QIO 12.4- The "F" Word

Queen’s International Observer

The

ISSUE 12.4 MAY 2016

Word

LETTER FROM THE EDITOR

QUEEN’S INTERNATIONAL OBSERVER

Dear Reader,

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Welcome to the last issue of volume 12 of the Queen’s International Observer, “The ‘F’ Word.” An entirely student-run magazine, the QIO has been in publication on campus since 2003, recently incorporated as an initiative of the Queen’s International Affairs Association. We seek to be a creative outlet for students to provide a wide range of critical perspectives on topics in world politics.

“The ‘F’ Word” offers an overview of contemporary trends and debates in gender and global politics. Rejecting popular notions that faith and feminism are incompatible with one another, Kiran Waterhouse explores the emancipatory potential of Islamic feminism. Yonatan Belete meanwhile points to the underrepresentation of black women’s experiences of police brutality within the Black Lives Matter movement. Kayla Rolland discusses the advantages of increasing the representation of women within global environmental governance, while Casey Coleman gives a sharp critique of the ‘Tampon Tax’ in Canada. Alexander Green takes a look at “celebrity” feminism and the need for intersectionality within this growing area of activism.

The QIO is pleased to feature the work of a number of guest writers. Sean Adessky analyzes the relation between gender and Haredi Judaism, while Claire Gummo reveals the need for greater action to protect the security of refugee women in the global migrant crisis. Finally, Marissa Young investigates the growing trend of ‘women jihadists.’

“The ‘F’ Word” is merely a glimpse, nonetheless, of the diverse insights and creative ideas that the QIO team has to offer. If you share our passion for journalism and world politics, consider writing for the QIO – external submissions are always welcome. Until the next volume, we hope “The ‘F’ Word” leaves you wanting to learn more.

Sincerely, Emerson Murray, Editor-in-Chief, Vol. XII Georgina Giannopoulos & Julia Milden, Assistant Editors, Vol. XII

THE TEAM EDITORIAL Emerson Murray Editor-in-Chief Political Studies 17’

Julia Milden Assistant Editor Medicine 20’

Georgie Giannopoulos Assistant Editor Political Studies 17’

Raine Storey Layout Editor Fine Arts 17’

WRITERS Sean Adessky History 17’

Yonatan Belete Political Studies 16’

Casey Coleman Political Studies 17’

Alexander Green Political Studies 18’

Claire Gummo Political Studies 17’

Kelley Humber Political Studies & History 18’

Kayla Maria Rolland Political Studies 18’

Kiran Waterhouse Political Studies 16’

Marissa Young Political Studies 17’

CONTACT US

EMAIL: CONTACT@QUEENSOBSERVER.ORG The views expressed by the WEBSITE: WWW.QUEENSOBSERVER.ORG authors are their own, and do

not necessarily reflect those of the editorial board or the Queen’s International Affairs Association.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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Veiled Protest: The Subtle Complexity of Islamic Feminism, Kiran Waterhouse

When a Plane Seat Goes Against Your Religion: Orthodox Judaism in Modernizing Times, Sean Adessky

Black Lives Matter: What About Black Women?, Yonatan Belete

Migrant Crisis: Women’s Security Invisible, Claire Gummo

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Unveiling a new Jihadism: How Women are Combatting ISIL, Marissa Young

COP21: “If you don’t have women here, how can you say this is about people?,” Kayla Rolland

Sexual Violence: The Enemy Within The Canadian Armed Forces, Kelley Humber

The Tampon Tax: Out-dated Barriers, Casey Coleman

Celebrity Feminism: A Need for Intersectionality, Alexander Green

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VEILED PROTEST:

the Subtle Complexity of Islamic Feminism Kiran Waterhouse, Political Studies 16’

SHE APPEARS in just five seconds of an H&M fashion video; the aesthetic is lush fabric and big sunglasses, coy and mysterious. The model is beautiful, and knows how to work the camera like any one of a thousand professionals. The conversation she sparks, however, is anything but ordinary. She’s modeling a hijab.

Opinions about the model and

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the video come fast and furious from all sides. For some critics, the fashion hijab is just too much, while for others it’s simply not enough. Ultimately, the discussion the model prompts is nothing more than a blip, one of those Internet debates with a lifespan of no more than 72 hours.

