a ‘make or break’ question, declaring it as the most polarizing issue facing the EU. Despite Orbán’s policies continuing to shake an already unstable Europe, the question of whether other countries are stepping up in the absence of support from powerful nations is prompted.

International migration experts conclude that some countries are stepping up to fill the 30

void while others lie in silence. Canada is at the forefront of welcoming nations, not only accepting more refugees than in past years, but also encouraging private-sector and individual-citizen sponsorship of refugees. Through which, Canada has demonstrated healthy assimilation in resettlement. Within the EU, Greece has accepted over 58,000 refugees, with Britain sending support to manage the flow of migrants from Turkey. Other EU countries are also stepping up to ensure Greece does not face a reception crisis.

Although, it is important to recognize that the U.S. government’s disengagement from the crisis has sparked other actors within the country to extend their support, such as advocacy groups, local governments, and small businesses.

An example being the Leadership Conference of Women Religious, a group of Catholic sisters that doubled its advocacy of refugee communities following Trump’s decision to withdraw from the migration pact.

Similar reactions have dawned in Hungary with immigration lawyers risking their lives each day to help asylum seekers through the process of potential re-immigration. Both the lawyers and refugees risk punishments much worse than jail time for actions as innocent as helping a migrant fill out a Hungarian-language form.

Although the refugee crisis is undoubtedly still alive and progressive in 2018, it has ignited groups and individuals to fill the void of support that national governments have left. While the United States’ actions have influenced Hungary to develop more controlling and dictative policies, other countries continue to welcome double the amount of migrants with open arms. Despite the drawbacks of anti-immigration policies from powerful actors, the continuous discussion of burden-sharing assures the international community that the end to the refugee crisis is just above the horizon.

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Up Next, Populism: Italy’s Ongoing Political Crisis By: Eva Li Italy’s widely-anticipated March 2018 election did not yield a decisive victory for any one party. Out of backroom negotiations emerged an unconventional coalition comprised of the Euro-skeptic Five Star Movement and far-right League. Promising to lead a government of change, the joint-party spearheads an economic agenda of tax cuts, basic income, and mass migrant deportation.

The Euro-wide economic decline following the financial crisis left Italy’s economy 6 per-

cent smaller and with 3 million citizens in poverty.

With little effective action by the then-Berlusconi government, resentment and fear began to germinate. Wages fell flat, and unemployment rose, fueling the rise of populism. In the 2018 general elections, voters put their trust in parties once considered fringe. The Five Star Movement won 33 percent of the vote and the League 17 percent - a phenomenal growth from an aggregate 4 percent in the previous election.

In a country of economic stagnation, it is no surprise that the middle-class majority demands a change in the established political system. However, one look at the contradictory plans outlined in the 58-page coalition document shatters hopes for any improvements to Italy’s economic disarray.

For instance, guaranteed basic income requires an estimated €17B to implement and the two flat tax rates at 15 percent and 20 percent scraps gov31

ernment revenue inflow worth €12.5bn. For a nation whose public debt stands at 132 percent of economic output and is second only to Greece, expansionary budget plans must be approached with careful consideration. Tax cuts are a frequent point of advertisement by populist parties as the secret ingredient to economic growth. However, the widely accepted outcome is merely a temporary soar - as currently exhibited by the United States - with little long-term, sustainable growth.

The coalition also heralds an administration with the most stringent immigration policy in post-war history. The joint document contains austerity plans to deport 500,000 undocumented migrants and to secure external borders. League leader Matteo Salvini contends taking a “common sense” stance on migrants and that the Sicily peninsula, a major point of arrival and detention, must stop being the “refugee camp of Europe”.

A general distaste towards migrants is echoed across the Euro-zone. However, what of conversations regarding migrant redistribution to ease the burden on the South, instead of hardline expulsion?

education system is the first step. Italy must be positioned to capitalize on its strengths, which include a strong manufacturing base, successful exporters, and domestic savings. The government must address homegrown issues - economic hardship, North-South divide, long-standing corruption - before looking outward. With a record number of government turnovers, Italy can ill-afford the economic risk posed by the unlikely coalition.

