QIO 11.3: Global North, Global South

CANADIAN MINING & CSR UN & SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT VOLUNTEER TOURISM CHINA-AFRICA RELATIONS THE CANADIAN “NORTH” ISSUE 11.3

MAR. 2015

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QUEEN’S INTERNATIONAL OBSERVER A LETTER FROM THE EDITOR Emerson Murray Dear Reader, Welcome to issue 11.3 of the Queen’s International Observer! Since 2003, the QIO has informed the student body at Queen’s University on international politics, striving for a high quality of writing and research, and our team has worked hard to bring you “Global North, Global South.”

“Global North, Global South” focuses on international development and the inequalities that exist between the North and South. Georgie Giannopoulos evaluates the United Nations’ new Sustainable Development Goals as a replacement for the Millennium Development Goals, while Dylan Edmonds reveals the conflicting priorities that can arise between Northern and Southern countries in global environmental governance.

Harrison Jarvis examines the role of Chinese oil investments in the African economy, while Darcy Wilford investigates the impact of jade mining on social and economic development in Myanmar. Furthermore, Corey Goldberg critiques the increasingly popular practice of volunteer tourism throughout the Global South. As Editor-in-Chief, I reconsider how we perceive Canada’s place within the North-South divide and overlook our settler-colonial reality.

The QIO is pleased to include the work of external writers. Jennifer Langill takes a look at the negative consequences that tourism can bear on communities in the Global South. Dr. Stéfanie von Hlatky and Dr. Andrew Grant, two professors from the Department of Political Studies at Queen’s University, share their recommendations for corporate social responsibility (CSR) practices in the Canadian extractive sector.

If you share our passion for journalism and international politics, consider writing for the QIO. External submissions are always welcome, and we encourage those who are interested to check www.qiaa.org for information on becoming a permanent member of the QIO team. Until our next issue, we hope that “Global North, Global South” leaves you curious for more.

Emerson Murray, Editor-in-Chief Vol. 11 Holly Kallmeyer & Hayley McNorton, Assistant Editors Vol. 11

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ISSUE 11.3

THE TEAM

Emerson Murray Editor-in-Chief

Holly Kallmeyer Assistant Editor

Kanivanan Chinniah Staff Writer

Dylan Edmonds Staff Writer

Georgie Giannopoulos Staff Writer

Corey Goldberg Staff Writer

Harrison Jarvis Staff Writer

Darcy Wilford Staff Writer

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CANADIAN MINING & CSR MYANMAR, JADE MINING, & VIOLENCE CHINA-AFRICA RELATIONS UN & SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT PARIS CONFERENCE TOURISM & DEVELOPMENT ETHICS OF VOLUNTOURISM THE CANADIAN “NORTH”

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Hayley McNorton Raine Storey Assistant Editor Layout Editor

CONTACT US EMAIL: CONTACT@QUEENSOBSERVER.ORG WEBSITE: WWW.QUEENSOBSERVER.ORG The views expressed by the authors are their own, and do not necessarily reflect those of the editorial board or the Queen’s International Affairs Association.

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EXTRACTIVE SECTOR’S SECURITY DILEMMA J. Andrew Grant, Ph.D. & Stéfanie von Hlatky, Ph.D.

In November of 2014, the the shooting resulting in 34 deaths to a company’s international reputagovernment of Canada issued a at the Marikana mine in South Af- tion, not to mention disruptive for strategy called Doing Business the rica being a case in point. While its business interests, than a project Canadian Way to improve the cor- the mining company in question is that is plagued by security concerns porate social responsibility (CSR) British, not Canadian, this episode and scrutinized by the media.

To this end, we offer three practices of the Canadian extractive highlights the security implications sector. The report is said to have in- of large extractive projects in the recommendations that can positivetegrated input from private-sector developing world, where compa- ly influence the interaction between stakeholders, as well as civil society nies frequently have to rely on both stakeholders from the corporate organizations. Upon closer scrutiny, private and public security forces to headquarters to local communities, informed observers might be puz- protect their sites, as well as their in order to prevent conflict cycles.