It’s important, nevertheless, because a debate about hijabs in

fashion is inevitably part of a larger conversation about the ways in which women and Islam are represented, both in our own society and on the world stage.

There’s a deep relevance to these conversations, one that only grows as debates on the dangers of radical Islam and Islamophobia continue. Muslim women are often excluded from these discus-

sions, yet they bear a disproportionate amount of harms from the patriarchal structures and systems in which many of them live.

As women in Muslim countries remain unable to drive, are stoned to death for adultery, or are the victims of honour killings, their inclusion within these debates will be of vital importance.

But rationale debate has become impossible – the relationship between Islam and feminism is presented as a false choice, as a zero-sum game. You can be Muslim, or a feminist, but not both.

While often seen as a binary, feminism and Islam are not necessarily at odds. Understanding feminist Islam requires a new lens of analysis, one that addresses the unique challenges faced by Muslim women. An intersectional approach is key to advancing this discussion.

Academically speaking, there is a strand of feminism that works to read gender equality into the text of the Qur’an. Scholar Riffat Hassan explains, for instance, that the Islamic tradition is not monolithic.

In fact, there are many competing interpretations of Islamic principles, some of which do uphold the importance of gender rights.

Ancient traditions of “Hadith”, bodies of religious literature that interpret the Qur’an, are often considered to be the main teachings of Islam. Feminist Islamic scholars argue that it’s possible to look past certain bodies of “Hadith” and to reinterpret the original texts themselves in ways that empower women.

One might argue that these are mere literary semantics and that they fail to address the real issues at hand; namely, the concrete oppressions that Muslim women face every day. Those at the edge of liberal thought go so far as to advocate for the notion that Islam is inherently oppressive to women. However, Muslim women themselves have argued, to the contrary, that it’s possible to love their religion while still despising the cultural and social practices of Islamic political regimes.

their religion. Muslim women desire – and deserve – the right to an education, to express their identity, and to be considered equals among their peers, as much as the rest of us do.

Muslim women’s voices should be heard, and actively listened to.

Yet the realization of gender empowerment isn’t a magical solution. The geopolitical situation in the Middle East is immensely complex. There are a thousand injustices, small and large, that must be resolved to create a substantively better quality of life for Muslim women who face oppression. In fact, entire cultural and political regimes must be unpacked for progress to be made.

Not only is it unhelpful to speak in moral absolutes, these kinds of radical positions are ultimately impractical. They harm women who experience oppression by failing to provide them with a practicable feminist framework with which to challenge the patriarchal structures within their lives.

When we portray feminism and Islam as mutually exclusive, we amplify the struggle faced by Muslim women who seek to empower themselves in their lives in a way that’s compatible with

And in doing so, some may reject the institutions of their religion.

But this doesn’t mean that they must. For example, the young Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai models an identity that embraces feminism and her faith simultaneously. Both are compatible with how she understands herself,

But the need for this kind of change doesn’t negate the importance of fostering meaningful conversation. A conversation, that is, about how Muslim women can take pride in their religion while engaging in feminist action.

TO THIS day, the principles of Westphalia underpin the international system. The state continues to be the dominant player while sovereignty has become integral to international law.

But as James March and Johan Olsen argue, the state has become centerless or, at least, multi-centered. In the Global South, they describe how people increasingly coale

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WHEN A PLANE SEAT GOES AGAINS Orthodox Judaism in Modernizing Times

Sean Adessky, History 17’

THE INTERSECTION of modern society, its ongoing desire to eliminate or at least reduce discrimination, and the rise of religious expression in some areas of the world has led to a vigorous debate as to which should or will achieve supremacy. Which values should we prioritize? Can the two worlds co-exist? These are the key questions now being addressed.

By way of example, in 2011, the Canadian government ruled that women were not allowed to wear the Niqab at Canadian citizenship ceremonies, only to see that ban overruled by the Supreme Court of Canada just over a year ago. In July 2015, the United States department of labour ruled that an Oregon bakery had no right to deny a gay couple a wedding cake due to their religious beliefs. Citizenship and wedding cakes are only two of the many areas in which we find civil liberties and religious expression in competition. As will be shown below, air travel is another area where this competition has taken root.