Economic crisis induced by populist policies is a self-reinforcing downward spiral; Italy is riddled with political uncertainty and market volatility as the joint-party implements radical policy reform. With citizens voting freely to be governed by a populist agenda, the world is right to question the future of liberal democracy.

In a country whose economy has still not recovered post-global recession, long-term structural reform is required - not temporary, quick fixes to appease the public and win power.

The populist movement in Italy is just one case among the general surge of the populist political ideology across Europe. Anti-establishment parties are democratically elected by the predominantly white, middle-class in response to growing inequality in the face of rapid globalization and an unprecedented volume of migration.

With one of the lowest growth rates (1.5 percent) and highest unemployment rates (10.8 percent) in all of Europe, Italian voters have questioned the interests of the traditional establishment. In a country whose economy has still not recovered post-global recession, long-term structural reform is required - not temporary, quick fixes to appease the public and win power. Focusing on Italy’s lack of competitiveness, untapped labour market, and a thorough reform of social institutions such as the 32 ISSUE XV.I

Why Modern Whaling Efforts Need To Be Stopped By: Sean Stead-Fescer

This summer, Icelandic fishermen are to resume their hunt of the endangered Fin whale species. Many species of whales are becoming extinct, and with whale products being impractical in the modern age, whaling has become redundant. Iceland, Norway, and Japan are the only countries that continue to authorize the hunting of whales, regardless of the 1986 International Whaling Commission’s (IWC) moratorium. Iceland was able to continue whaling in 2006 when they argued to continue the practice based on economic grounds. Authorities have allowed Iceland a set quota of 191 fin whales to hunt this year, compared to 150 in 2017. Many people globally continue to question why this practice is still present in the modern era, especially when overfishing has led many whale species to the brink of endangerment.

After a two-year pause, Iceland has resumed its whaling season on account of Japan loosening regulations of Icelandic exports, thus making whale hunting commercially viable again.

The whaling moratorium essentially ended the commercial selling of whales globally, but certain countries such as Japan have continued to hunt whales seemingly for the purpose of scientific research. Under the whaling moratorium, there is a loophole which says that whale hunting may still occur for scientific research purposes. The Japanese government has abused this loophole by claiming that they are studying whale populations, even while they continued to hunt over 300 whales in the last year. Whaling is done in a barbaric manner, typically by harpooning the whale and slowly dragging it to the surface as the whales die from bleeding to death. This torturous method is another reason whaling should end.

In 2014, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ordered Japan to halt their whale hunting program as they were unable to provide a satisfactory explanation as to what scientific research purpose their hunting was helping to achieve.

As a result, Japan’s whale hunting no longer met scientific standards. By 2016, Japan continued to whale regardless of the ICJ’s order and the moratorium against it.

Whale meat and other whale related products are no longer necessary in the present con33

temporary age. Whaling used to be necessary nearly a century ago for products such as whale oil for lighting lamps, whale fat, and whale meat.

All of these products have been replaced in the last century and none are crucial for modern consumption. The primary motivator for contemporary whaling is for whale meat, which is considered a delicacy in places such as Japan and Iceland. Interestingly, Greenpeace has surveyed the taste preferences of many young Japanese people and who say that they do not enjoy the flavour of whale meat and that it is typically an acquired taste for the older Japanese generation, as it is described to be very bitter. Iceland has similar results to Japan, in a Gallup poll that demonstrated that 81 percent of Icelandic people responded saying they have not bought whale meat in the past 12 months. Generally, the meat is considered a tourist delicacy, as the number of tourists eating whale meat would be equal to around 288,000 people, almost matching the entire population of Iceland. In certain places like the Faroe Islands, whale meat has been found to be too toxic for human consumption, as it contains too much mercury.