The below recommendations reflect zled by the exclusion of the securi- employees. the natural resource ty dimension of CSR in this updated poliIn order for Canada’s economic diplomacy to governance and conflict prevention guidecy document. While succeed, an understanding of how conflict lines included in the the economic, social, and environmental sometimes escalates in the process of extractive Voluntary Principles on Security and Hurisks are discussed at projects is fundamental. man Rights, the Unitlength, the document ed Nations Guiding does not address the escalation potential of grievances While the focus on human rights Principles on Business and Human that are endemic to large extractive and fair compensation for host com- Rights, and the OECD’s Due Dilprojects. munities is warranted, the incentives igence Guidance for Responsible

This is especially surpris- for the responsible management Supply Chains of Minerals from ing given the high-profile securi- of security risks should clearly be Conflict-Affected and High-Risk ty incidents that were reported in communicated to the private sector. Areas. the media over the last few years, Indeed, nothing is more damaging

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“Comilog manganese mine, Moanda” by jbdodane via Flickr. Licensed under CC BY-NC 2.0. Modified from original.

First, all stakeholders would benefit from acquainting themselves with the norms and good practices detailed in such international guidelines. A synthesized toolkit of best practices has even been produced by the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) through their web-based ‘knowledge hub’ so that stakeholders can find solutions to the security challenges encountered on their sites.

Our second recommendation is about encouraging greater transparency in international business practices. Indeed, transparency should be applied to the use of private and public security forces at mining sites. Local communities should be aware of the mandate, chain-of-command, and legal status of extractive sector security forces.

When such considerations are kept confidential, rumours and misperceptions can proliferate, which in

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turn undermines company-local community relations.

Third, local civil society groups should be included in meaningful governance arrangements rather than cast as mere watch-dogs that sound the alarm when CSR commitments are not met by industry. Grievances are generated by perceptions of being excluded from governance arrangements and key decisions. Given the high-stakes and appreciable impact of extractive sector activity on local communities, it is no surprise that such grievances can lead to episodic violent conflict and sustained insecurity. Local civil society organizations often have first-hand knowledge of local community grievances and can help the other stakeholders – governments and firms – address such grievances and security concerns before they escalate into violent conflict.

Ignoring the security dimension of CSR prevents Canadian government officials and compa-

nies from having a complete understanding of the dynamics of violence in areas where extractive activities are taking place, which in turn increases the chances that trade flows will be disrupted, returns on investments will be delayed, and Canada’s reputation will be tarnished.

Increasingly, consumers and investors are mindful of ethical considerations, which include concerns of whether such goods or investments are ‘conflict-free’. Beyond the moral and legal rationale for change, there is clearly a strong business case for improved security practices in the extractive sector.

J. Andrew Grant and Stéfanie von Hlatky are faculty members in the Department of Political Studies at Queen’s University.

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“Early Morning in Sinbo” by Jonas Merian via Flickr.

Licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. Modified from original.

Jade Mining in Myanmar:

ANOTHER RESOURCE CURSE? Darcy Wilford, History 15’

As the Chinese economy continues to grow, demand for jade has spiked as it’s become a status symbol and a valuable investment.

Some investors believe that its value has the potential to increase tenfold over the next three to five years due to the increasing scarcity of jadeite.

Jadeite sold in China is primarily extracted from northern Myanmar, also called Burma, and has been since the mid-eighteenth

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century.

The rising demand from Chinese interests in the stone carries a hidden human cost, however, to which investors are rarely exposed. As long as this investment trend continues, the profits earned from the gemstone’s illicit trade will overshadow concerns over the socio-economic costs to Myanmar.

Consider that between 2011 and 2014, Myanmar’s government

claimed revenues from jade that totalled $1.3 billion dollars. A study conducted by Harvard University’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance estimated, however, that the total sales–official and unofficial–of jade in 2011 alone would have netted over $8 billion.

The source of this discrepancy lies in the lucrative black market trade that thrives in Myanmar, particularly in the northern state of

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NATURAL RESOURCES // Kachin where most of the highest quality jade is mined. Foreign access to the region is extremely limited and the resumption of hostilities between the Myanmar government and the Kachin Independence Army in 2012 forced the large companies that were mining in the region to cease operating.

Small jade miners have filled the void left by the larger companies and work either alone or with the support of larger business interests. The soaring value of jade is what draws these individuals to the mines, hoping to make a fortune from a lucky find. As a result of the horrendous conditions in the open mine pits, a massive drug trade has sprung up in the region.