Haredi Judaism is a stream of ultra Orthodox Judaism, characterized by the rejection of modern secular culture. Its emergence came primarily in response to a modernizing Jewish religion and is known for its steadfast adherence to Jewish religious law by segregating itself from modern society. One of the key tenants of Haredi Judaism is that even inadvertent contact with the opposite

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sex is strictly forbidden under any circumstances.

In her novel Yeshiva Fundamentalism: Piety, Gender, and Resistance in the Ultra-Orthodox World, Nurit Stadler examines the evolution of the Yeshiva, the Jewish institution that focuses on the study of traditional religious texts. Stadler notes that the forces of Haredi Judaism are coming increasingly into conflict with a modernizing society, and that we are reaching a point where this conflict will result in one of three possible outcomes for this movement within Israel: (1) mere rumblings of modernization which will be squashed by the Haredi elite or by the weight of the massive everyday pressure among haredim to conform (and to develop evermore stringent codes of behaviour); (2) signs of a process of adaptation by Haredi society to the challenges posed by Israeli society in particular; or (3) signs not of adaptation by the haredim but of the reverse - the haredization of Israeli society.

A recent development in Israel sheds substantial light on which of these three realities seem to be emerging, as Israel’s flagship carrier El Al Airlines has become embroiled in a lawsuit over its gender segregation practices. Last month, Renee Rabinowitz, a retired lawyer, filed a lawsuit against El Al airlines over an incident that took place in December 2015. As she claims, she was seated in her aisle seat in business-class when

“this rather distinguished-looking man in Hasidic or Haredi garb, I’d guess around 50 or so, shows up.”

Like many ultra-orthodox men, this man refused to sit next to a woman and complained to the

stewardess. After a brief exchange in Hebrew, which Ms. Rabinowitz could not understand, she was asked to switch seats, being told that a ‘better’ seat, closer to first class was available, one between two other women.

With an 11-hour flight ahead, and not wanting to sit next to an unhappy passenger, she agreed to the request and moved seats, but not before noting how

ST YOUR RELIGION: she felt ‘minimized’ and discriminated against because she was a woman. As the New York Times notes, this is unfortunately becoming an increasingly frequent occurrence, noting that several flights over the past few years have been delayed or disrupted due to this exact issue. To be fair, it’s important to note that this

isn’t the attitude of all, or even necessarily the majority of Haredi men. The New York Times reports that many people have no problem with the requests, and, in fact, that airlines try to accommodate passenger requests all the time.

In another instance documented by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, a Haredi man broke two television screens on a flight in protest of the showing of the mov-

ie Truth staring Robert Redford and Cate Blanchet. Last year, an El Al pilot decided to halt a movie in deference to the large number of ultra-Orthodox passengers on the plane. The airlines’ comment following the incident was simply that “We regret the incident, which doesn’t reflect the company’s policy in any way, and are looking into what happened in order to prevent such incidents in the future.”

Perhaps even more troubling, however, is the response Ms. Rabinowitz received from one of the pilots of the plane who acknowledged that, in fact, it was El Al policy to meet the demands of Haredi passengers, directly conflicting with El Al’s previous statement mentioned above that it had released last year in response to these types of incidents. Certainly, it’s one thing for airline policy to accommodate passenger requests, but it’s an entirely different scenario when such accommodation effectively amounts to gender discrimination—those who asked to move were requested to do so specifically because they were women.

The case has been taken up by the Israel Religious Action Center, the public and legal advocacy arm of the Reform Movement in Israel headed by director Anat Hoffman. Hoffman was particularly keen on taking up this case due to the fact that a flight attendant was directly involved.

What this shows, he argues, is that “El Al has internalized the commandment, ‘I cannot sit next to a woman.’” and seeks to adhere to it.

In recent years, we have seen not only a rise in these discriminatory practices, but also numerous other examples that illustrate the Haredi’s penetration into, and influence over, modern Israeli society. For example, male members of the Haredi community fiercely opposed a newly opened gym exclusively for Haredi women in the conservative city of Bnei Brak. Vandalizing owners’ cars, damaging locks at its entrance, and putting up posters smearing the establishment are just three of the ways that ultra-conservative members of the neighbourhood have used to protest the new gym. While Haredi men feel justified in their request not to sit next to women, it’s apparently not acceptable for Haredi women to want to work out in a separate environment from men.