For Icelandic baby boomers back in the day, minke whale meat used to be considered a cheap alternative to red meat. Now at 16.70$ per kilo, it is a much more expensive alternative compared to most meats available in-store. Tourism is largely keeping the whaling industry afloat, which could be considered ironic as whale watching tours are also a big source of income for the tourism industry. The number of minke whale sightings has been decreasing over the years. This is partly due to how the same bay where the whale tours occur is also where the whale hunting happens.

One organization that is trying to enforce the whaling moratorium on countries like Japan is Sea Shepherd. Sea Shepherd was started by Paul Watson, a former member of Greenpeace, who formed the non-profit marine wildlife conservation organization. Sea Shepherd’s most notable and aggressive campaign has been to counteract Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean. Watson and his team used to be able to fight against the Japanese whaling efforts by filming their actions

and reporting it to the proper authorities to show that what they were doing was in fact not for scientific research, but for whaling. Unfortunately, Watson explained that the whaling fleet in Japan now has access to Japan’s military satellites, which let the Japanese whalers track the Sea Shepherd fleets in real time, while Watson’s own data arrives a day later. Since Sea Shepherd’s data is always a day late, the Japanese whalers are able to change their course if they see them coming.

On the bright side, although Sea Shepherd is no longer able to intervene directly, they did lower the Japanese kill count of whales to 333 through legislative means and ban whaling of humpback or fin whales.

Overall, the continuation of whaling into the modern age simply should not exist. There is not a significant market for whale products outside of a tourist attraction for whale meat. The tourism industry needs to be instructed on the harmful whaling practice and that it is not a delicacy eaten by actual citizens. Whales as a species continue to be highly endangered, therefore there needs to be more of a global effort to enforce the whaling moratorium on Iceland, Norway, and Japan. Governments around the world could give more support to organizations, like Sea Shepherd, which do not have the resources to continue stopping the whaling effort.

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Middle East and Africa

The Ticking Time Bomb of Israel’s Demographics Issue By: David Lazzam Internal tensions are hardly a new feature in Israel’s socio-political landscape, as has been evidenced by the protests and conflicts that have unfolded over the course of the summer. But beyond the flare-ups and debates that dominate the country’s public discourse, studies point to a growing, even more problematic issue in its future: demographic shifts. While more educated, less religious Israelis are matching the lowering birth rate patterns seen in Western Europe, other groups such as Haredi (“Ultra-Orthodox” Jews), Arabic, and Bedouin Israelis continue to reproduce at well above replacement levels. Without a change in behaviour, Israel risks losing not just its geopolitical stability but its cultural integrity in the years to come.

As of 2018, Israel’s population of 8,800,000 is 74.6 percent Jewish, 11.8 percent of which are Haredi, and 20.9 percent Arabic, which includes the Bedouin who make up 2 percent. However, these three groups possess astronomically different fertility rates from the rest of the country.

Compared to the widely held replacement level of 2.1 children born per woman, and a national average of 3.1, the Muslim total fertility rate (TFR) stood in 2016 at 3.29, while Haredi and Bedouin mothers have roughly 6.5 and 6 children on average, respectively. Projected into the future, these numbers reveal a profoundly different Israel to the one that exists today with a new and decidedly more troubling demographic makeup.

Attention is typically devoted to the growing Arab population within Israel’s recognized borders as well as in Palestinian territory. The 2.5 to 3.8 million Palestinian Arabs living in Gaza and the West Bank as well as those in Israel proper represent a growing population, one which many fear will one day equal or overtake the country’s Jewish majority. At the same time, Israel’s Muslim minority has increasingly been engaged in the process of “Palestinization,” aligning with the 36

neighbouring state as tensions between Jews and Muslims continue to rise in the region. Left unchecked, many believe that the changing population levels within Israel will yield disastrous consequences, given the hostilities that exist today between the two groups.