Heroin and a variation of methamphetamine known as “Yama” are the more common drugs found in the area. In an interview with Al Jazeera, one man involved in the mining industry

estimated that over 75% of the miners have become addicted.

Some middlemen who back the small time miners even pay their labourers in drugs, getting them hooked on the substances so they’re coerced into working to satisfy their addiction. Some addicts will spend an entire day’s wage on drugs, locking them into a cycle of drug abuse

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and what can almost be regarded as indentured labour where they see very little of the actual profits from their work.

This lack of government oversight due to the ongoing conflict also fuels rampant corruption in the region. While many Western countries have banned the sale of gems originating in Myanmar, individuals connected to the junta still make substantial profits through the

“Rocks” abrinsky via Flickr. Licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. Modified from original.

and Myanmar’s human rights record is broadly improving, business associates of the junta and state security forces still profit from the illicit trade in the mineral. Despite the vast mineral wealth that the region holds, as long as the security situation remains unstable in Kachin state and the Chinese demand for jade continues, much of the money that the industry generates will flow into the hands of corrupt officials.

This instability and corruption contributes little to the development of Kachin state itself, which after decades of conflict remains in the midst of a humanitarian crisis.

Under such conditions, the temptation among local elites to reap the financial benefits from an unregulated black market will continue to outweigh any human costs incurred by the local population.

As Myanmar continues to transition away from military rule, the current government is left without the majority of the value of its vast mineral wealth. This further inhibits the development of strong institutions that will make the ongoing democratization of the country meaningful. It is unlikely, however, that wealthy Chinese collectors who fuel the trade will recognize this.

trade, whether through the black market route into China or government-sanctioned gem auctions that occur several times a year. Government border guards are frequently among the smugglers, and police and army officials are routinely paid off as the unregistered jade makes its way to the Chinese border, often by the truckload.

While the junta is no longer in official control of the government

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China & Africa:

FORGING NEW RELATIONS By: Harrison Jarvis, Economics & History 15’

Last March, just a week after being inaugurated as the seventh President of China, Xi Jinping attended the fifth annual BRICS Summit in South Africa and subsequently travelled to Tanzania and the Republic of Congo on his first official trip as head of state.

His travel itinerary, which also included a brief visit with Vladimir Putin in Moscow, would indicate his new administration’s foreign policy–one that’s strengthened diplomatic ties and expanded commercial interests with and within Africa.

To put this into a geopolitical perspective, President Obama didn’t visit Africa until the first year of his second term, with the exception of a quick stopover in Ghana in 2009.

While poverty, political corruption, and endemic warfare persist on the continent, Africa’s economy has surprisingly grown.

Between 2008 and 2012, the African economy’s average growth rate was two percent greater than that of the world economy. Its current population of 1.1 billion is projected to increase four-fold by 2100. Furthermore, many of its governments have become more transparent, encouraged by continental and transnational initiatives to encourage democracy and economic liberalization.

Africa’s wealth of natural resources, most notably its abundant supply of gold, diamonds, and oil, has gained the interest of many foreign investors. As an emerging mar-

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ket, Africa will need more consumer and commercial goods, more investment, and more infrastructure to accommodate the demands of its growing population. China is trying to fill these needs.

The Chinese and African economies have become quite intimate, as China is now Africa’s largest trading partner. They exchange about $160 billion in goods per year, with China allocating 3.4% of its total foreign direct investment to Africa in 2013. The United States on the other hand, exchanged $72 billion in 2013, and sent less than 1% of its foreign direct investment to the continent.

In the past decade, over one million Chinese nationals, most of whom were labourers and traders, have relocated to Africa in search of economic opportunity. The big question, eloquently posed by The Economist last summer, is whether China’s commercial elite are merely investing in Africa to enrich themselves while avoiding Beijing’s regulatory reach, or whether their investments are part of a modern colonial enterprise fashioned by the Chinese Communist Party.

China, however, isn’t trying to export authoritarianism, its socialist market economy model or its single-party system to African countries, nor is it really able to. It’s politically and economically improbable as many African countries already subscribe to democratic and free-market practices and ideas.

Furthermore, China’s track record on the continent has shown that it has worked with both democracies and authoritarian regimes.

Today, the appetite for commercialism on the Chinese mainland is unprecedented, and China will do all in its power to compete with Western states and demonstrate the power of its home-grown economic institutions and foreign business capabilities.