According to the gym’s owners, “The posters say that it is forbidden to work out at our gym.

A rabbi who lives on the street says he is not prepared to accept a gym on the street because it will bring more women outside.”

The lawsuit filed by Ms. Rabinowitz will surely take a long time to wind its way through the judicial system, but its outcome may well have a substantial impact with respect to the rights of Haredi men and women around the world. While this is just one example, as the Israeli newspaper Haaretz notes, this particular situation is going to “become a test case in the battle over religion and gender in Israel’s public spaces — and the skies above.”

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BLACK LIVES MATTER: What About Black Women?

Yonatan Belete, Political Studies 16’

BLACK LIVES Matter has opened a range of possibilities in the fight against racial injustice in contemporary America.

Cathy Cohen, Professor of African American Politics and former Director of the Center for the Study of Race, Politics and Culture at the University of Chicago, said in an interview with Sarah J. Jackson, a professor at Northeastern University, that Black Lives Matter is one of the few movements where “the common thread of blackness is not just the male body, but in fact that cis and trans black women can represent the intersectional positionality and oppression that black communities face.”

While this may be true, it would be disingenuous to overlook the fact that the deaths of black women at the hands of law enforcement have not received nearly as much public attention as those of black men. Although Black Lives Matter has been described as host to the plurality of identities that make up black communities across the United States, the question remains: where are the women?

Black Lives Matter was started as a call to action against systemic racism and police brutality after the 2013 acquittal of George Zimmerman, the neighborhood

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watchmen who shot and killed 17 year-old Trayvon Martin. Both the killing and subsequent trial garnered a national audience and reignited the debate on race and racism in America.

The genesis of Black Lives Matter was, therefore, a response to the death of an unarmed black man.

His death has been central to the movement’s founding narrative.

Demonstrations similarly ensued after the deaths of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Freddie Gray, and Tamir Rice. All of whom were young black males, and whose deaths triggered a media firestorm.

But focusing solely on the lives of black men shows how easily black women are excluded from the conversation, marginalized within their own communities and society at large. As Adia Harvey Wingfield, Associate Professor of Sociology at Georgia State University explains, “it’s a reminder of how the gendering of black lives matters.”

When 22 year-old Rekia Boyd, a black woman, was fatally shot in 2012 by an off-duty police detective in Chicago, her story received little to no coverage. There were some demonstrations following

her death and the acquittal of the police officer in question. But the outrage was not the same.

But when 28 year-old Sandra Bland was found hanged in a jail cell after being arrested during a routine traffic stop, her case did in fact receive national coverage.

Sarah Jackson suggests that, “the Bland case was the first time in recent memory that the mainstream media, not just the black media or the alternative media, actually covered an instance of state violence against a black women as a major news story.” But why?

What makes Bland’s death more newsworthy than Boyd’s?

Could it be the suspicion surrounding Bland’s alleged suicide?

Or is it the fact that Bland was an educated, middle-class women?

Whatever it may be, sexism and the gendering of black lives must be a concern for both leaders and activists in the black community.

As Marcia Chatelain and Kaavya Asoka explain in their article Women and Black Lives Matter, “sexism is a factor, but so are market forces…”

The two argue that in the United States there exists an “industry built on saving, rehabilitating,

and disciplining men of color.”

This establishes a male dominated narrative by which black men are perceived to be the only ones suffering from police brutality and makes it difficult for black women who are “fighting to get their names to be known as part of the issue.”

For women, police encounters pose gender-based risks such as “sexual harassment, assault, strip-searching, and endangerment of children in their care.” In 2015, Charnesia Corley, a 21 yearold Texas women, was subject to a body cavity search in the park-

ing lot of a gas station. The police officer pulled her over claiming that Corley failed to stop at a stop sign. During the stop the Deputy said he smelled marijuana. After finding no drugs in her car, Corley herself was forced to undergo a vaginal search. “They sexually assaulted, raped me and molested me,” Corley told reporters.