However, the incredibly high TFRs of the Haredim and the Bedouins also pose a potential threat to Israel’s stability in the long run. Both groups are underrepresented in schools and the workforce, especially with regards to their female population. Bedouins in particular constitute a challenge for the state, as their conservative values in combination with their nomadic lifestyle make it difficult for the education system to support the group. This results in a population that is uneducated and unskilled compared to both Jewish and Arab Israelis, one which grows larger every year. While the Haredim are not quite as isolated as the Bedouins, they are similarly underrepresented and face similar social issues. What separates them is the exponentially larger level of influence they hold within the country. The Haredi population, while already large today, is projected to compose a quarter of Israel’s population by 2059. On top of the strain this would put on the country’s economy, which has plateaued in recent years, the growth of the Haredim is also likely to tip the balance of Israeli politics. The Haredim tend to vote for far-right parties, who in Israel tend to champion aggressive and divisive stances on regional diplomacy. In light of the previous points raised on the increasing polarization of Israel’s Muslim Arab population, a shift towards even more hardline policies would not be likely to ease tensions surrounding Palestinian relations.

With regards to the increasingly large Arabic population, it is clear from a demographics standpoint that relinquishing occupied Palestinian territories is necessary to protect Israel’s security and values. Former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stated in 2004 that “[Israel] must not ignore the demographics. It is impossible to maintain a Jewish and democratic country here, over the years, while ruling over millions of Palestinians in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza”. Many Israeli citizens have taken this to heart, extrapolating that the country must choose between losing its Jewish culture, its ability to govern its disparate ethnic groups democratically, and the dream of an Israeli state

ISSUE XV.I

that many Haredim hold, which includes the West Bank and Gaza. As such, merely redrawing borders will not solve Israel’s demographic problems.

Given the heterogeneity of the country’s population, as well as the incompatibility of the values of the Haredim and the Bedouins with a progressive, economically developed state, both groups, as well as Israel itself, must recognize that a shift in attitudes is necessary to stay the nation’s course. The Haredim in particular must realize that they can no longer act as a fringe group without a duty to protect and preserve the state. This is something that has already been seen with the recent decision to draft Haredim into the Israeli Defense Force, who were previously exempted. Furthermore, recent data suggests positively that the latest wave of Haredi adults are becoming more integrated than their predecessors, with lowering rates of both poverty and births being reported.

On the other hand, the ultra-conservative politics of the Haredim continue to exacerbate demographics problems not only in their community but the Bedouins’ as well, who argue are being marginalized and disadvantaged to due to a lack of representation in Israeli law which has led to continued birth rates and increasingly high anti-Israeli sentiments.

While all groups deserve the ability to practice and uphold their own cultural beliefs, it is imperative that Israel’s fastest growing and least progressive groups decide or be incentivized to integrate and gain the ability to sustain themselves. Israel’s population is young, and in many respects it holds great potential for growth. But unless its more conservative elements re-evaluate their attitudes, the nation’s stability, culture, and integrity may be in jeopardy.

37

area of dispute with the rise of Zionism, a moveU.S Embassy in ment to re-establish a Jewish nation. After the persecution of Jews in Europe during the second Jerusalem: world war, Palestine witnessed a large influx of immigrants. Israel claims all of Jerusalem Implications for Future Jewish as its united capital while Palestinians view EastJerusalem as the capital of their future state. of Middle East Conflict ern The UN partition plan of 1947 proposed the cre-

By: Angela Feng

Consistent with Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in December 2017, the U.S Embassy formerly relocated from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem on May 14th, 2018 shortly after the 70th anniversary of founding Israel. Although welcomed by the Israeli President, Benjamin Netanyahu, this act was met with opposition from the Arab leaders and sparked mass upset among the Palestinian population, resulting in protests and violence on the Eastern Gaza-Israel border. Israeli countered with live fire. Over 60 Palestinians were killed, and at least 2,400 were wounded. Trump’s decision and Israel’s response to Palestinian protests stirred international condemnation and further complicates any negotiation for the peaceful coexistence of Israel and Palestine.

The city of Jerusalem is sacred for the Jewish, Islam, and Christian faith. It became a core 38

ation of an independent Arab state consisting of the West Bank of Jordan, Gaza, and Jaffa, and a Jewish state consisting of the Negev desert, northern Galilee, and the coastal plain between Tel Aviv and Haifa. This proposal was accepted by Israeli leadership but rejected by Arab leadership.