For example, Chinese and African delegations have met every three years since 2009 at the Forum on China-African Cooperation (FOCAC), an organization that’s enhanced diplomatic and commercial relations between the two parties.

With respect to the African-U.S. relationship, there’s no equivalent forum. In August of 2014, President Obama finally invited 50 African heads of state to Washington D.C. for the first ever U.S-African Leaders Summit. However, it was a diplomatic move merely taken to counter China’s influence in Africa and re-establish its own commitment to the security and prosperity

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of the continent.

Without specifically naming China, President Obama announced, “We don’t look to Africa simply for its natural resources; we recognize Africa for its greatest resource, which is its people and its talents and their potential.”

With the recent energy revo-

lution in the Americas, Obama may be right. 60% of U.S. imports from Africa, after all, are in oil. But with breakthroughs in oil extraction technology, U.S. dependency on African oil will fall, allowing the Chinese to increase their reliance on Africa and exit the volatile Middle Eastern oil

market. China’s pursuit of its own prosperity throughout Africa will expand its global footprint.

The U.S. would like a bigger commercial presence in Africa, but it doesn’t really need it. U.S. philanthropic and development initiatives will continue on the continent, while China will use Africa to continue its rise.

“Oil pumping station” by Bert van Dijk via Flickr. Licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. Modified from original.

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Sustainable Development:

THE UN’S NEW AGENDA Georgie Giannopoulos, Political Studies 17’ 17’

January 1, 2015 marked the expiration of the controversial Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs sought to address global issues such as poverty, hunger, education, gender equality, health care, and environmental sustainability.

In their place, a compilation of 17 goals and 169 targets known as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) has been created. The SDGs will shape development thinking for the next 15 years. As outlined in the Secretary General’s synthesis report, the six pillars of the SDGs are: dignity, prosperity, justice, people, planet, and partnership. They renew a normative commitment from the international community to global development.

Unlike the MDGs, the SDGs are universal in focus, creating hope of an increase in global partnerships between the North and the South.

John McArthur, director of the UN Millennium Project, stated, “As the international community considers a new generation of global development goals, it stands on the shoulders of many hard-fought underlying achievements.”

While the completion of the MDGs weren’t characterized as an overwhelming success, progress was made toward completion in all eight sectors. For example, the target of halving the number of people who earned less than $1.25 US a day was reached in early 2010. Furthermore, the cost of AIDS treatment packag-

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es have fallen on average from $20 000 to $250. Finally, 17,000 fewer children are dying per day due to an improvement in standards of maternal health.

It’s unclear whether this progress was a result of the MDG targets being actively pursued or if there’s simply a correlation between a better quality of life and the development of new technology over the past 15 years. The harsh reality is that violence against women has increased to an all-time high, carbon emissions are 50% higher than they were in 1990, and equality in primary education is at risk around the world.

When put into perspective, the small gains made toward completing the MDGs haven’t justified the issues left untouched.

The failures of the MDGs can be traced to a grave disconnect between the will of bodies like the UN and state compliance with international treaties. Without any legal and binding authority, the UN must rely solely on tactics of soft power to achieve its development ambitions.

Both the MDGs and the SDGs suffer from a failure to translate the language of idealism and hope into a political reality.

Capabilities to reach development goals have been, and will continue to be, limited by domestic political will.

Amina Mohammad, special adviser to the UN secretary general, shared that her political reality in

Nigeria is one of Boko Haram and Ebola. To put it simply, Nigeria’s political agenda will have no room for SDGs if even human security can’t be guaranteed to its citizens. She stated, “These goals are only as good as delivery, and delivery is part of a political agenda.”

In Britain, proposals to reduce the number of SDGs from 17 to 12 are said to undermine environmental commitments. Furthermore, Britain will continue to give tax breaks and subsidies to the fossil fuel industry. The Secretary General has advised that Britain should avoid the risk of creating unnecessary divisions between countries, and that instead it should help build support toward ambitious action.

Britain, a permanent member of the Security Council, and Nigeria, a rotating member in 2015, have both been hesitant to embrace the new goals, sending a strong symbolic message to the international community.

The vote to ratify the SDGs in September 2015 won’t be a simple matter of ‘yes’ or ‘no’. The deeper question each ambassador will have to answer is whether or not the political reality of their country is capable of aligning with the altruistic goals of the UN for the next 15 years. The SDGs were developed in a system where national priorities have continued to trump international commitments, and it’s with this legacy that they’ll have to operate.