Corley was left emotionally traumatized by the events and said she doesn’t feel safe anymore. As Chatelain and Asoka state, “there is a real desire to complicate the notion that it is only young, black men who are living in fear for

their lives.”

As more and more young black women assume leadership positions in the Black Lives Matter movement, we can begin to engage in a meaningful discussion about gender and race in politics.

Although systemic racism and police brutality have been portrayed as issues that exclusively affect African American men, the stories of Rekia Boyd, Sandra Bland, and Charnesia Corley teach us that black women and their experiences must also be heard.

MIGRANT CRISIS: Women’s Security Invisible Claire Gummo, Political Studies 17’

AN ONGOING aspect of the migrant crisis has been virtually ignored: the security of women refugees.

In recent months, public outcry has mounted against the security crisis throughout central Europe, brought on by the migration of hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees. NGO’s and citizens alike are calling for government action. However, any action in response to the migration security crisis will be flawed unless it accounts for the unique policy needs of women and girls.

States and aid organizations must immediately adopt policies that enhance the security of women refugees in their response to the

migrant crisis. States have a direct interest in ensuring the health and safety of their prospective citizens, and sexual violence would severely undermine this goal.

Reports from the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) paint a dire picture. Women, who make up over 50% of refugees, face the constant threat of sexual assault. On migration trails, one in four women lead their families alone, leaving them vulnerable to violence.

Women’s arrival at refugee camps, which one might assume would bring relative safety, only amplifies risk. Ironically, it is at these refugee camps that gen-

der-based violence is most prevalent, as camps make women easy targets. Living quarters, including showers and washrooms, are rarely separated by gender. These conditions are compounded by a culture of near-impunity. Indeed, German police officials estimate that the majority of rape in the camps goes unreported.

Governments and aid organizations that host refugees in camps must recognize the security risk these conditions represent, and they must respond immediately.

There needs to be a two-pronged solution. First, the organizations and states that oversee refugee camps must implement strict policies for the protection of women.

Second, they must adopt proce-

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dures that accelerate the transition of women refugees from camps to permanent residences.

To drastically reduce sexually violence in camps, facilitators should enforce a basic level of privacy for women refugees. In particular, gender-segregated living quarters would help to reduce the potential for violence. Next, onsite health care workers must be trained for responding to sexual assault.

Organizers can look to the case of UNICEF camps in Lebanon, where staff training programs have helped to vastly improve both the prevention and response to sexual violence.

Critics may correctly point out that the tactics suggested above are merely reactionary. This is why it’s imperative that governments transition women and girls out of camps as quickly as possible. UNHCR recommends that camps be built within established urban areas in a “hybrid system”.

In such a system, women and their families can quickly connect with permanent residents offering to host them, in a far more secure

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living alternative to camps.

While the humanitarian motivation for such reforms is evident, preventing sexual violence against refugees may benefit states as well. The resettlement of refugees has proven to be tricky business; cultural differences and the residual traumas of warfare make integration a challenge that

can be further compounded by instances of sexual violence.

A refugee’s failure to properly integrate can have widespread impacts. First, their ability to contribute to the economy may be compromised. This feeds anti-refugee sentiments that refugees are a drain on national resources of the countries in which they set-

tle; a cyclical narrative that only further isolates refugees. Additionally, refugees may evolve into security risks in their own right.

Isolation is a near-pervasive sentiment experienced by survivors of sexual violence, and experts on terrorism cite isolation as the most salient condition that leads to radicalization. By focusing on the safety of the female refugee, the possibility of her eventual radicalization can be minimized.

I draw these comparisons not to suggest that states should shy away from refugee intake, but rather to implore governments to step up during this urgent security crisis. When integrated fully, refugees can bring states innumerable positive outcomes. Sexual violence presents a barrier these benefits.

Any self-interested state would be remiss to ignore this fact.

After years of being overlooked, the migrant security crisis is finally being recognized. Women refugees deserve the same.

UNVEILING A NEW JIHADISM: How Women are Combating ISIL

Marissa Young, Political Studies 17’

IN APRIL 2015, a video surfaced of an independent group of 45 armed women carrying AK47s near a church in Northern Syria. While this seemingly autonomous group lacked any vocalized connection to an official terrorist organization, their mission was clear: to insist that a woman’s role in the state and military should be equal to that of men. These women took to denouncing extremist groups – specifically ISIL – who confine women within their organizations to the domestic household, as mothers and homemakers.