Jerusalem remained under international administration until a peaceful solution was achieved.

However, the conflict strayed further from peace with the 1948 Israeli Declaration of Independence in Palestine. In response, the five Arab nations, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, declared war on Israel and invaded Palestine. This first Arab-Israeli war created 700,000 Palestinians refugees. It also marked the start of the Nakba, the Palestinians’ exodus and the gradual loss of Palestinian territory. In 1967, Israel launched a preemptive strike against Egypt, Syria, and Jordan also known as the Six Day War. Israel emerged victorious, annexing much of what was

ISSUE XV.I

initially assigned to Palestine in the Partition plan including the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Syrian Golan Heights, and the Egyptian Sinai peninsula. An estimated 430,000 Palestinians were displaced. Jewish settlements boomed in the newly acquired lands, leading to an Israeli occupation that continues today. Consequently, the right to return to and reclaim Jerusalem as the capital of their future state has always been the core of the Palestinian struggle.

It is evident the President prioritizes economic and political gains over peace in the Middle East.

Since the end of the first world war, America has been a leader in the encouragement and facilitation of peace between Israelis and Palestinians. For decades, U.S presidents including Bush, Clinton, and Obama, and the international community have remained neutral on the status of Jerusalem. However, the Trump administration is taking a rather bold approach to America’s traditional role as a mediator in the conflict. On May 14th, 2018, Trump tweeted through The White House Twitter account “On December 6, 2017, at my direction, the United States finally and officially recognized Jerusalem as the true capital of Israel”. By relocating the U.S embassy to Jerusalem, Trump openly recognizes and accepts Israel’s claim on Jerusalem. In January 2018, Trump tweeted “We have taken Jerusalem, the toughest part of the negotiation, off the table, but Israel, for that, would have had to pay more. But with the Palestinians no longer willing to talk peace, why should we make any of these massive future payments to them?” It is evident the President prioritizes economic and political gains over peace in the Middle East.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu celebrated Trump’s decision. Israel had gained the upper hand in “the toughest part of the negotiation.” In contrast, Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas, now rejects any American-led Middle East Peace efforts. A spokesman for Abbas, Nabil Abu Rdainah, says “This is completely unactable. Any unilateral move will not give legitimacy to anything and will be an obstacle to

any effect to create peace in the region”. Erekat, the Secretary-General of the Palestine Liberation Organization stated, “Trump and his team have disqualified the U.S from being part of the solution between Israelis and Palestinians; rather, the world now sees that they are part of the problem”.

Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel means the Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital will never be. This crushes the very essence of the Palestinian struggle. Thus, Trump’s decision not only shattered decades of international consensus but nulls American credibility as a mediator in the conflict and deepens the difficulty of future peace negotiations.

The embassy opening and Palestinian protest have received attention from several international organizations. UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, was alarmed by the extent of violence on the Gaza-Israel border. He addressed both Israeli officials and Palestinian protestors, urging Israeli forces to exercise restraint in the use of live fire and reminding demonstration leaders of their responsibility to prevent provocations and violence. France and Britain have also called for Israeli restraint when responding to the protests.

However, the White House continues their firm support for Israel and believes Hamas is exploiting the embassy opening and using the violence as propaganda.

For decades, the international community has faced numerous obstacles in achieving a peaceful solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict due to its multidimensional nature and constant development. Trump’s decision has stirred significant upset in the Arab world and sparked opposition from the international community. It also resulted in a Palestinian boycott of all American-led negotiations and increased tensions between the two sides of the conflict. Thus, the U.S embassy in Jerusalem is yet another roadblock in the already challenging path to peace in the Middle East.

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Preventive Diplomacy and the United Nations: Why it Has Not and Cannot Work By: Laura van Wyngaarden In today’s globalized and information-based society, the causes of war and conditions of peace have evolved drastically. As a result of the shift towards globalization in international relations, preventive diplomacy has emerged as a solution to both international and civil conflicts. This concept is essentially a new form of modern diplomacy, as it seeks to prevent existing disputes from escalating and new disputes from beginning.