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“DSC_5907” by UNclimatechange via Flickr. Licensed under CC BY 2.0. Modified from original.

Climate Change:

A “SOUTHERN” PROBLEM? Dylan Edmonds, Political Studies 17’

The memory of Kyoto looms as the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris nears its scheduled start this November.

Scientists and environmental groups alike have warned of the potential catastrophe if the global temperature rises above the 2% threshold, and world carbon rates have only continued to go up since Kyoto. The same North–South dichotomy that has emerged in addressing climate change is just as prevalent leading up to Paris as it was in Kyoto.

In 2015, world leaders will set out to achieve what they alluded to in 2009: a legally binding accord for countries to cut emissions by specified amounts. If the Paris conference unfolds like UN environmental conferences in the past, scientists and environmental groups will leave displeased.

The Lima environmental conference held in December of 2014 was meant to be a building block for Paris. In Lima, countries negotiated the details of their pledges for cutting sustainable carbon emissions. However, the Lima

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conference merely ended with a watered-down agreement after the original deal was redrafted four separate times and the talks were extended an extra day.

The language featured in the Lima agreement was moderated in order to come to a final draft. For example, the original stipulation that countries must release quantifiable information about their plans to reduce emissions was downgraded to a voluntary option for diplomatic reasons.

Most importantly, the Lima conference illustrated the deep divisions that remain between the countries of the Global North and South over their perceived responsibilities in dealing with climate change.

Even in a time where global financial markets have created greater interdependence between countries in the Global North and South, environmental issues have only served to polarize both sides.

On one hand, Southern countries blame their Northern counterparts for much of the global warming seen today. After all,

the process of industrialization that led to the wealth of Northern countries has contributed vastly to rising global temperatures. Many Southern countries believe it would be unjust for Northern countries to expect them to curb their emissions output since they followed that very same process of industrialization.

As voiced by a Malaysian delegate at the Lima Conference of 2014: “Many of you colonized us so we started from very different points… this you must appreciate.”

Alternatively, many Southern countries support an emissions cutting plan that differentiates their responsibilities from those of their wealthier counterparts in terms of lowering emissions. It’s likely that many Southern countries will demand financial compensation from Northern countries at the Paris conference for the green investments they’ll be undertaking.

Meanwhile, Northern countries have argued that they’ve assumed the bulk of the responsibility for curbing emissions in the recent past. The EU, for example, has long

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\\ ENVIRONMENT & DEVELOPMENT being heralded as the leader in green initiatives. Even the US has promised to lower emissions by 2628% in year 2025 compared to 2005 levels. China, the world’s largest polluter and the subject of criticism for hesitating to cut its emissions in fear of slowing economic growth, has also promised to cap emissions by 2030.

Efforts have been taken by the world’s wealthiest countries, and they’ve begun to pressure the poorer ones into following a similar path– whether fair or not. Since Southern countries account for more than half of the world’s total emissions output, Northern countries see more sustainable approaches to industri-

alization in the South as necessary.

After the Lima deliberations, one climate change expert said, “Political leaders at the U.N. talks need to be reminded that they can’t negotiate with the climate.” Simply put, the North sees the South’s economic concerns as less important than the potentially cataclysmic and irreversible environmental damages that would result from insufficient emissions curbing.

In the six years after Kyoto, climate change has become more visible in public debate. Apart from certain right-wing actors, few doubt the importance of addressing climate change and the devastating consequences of inaction.

Even if the Lima Conference in late 2014 left many environmentalists disappointed and pessimistic for Paris, the 2015 UN conference embodies an opportunity, albeit a modest one, in cautiously uniting a divided world on an issue that affects all countries irrespective of their level of development.

The debate isn’t over the merit of emission cutting policy, but over how responsibility will be assigned among wealthy and poor countries. Neither side, unfortunately, looks ready to compromise.

Tourism in the South:

DEVELOPMENT OR DEPENDENCY? By: Jennifer Langill, Global Development Studies 15’

From visiting relatives to sightseeing to volunteering abroad, tourism is one of the largest industries in the world today. While it’s been widely viewed as beneficial for local development in the Global South, tourism’s impact goes beyond economics. A look at tourism through the frameworks of Orientalism and dependency theory highlights some of the dangers of tourism in the global South that are often unnoticed.