Although these women’s goals are well defined, their group’s identity is ambiguous.

Most media outlets call them jihadists, simply because there is no other appropriate terminology to label such a new phenomenon.

While jihad may have been a cause that drove these women to action, it’s crucial to distinguish their definition of jihad from the one used by ISIL. As interpreted by David Cook, jihad refers to the use of religious extremism to accomplish a political agenda. However, he draws an important caveat: the definition of jihad manipulated by extremist groups does not advocate the tenets of Islam as traditionally interpreted from the Qur’an, but one that rejects change and innovation and serves to rid the world of all that does not comply with their narrow perspective of what God’s teachings are, and the role of the Prophet. The question to ask is whether this new female jihadism is a reaction to ISIS, or a reaction to the West.

These actions are geared towards terrorist groups, sending a message to female members that their role should go beyond the confines of the household, and combatting the traditional perception of women within extremist groups.

ISIL in particular has expressed within their publications that women should be restrained to motherhood, leaving brute combat to men. The

limited accessibility to engagement within the organization reflects the additional constraints placed on women.

Another audience that these women’s actions could impact are female foreign fighters seeking to join ISIL. Various academics including Christina Sixta, Katharina von Knop, and Anne Speckhard all provide explanations for the reasons that women participate in jihadist movements. The work of these scholars propose a three-pronged response (1) combatting social and political inequalities such as gendered oppression; (2) economic incentives such as providing a sustainable income for family; and (3) visions of martyrdom where these women could leave a lasting legacy of heroism within their communities.

It’s essential to dispel these myths. Media geared towards Western recruitment glamorizes life as a woman in ISIL, shown with guns and positions of power, when in reality there’s little opportunity for upward mobility.

With new Jihadist women entering the foray, there’s a need to consider what policy implications they have for perceptions of women around the world. More women must follow suit by taking action to signal the severity, urgency, and legitimacy of their mission. The media must take an active role in highlighting these women as an interest group that sheds light on the harsh realities of women within terrorist groups, and how their efforts to deconstruct gendered barriers are being perceived by extremist groups.

Symbolically, these women represent an important change that has yet to be vocalized before – the desire of women to defend their state without the traditional patriarchal constraints of extremist groups.

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COP21:

“If you don’t have women here, how can you say this is about people?”

Kayla Rolland, Political Studies 18’

ON THE COP21 Climate Change talks, Former Irish President and United Nations (UN) special envoy Mary Robinson asked, “If you don’t have women here, how can you say this is about people?” She echoed the calls of many others who have highlighted the absence of women at multiple levels of the climate change discussion.

Women, particularly in the Global South, are more vulnerable to the effects of climate change.

Women face unique needs and dangers, including a greater reliance on local resources such as water, firewood, and food sources. Such reliance magnifies the effects of climate change, particularly in cases of drought and deforestation. Despite the unique and heightened threats that exist, women are noticeably absent at multiple levels of debate and policy formation.

Women additionally face growing hardships due to displacement, another by-product of climate change. To make matters worse, displacement is frequently accompanied by sexual violence, exploitation, and a lack of adequate healthcare (particularly reproductive healthcare). Predictions forecast that rising sea levels could displace tens of millions of people. These threats cannot be understated.

Existing economic and po-

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litical barriers can constrain the ability of women to confront these challenges, and it’s important to recognize that poverty and gender aren’t the only variables that make individuals susceptible to climate change. Culture and geography can play significant roles as well. When women are excluded from the decision making table, the political, economic, culture, and geographic gender-based vulnerabilities of climate change are magnified.

Despite these unique challenges, neither the national bodies present at COP21 nor those beneath the UNFCC have achieved a gender balance in their representation. Under the UNFCC, female representation ranges from 41% down to 36%. Male voices further dominate media coverage of climate change issues, with women interviewed only 15% of the time. At the research level, women comprise a meagre 8% of the top positions in geosciences faculties in the United States. These numbers have consequences on women’s perceptions of their own agency within climate change discussions.

Studies have shown that while women are more knowledgeable about climate change than men, they are also more likely to underestimate their knowledge.