During their military interventions, the 40

United Nations have undertaken numerous efforts to implement preventive diplomacy. The United Nations’ mission of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) in past conflicts and its presence of peacekeepers in preventive diplomatic missions in South Sudan with multiple fronts of confrontation and a long history of violence. However, the recent South Sudanese conflict demonstrates that the United Nations has not yet effectively implemented preventive diplomacy.

The United Nations member states have taken preventive diplomacy to mean that they have the R2P when it comes to the preservation of fundamental human rights. The 1990s Balkan and Rwanda conflict came surging to the forefront of international relations as the first example of implementing R2P. The UN felt the need to prevent further human atrocities, but failed to do so, as it wrongly implemented the use of force and did not protect citizens in an effective manner. This failure on the part of the UN was followed by the NATO community intervention in Kosovo, which faced

ISSUE XV.I

huge criticism in its use of military force to prevent violations of human rights, while also bringing both its legality and legitimacy into question.

Although contested, it can be argued that the UN and NATO communities have never been completely successful in implementing a R2P program in a conflict situation.

There have been some moderate successes in intervention, such as in the case of Libya in 2011 when they were facing an impending outbreak of violence. Western media praised the UN mission in Libya for avoiding a genocide in Benghazi and managing to replace the Gaddafi government with a responsible, democratic government.

However, it can also be argued that Libya was not a successful NATO mission. Rather, it added another dimension to an already multi-faceted conflict by not protecting citizens as it claimed, but rather working to overthrow Gaddafi and foster a regime change. These three examples in Kosovo, Libya, as well as the Balkans and Rwanda display the unsuccessful implementation of R2P. This responsibility to protect is shown as a Western device being used to aid international communities in what it believes the state to need, and not always giving the state the protection they claim to provide.

Based on these examples detailing the lack of success in the R2P program, preventive diplomacy has not been a successful means of intervention. In 1992, the United Nations summit on Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking, and Peace-Keeping detailed how peace can be implemented and sustained in a more effective manner when globalization allows states to self-determine human rights. Despite the UN’s attempts to intervene in human rights violations for decades, they have not been successful in enhancing respect for human rights and individual freedom.

The recent South Sudanese conflict could never and will never be considered a successful diplomatic mission. The United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) works to “protect civilians and build durable peace”. They aim to protect citizens from violence and build safe communities across the country. Given that UNMISS began in 2011, the civil war has already been underway for several years, which does not provide the environment for a successful preventive diplomatic mission. The conflict has been too long-running and

has created deep divides in the state that prevents UNMISS from being able to ‘build durable peace’ as was their aim.

UNMISS is not a successful UN mission based on numerous factors. Primarily, they have failed to protect hundreds of civilians from death or rape, due to less-than adequate leadership and a lack of understanding. Furthermore, the mission had not been centralized and lacked proper organization to protect its citizens well.

Cammaert, a former military adviser to the UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon, discusses inadequate leadership, union, and preparation within UNMISS as possible sources of failure. He comments that the standoff between President Salva Kiir and his Deputy Riek Machar that led to the civil war in 2013 “brought unrestrained violence to the capital of the world’s youngest nation and participating fighters left a trail of destruction and suffering in their wake”. Requests were made for the UN to create a reactionary force when civilians were being subjected to gross human rights violations, including murder, intimidation, and sexual violence. The United Nations turned down the requests to help the Sudanese people in this crisis, by responding that their troops were fully committed. When the South Sudanese people needed UN support the most, the UN failed to send in peacekeepers and diplomatic intervention. A report from the Guardian found that UNMISS’s major flaw was a lack of coordination and direction, while they also failed to sufficiently protect female humanitarian workers who were being sexually assaulted by government troops.

Historically, preventive diplomacy undertaken by the United Nations has never resulted in its intent: that is, to successfully bring peace to a conflict-torn state or to deter conflict from ever arising. For decades, the United Nations has tried and for decades, the United Nations has failed.