Tourism can offer many obvious benefits for underdeveloped areas, most notably in terms of economic gain. These benefits include employment opportunities and big-

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ger consumer markets, stimulating economic growth. Tourism also creates new opportunities for spreading cross-cultural knowledge.

Edward Said coined the term “Orientalism” in 1977, which refers to assumed differences between the Global North and the Global South, otherwise known as the “Orient” and “Occident.” Said, among other theorists, argues that Orientalist thought prevails today. To some theorists, the tourism industry is an example of its legacy.

Leanne McRae, a senior researcher for the Popular Culture Collective, argues that tourists subconsciously hope to discover differ-

“Sunwing Vacation Beginning” by Ben Rogers via Flickr. Licensed under CC BYNC 2.0. Modified from original.

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TOURISM & THE SOUTH // ences that reinforce preconceived notions of how the ‘other’ lives. Colonial attitudes are still embedded in Western culture, and thus they impact how tourists perceive developing countries. Such attitudes often romanticize other cultures or label them as backwards or exotic.

Tourism, therefore, can re-establish historic relationships of the empowered tourist over the subordinate host, and the “othering” of the Global South from the Global North.

Dependency theory, pioneered by Andre Gunder Frank, further argues that external factors such as global capitalism are the cause of underdevelopment rather than internal factors in societies throughout the Global South.

Maryam Khan, a professor from the Department of Hospitality & Tourism Management at Virginia Polytechnic Institute, builds on Frank’s thesis by arguing that underdevelopment forces the Global South to be dependent on the Global North–a dynamic that tourism perpetuates.

Host communities are indeed dependent on the Global North both for tourists and the commodities that sustain tourism, such as capital for creating new tourist locations, imported foods to appeal to tourists (which decreases the demand for locally grown foods), and other foreign products that tourists need

High host community income that’s derived from tourism can therefore be misleading. A significant portion of these incomes often returns to the Global North. As much as 70% of income from tourism ends back in developed countries. Tourism in the Global South is therefore dependent on the North to

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help establish it and sustain it.

Recently, new forms of tourism have emerged with promises to make tourism more socially conscious. Consider the recent fad of ecotourism, which attempts to make tourism more sustainable for host communities. As an alternative to mass tourism, it offers alternative activities from environmental conservation to empowering local communities.

Khan argues that ecotourism is seen as a “hopeful new approach” because it generates many benefits that aren’t usually found in conventional tourism, such as using and promoting “indigenous knowledge, material, and labor.”

Khan notes, however, that “there is no such thing as ‘zero impact.’” Despite notable effort and progress, no variation of tourism will ever be perfect. All forms will leaves their mark, whether on the people, the environment, or the community, and many of them are negative. Even though outcomes such as Orientalism and dependency might be less observable, they can still be quite harmful.

Tourism has unique impacts on each community, depending on the type of program, the participants, and the stakeholders. In developing new tourism programs and destinations, the location context and the community’s interests should be considered. Looking at successful tourism programs can also help set examples and guidelines.

For example, the Okavanga Delta in Botswana has undertaken the Community-Based Natural Resource Management program and wildlife-based tourism with incredible results. In addition to sig-

nificantly increasing household income, a portion of profits from the tourism has gone to collective social services, such as water pipe installation and assistance for elders. The program also introduced structures that guarantee fair access to the employment opportunities it brought.

Despite this success, the project has its pitfalls. For example, the Okavanga Delta is very dependent on the program, as it is now the primary source of income. The communities are at risk of economic shock from rapid decreased demand. Many factors can slow down the number of tourists travelling to Botswana. In that case, the villages involved in the program would have little to turn to for alternative income.

Tourism can both benefit and harm host communities in terms of economic and cultural impacts, and it would be impractical to stop it from occurring. However, a more socially responsible approach to tourism is possible, and it’s therefore necessary to assess the longterm impacts of tourism programs on underdeveloped areas. Tourists should take the time to thoroughly research their travel companies and destinations to ensure that they’re employing the most beneficial and sustainable practices for the host communities.

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Volunteer Tourism:

GOOD INTENTIONS AREN’T ENOUGH By: Corey Goldberg, Commerce 15’

Each year, thousands of young people embark on journeys to the Global South to take part in a rapidly growing travel niche - volunteer tourism, otherwise known as voluntourism. As a purported blend of tourism and benevolence, participants often spend short periods of time–from three weeks to one year–participating in activities such as building schools, working in orphanages, and teaching.