The United Nations has not adopted new strategies for intervening in conflicts and therefore, no changes will occur in the manner that preventive diplomatic strategies are implemented. Thus far, preventive diplomacy has not proven to be an effective tool for resolving international disputes.

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Common Law and Civil Law in Post- Colonial Africa By: Cade Cowan

Most African countries inherited their legal traditions from their European conquerors. After decolonization, these independent African states, due to colonial mismanagement, were saddled with flawed legal systems and few legal professionals which left them open to authoritarianism.

These systems, particularly Common Law, if properly utilized could change these relics of oppression into tools that could ensure Africa’s bright future.

Civil Law and Common Law are the two dominant legal systems in the world. Approximately 53 percent of countries practice Civil Law, while 24 percent practice Common Law. Civil law has its origins in Roman law and involves a broad system of rules, usually codified, which are applied and interpreted by the judiciary. It is widely practiced in continental Europe, Quebec, Latin America, and most former colonies of European powers. Common law, or Anglo-American law, is based upon judicial decisions and embodied in Case Law, that has been gathered in the courts of England, and elsewhere, since the Middle Ages.

From this English system emerged the legal systems now found in the U.S and in most of the Commonwealth. This has allowed Common Law to develop a dynamic flexibility. A significant dif-

ference between the two is their position on the relationship between the individual and the state.

Civil Law sees the state as supreme with individuals being obedient to it, while Common Law seeks to protect the individual from the state. Common Law countries often have higher economic growth, better protection of property rights, greater respect for individual rights and civil liberties and are significantly less likely to practice repression when compared to their Civilian counterparts.

It is important to make distinctions between the Civil Law and Common Law jurisdictions in the global north, and those in Africa, as these legal systems, are often weaker due to colonial mismanagement. Imperial powers, both continental and British, the favored legal dualism which created separate systems for subjects and local peoples. An example is Britain’s Indirect Rule which legitimized customary law and local chiefs and gave some governing power to local elites. Indirect Rule created two separate and incompatible systems that are legacy would be a weakened rule of law and government corruption.

In practice, this meant that Africans could serve in ‘traditional’ settings, but in many British colonies, legal education was restricted. An example is Tanganyika, present-day Tanzania, where the

42 ISSUE XV.I

colonial government made it a policy to prevent Africans from getting scholarships and made British law degrees mandatory to practice law. This was arguably inspired by the British fear of lawyers that emerged due to the key role of lawyers in the Indian nationalist movement. Weak and ineffective legal professions and judiciaries in both British and European colonies during decolonization, along with a growing concentration of power in executives, made authoritarian regimes a tragic inevitability.

Even with their inherent problems, Africa’s Common Law jurisdictions have proven to be healthier than their Civilian counterparts. What sets them apart is their relatively robust judiciaries that are less demanding on bureaucracies. Judicial Review in these regions is superior to other systems in the African context for two important reasons. First, these judiciaries put checks on the executive and secondly, because it was more advanced at independence than their Civilian counterparts. The ineffectiveness of Civilian judiciaries, especially in Francophone Africa, led to legal authority being centralized in the heads of state.

Bureaucracies in civilian systems, with their inquisitorial methods, necessitates an efficient bureaucracy to properly enforce the law, but Common

Law, with their adversarial methods, needs relatively less bureaucratic infrastructure.

An example of this Judicial Review process is when a Ugandan court struck down an anti-gay law in 2014. This law punished some homosexual behavior with life in prison was ruled invalid because it was passed by Parliament without a proper quorum. Gay activists were happy at the result but wished it was ruled invalid because of individual rights concerns. This shows that judges in Uganda are somewhat independent of Mr. Museveni, a man who has ruled for 28 years, but they avoided protecting gay rights and nullified the law in a way that Parliament may try again.

These legal systems were designed in their colonial contexts to solidify control over these conquered lands, but this does not mean they have to remain relics of oppression. If used properly, these systems, Common Law, in particular, could promote the rule of law, responsible government, and economic growth. These legal traditions could go from being colonial relics to the means to achieve Africa’s inevitable prosperity.