The travel companies that organize these trips claim that volunteers will have a positive impact on local communities, which is seldom the case in reality. Development often takes the form of a volunteer’s improved resume and a worldly album of new Instagram pictures, rather than, for instance, a properly built school in a communi-

ty that truly needs one.

A major problem with voluntourism that focuses on structural development is that the volunteers often lack relevant skills and cultural awareness.

Pippa Biddle, former voluntourist and Huffington Post correspondent, recalls her time building a library in Tanzania. Locals were forced to sneak out after dark, undo, and then rebuild everything the volunteers had done earlier that day. In her words, “Basically, we failed at the sole purpose of our being there.”

With regard to this type of project, it’s almost always more efficient, effective, and stimulating to local economies to simply hire locals to do the work. Furthermore, this alternative provides locals with employment and is more sustain-

able than the use of volunteers as a labour force.

“Orphanage tourism” is another aspect of the volunteer tourism industry in which volunteers assist orphanages in their day-today activities and teach children life skills. Many countries in the Global South have developed a full-fledged industry of orphanage tourism that relies on orphaned children as a commodity. The demand for orphans in many of these countries is so high that a large portion of the “orphans” aren’t actually orphans, and instead their families were coerced into sending their children to orphanages with promises of free education.

The majority of orphanages are unregistered and offer inadequate living conditions. An inves-

By Frontierofficial via Flickr. Licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. Modified from original.

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“Volunteer in Accra, Ghana” by Volunteer Abroad UBELONG via Flickr. Licensed under CC BY-NC 2.0. Modified from original.

tigation by UNICEF, for example, found that 85% of the children in Nepali orphanages had at least one living parent. This same study found that 90% of children’s homes in Nepal failed to meet the government’s minimum operating standards.

Instead of being educated, orphans are often exploited to the benefit of orphanage owners.

According to Philip Holmes, chief of Freedom Matters, “once a child enters an orphanage, they become prisoners of the orphanage. They use the children as an income source, through the sponsorship of children who are presented as orphans when they are not…and through the exploitation of overseas volunteers.”

Despite the detrimental effects that voluntourism can have on development, it’s important to note

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that most voluntourists have good intentions. A general consensus exists that voluntourism is conducive to the personal development of volunteers. A recent study of Canadian voluntourists suggested that most justify their placements as a means of personal growth, rather than success in poverty alleviation or meeting development goals.

Nonetheless, some researchers have questioned the benefits of voluntourism for voluntourists themselves. International Scholars, Raymond and Hall argue that voluntourism can strengthen cultural stereotypes and reinforce negative perceptions of local residents. It perpetuates a “white savior industrial complex” and may damage cross-cultural understanding between Northerners and the people

of their host countries.

When planning your next holiday, ignore advertisements by travel agencies offering voluntourism packages. If you’re intent on helping those who are less fortunate, then give money to a respectable charity that engages communities in the planning and execution of development initiatives. If you’d like to travel, then travel.

For those determined to engage in voluntourism, please do so responsibly. Identify your own transferable skills, thoroughly research the organizations and companies that provide these opportunities, and make an effort to learn about host country cultures before leaving home.

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UNSETTLING THE CANADIAN “NORTH” By: Emerson Murray, Editor-in-Chief

We readily assume that Canada has a natural place among the wealthy and industrialized democracies of the “Global North.” It scores high on rankings for human development, political freedom, and gender equality. Our national myths portray Canada as a a humanitarian leader on the world stage, a benevolent “middle-man” in contrast to our American neighbour.

But to distinguish Canada from other countries in terms of “North” and “South” is over-simplistic. After all, we can’t overlook the diversity of those in the South, many of which have booming economies, industrialized urban centres, and “liberal” cultural attitudes.

More importantly, we can’t forget that many problems we associate with the South are also found at home.

Recall, for example, Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s visit to the Osnaburgh Ojibway Reserve in north-western Ontario in August 1990. He compared Canada’s treatment of its aboriginal people to that of South African Blacks under Apartheid.

Last May, the Nobel Laureate was back in Canada at a conference in Fort McMurray, where he condemned plans for oil sands pipelines in Alberta. He stood in solidarity with aboriginal communities whose ancestral lands and livelihoods– right down to their access to clean

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drinking water–were threatened by the projects.