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Africa’s 25-Year-Old Unrecognized State By: Ben Dinsdale On May 18th, 1991, following the collapse of the military dictatorship of Mohamed Siad Barre, the North-Western Somali region of Somaliland formally declared their independence.

Six years later, the country’s constitution was formed. In 2001, ten years after the declaration their autonomy, a referendum was passed by 97 percent with two-thirds of the population voting.

Since that referendum, Somaliland has operated as an autonomous state; holding democratic elections and peacefully transferring power to opposing parties on multiple occasions. Why then, is this seemingly independent state not recognized by a single foreign nation, and why has it continued to be unable to achieve full independence?

To understand Somaliland’s claim for independence, it is key to study the history that preceded the referendum movement and how that

history is separate from that of Somalia. Prior to the scramble for Africa, the British Empire began making inroads into Somaliland, creating various economic agreements with the different clans who controlled the region. In 1887, the Somaliland Protectorate was established, giving the British control over the territory.

Although the French, British, and Italians had some control over different parts of Somalia, the country came under Italian control in 1889, who combined the territory with its other colonies in the region. This remained the case until the Second World War when the British took control of the region only to hand it back to the Italians in the 1950s as a UN trust territory. The Italians then granted it independence in 1956. In 1960, the British released control of the territory they controlled in the region, combining Somaliland and Somalia into greater Somalia.

In the years following independence, several territorial disputes broke out between Somalia and its neighbours Ethiopia and Kenya. Two years after the 1967 democratic election, a military coup, led by Mohamed Siad Barre, took con-

44 ISSUE XV.I

trol of the country. 20 years of drought and conflict would follow until Barre’s ousting from power in 1991, leading to the civil war that continues to this day.

Seizing upon the removal of the Barre government, Somaliland declared independence, seceding from greater Somalia. In 1997, the constitution was crafted, and an independence reformation passed, with two-thirds of the population voting and 97 percent in favour. Somaliland has operated as a stable state - especially when compared to their ruling neighbour - with democratic elections, peaceful transitions of power, and has been able to prevent Al Qaeda’s Somali affiliate Al-Shabab from causing anywhere near the level of conflict they have in Somalia.

Somaliland’s government claims that the aforementioned reasons create a strong argument in favour of recognizing the state’s independence.

They also claim that, as a majority of the population is from the Isaaq clan, they have an ethnically different population from Somaliland. The final, and perhaps most interesting argument that Somaliland puts forward to defend their sovereignty is that they are following the African Union policy of maintaining colonial borders.

Article 4(b) of the African Union Constitutive Act declares that function with “respect of borders existing on achievement of independence”. The Union’s motivation for adopting this principle was to maintain stability and prevent states from breaking into smaller countries based on ethnicity. Somaliland argues that since Somalia was granted independence from Italy without

the inclusion of British Somaliland, they achieved independence and were separate states, so they are continuing the policy of respecting colonial borders.

This set of arguments creates a strong defence for Somaliland’s independence. So why, then, do they remain a wholly unrecognized state? The main reason is stability. There is great concern that allowing Somaliland’s independence would destabilize the situation in the region as it conflicts with Al Shabab’s commitment to maintaining a unified Somalia. Additionally, Independence would create potential border dispute with Somaliland’s semi-autonomous Eastern neighbour of Puntland. The concern goes beyond the state of Somalia, as Somaliland’s success could fuel secessionist movements in Western Sahara, the Nigerian Region of the Biafra, and Casamance in Senegal. Additionally, there is some uncertainty as to whether Somaliland would be able to manage and uphold a stable economy without the support of Somalia and all the foreign aid the country sees.

Somaliland has a very strong case for their independence. However, not only is there question to the legitimacy of their claim, but they lack the vocal international support and headline grabbing developments that other movements in areas such as the Iraqi-Kurdistan and Catalonia have. There is no clear path for Somaliland’s independence and it appears that the status quo that has been maintained for the past 27 years has no end in sight.

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