Settler-colonialism is still the reality of 21st century Canada.

The current generation of settlers– which includes myself–needs to recognize that colonial oppression, systemic racism, and state-sanctioned abuse aren’t just relics of the past.

Consider that the standards of living on Canada’s aboriginal reserves are often comparable to those of many poor countries in the Global South. A United Nations (N) report released in May 2014 voiced concerns over inadequate federal funding of health social services in Canada’s aboriginal communities. It drew attention to the high rates of “infant mortality, suicide, injuries, and communicable and chronic diseases” that the isolation, overcrowding, and poverty of many reserves made worse. Meanwhile, Statistics Canada found that 45 percent of First Nations people on reserves in 2006 lived in housing that needed serious repair.

Much of Canada’s aboriginal population suffers from widespread poverty, employment discrimination, and income inequality in relation to settler Canadians. In 2006, the median income of aboriginals was 30 percent lower than non-aboriginals while the rate of unemployment among the former was double that of the latter. Half of Canada’s status aboriginal children

are below the poverty line, exceeding poverty rates among refugees, first-generation immigrants, and visible minorities.

Aboriginal peoples have fallen victim to institutionalized racism within the justice system. Within the last decade, the number of aboriginal inmates increased by 40 percent while the number of Caucasian inmates decreased. Although aboriginal people make up four percent of Canada’s total population, they form nearly a quarter of federal inmates. Compared to non-aboriginal offenders, they receive longer sentences, spend more time in maximum security, and have a lesser chance of being granted parole.

Despite these disproportionately high rates of incarceration, the justice system has failed the 1,100 aboriginal women who’ve disappeared or been murdered since 1980. When asked about holding a federal inquiry into missing aboriginal women last December, Prime Minister Harper responded, “Um it, it isn’t really high on our radar, to be honest.”

This was a mere example of the settler ignorance that’s key to preserving inequality and oppression in Canada. As Canadians, we celebrate the creation of a liberal democracy where multiculturalism, federalism, and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms let us forge a civic nation while ignoring how its

ISSUE 11.3

CANADA // foundations were achieved through violence and domination.

My grade ten history textbook, for example, dedicated entire chapters to the successes of Lester B. Pearson and Pierre Trudeau. Yet it only briefly mentioned the residential school system: the site of forced assimilation, sexual abuse, and experimentation where, until 1996, the Canadian government sent over 150,000 aboriginal children after removing them from their parents’ care. A study by three professors at Queen’s University–Anne Godlewska, Jackie Moore, and C. Drew Bednasek–found that only 1.9 percent of Ontario’s Social Studies and Canadian and World Studies curricula covered any aboriginal content at all.

Aboriginal people remain distant in the settler collective memory, and only when they threaten to

disrupt the settler order do we begin to pay attention to them.

As Adam Barker of the University of Leicester observes, movements such as Idle No More have inserted an indigenous presence– symbolized by round dances, for example–in urban settler spaces. They want to be seen within a colonial order that relies on their invisibility.

And too often do we, as settlers, view aboriginal communities with contempt. We blame their socioeconomic disparity on a refusal to accept modernity and integrate with Canadian society. We fail to acknowledge the neglect, exclusion, and abuse that they faced as Canadian society asserted itself–and continues to do so–on their lands.

Nor can we deny ourselves responsibility “for what our ancestors did.” We still benefit from the privilege of being settlers at the ab-

originals’ expense. It’s ultimately in our hands to decide how such privilege can be undone and unlearned for a more equitable future.

It’s true that the Canadian government has made efforts to acknowledge the wrongs of the past.

But as Carole Blackburn from the University of British Columbia put it: reconciliation “produces closure where closure is unwarranted.”

It’s not enough for us as settlers to apologize for past mistakes without critically evaluating our role in the present.

To realize our own privilege and status as settlers isn’t meant to be a comfortable process. And none of this is possible without recognizing that a view of Canada as inherently “Northern” is incomplete.

Our first step, therefore, is to learn.

From “#Oct7Proclaim Powershift Action Photos” by Zack Embry via www.idlenomore.ca.

ISSUE 11.3

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“Contrasts of Mumbai� by David Warlick via Flickr. Licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0. Modified from original.