But here has been some

small, positive progress, as the preamble to the Paris Agreement acknowledges that all “parties should, when taking action to address climate change, respect, promote and consider their respective obligations on… gender equality, empowerment of women and intergenerational equity.”

A notable example of this progress is Christina Figueres cited as the “UN’s climate chief” and a leader in the climate change realm. And Figueres is not alone, with other woman leaders generating responses to climate change in industry, academia, art, and policy at both the local and international level. Despite these advancements, we are still far from gender equality in debate, coverage, and policy formation surrounding climate change.

So why should women be included?

The simple answer is that when women are included, collective intelligence rises, producing more successful outcomes all around. Women may also offer different perspectives on issues such as the mitigation of risk.

But more importantly, women make up half of the world’s over 7 billion people. Just as Mary Robinson had asked, if it’s about people, shouldn’t women be at the table?

SEXUAL VIOLENCE:

The Enemy Within The Canadian Armed Forces Kelley Humber, Political Studies & History 18’

THERE’S A trend towards increasing the presence of women in traditionally male-dominant workplaces, and the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) are no different.

On February 19th, 2106, General Jonathan Vance, Chief of Defense Staff, announced the directive to “get more women into the Canadian Armed Forces”. The goal of the program is to boost the percentage of females in the military by 1% over the next ten years, so that by 2026 women will represent 25% of CAF employees.

Program such as these have given Canada a reputation for being at the forefront of gender-progressive militaries. As of 2000, all military jobs, including all combat roles, were opened to females. This gender balancing occurred ahead of other military allies, such as the United States, who only opened all combat roles up to women in January this year.

But these military policy shifts were not uncontroversial. A persistent concerns of critics has been that having women in these previously male-exclusive combat roles can hinder unit cohesion, which is essential for high intensity combat missions.

Recent research suggests, however, that including women actually improves team performance rather than hindering it.

Ellen Haring’s research answers the question “what do women bring to the fight?”

Haring found that a stronger female pres-

ence actually contributes a number of unique assets. For example, women consistently show higher signs of social sensitivity, a trait that reflects the ability of a person to interpret correctly the emotions of others. This trait is essential for more collaborative group behaviour.

Furthermore, having greater diversity within a team can lead to better decision-making outcomes. Having too many like-minded people in a team can lead to groupthink and a deferral to the authority of a single team member. The benefits of having more women in the Canadian Armed Forces are evident.

On the other hand, are there risks involved?

In fact, the risks are undeniable; specifically, the severe risk of sexual assault. Other crimes (such as violent assault or theft) occur at much lower rates in the military than within the larger community.

Why then does sexual assault happen at such high rates?

Within the Canadian military there are often blurry lines between professional and personal lives, especially when troops are living on base or deployed overseas.

Furthermore, there is a considerable gender imbalance. The often intense bonding among personnel, in which men constitute a majority, can lead to lewd rituals and overly sexualized behaviour.

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Kingston’s military base is among Canada’s top five for the highest number of sexual assault complaints. The hyper-masculine or “bro culture” of the military is sadly nothing new, but its persistence poses serious questions for those trying to recruit more women into the armed forces. There’s a tension between encouraging more women in the military and inciting women to enter into a workplace that puts them at a one in ten chance of being sexually harassed or assaulted.

Can simply adding more women change the hyper-masculine culture?

The answer is no.

Sexual assault, and an aversion to recognizing its magnitude, is an institutionalized problem. The issue is two-fold; there is a hierarchical command structure within the military that can enable assaults, and at the same time provides disincentives for those assaulted to report the crime. This hierarchical power structure means that those in lower ranks must report to the superiors any issue or complaint, and they also rely on their superiors for job promotions.

Many fear that by reporting sexual assault they will experience backlash for bringing forward a complaint, and there is a sense that by reporting the victim is “ruining a man’s career”. On the other hand, those in more powerful positions have an increased opportunity to be sexual perpetrators and do so unnoticed—or at least unreported.

From June to December, 2014 an external and independent investigation into sexual misconduct in the CAF was carried out to specifically address the cause of underreported cases. It was a damning report on the state of existing sexual assault prevention policy. It did offer recommendations such as having a third-party agency to receive complaints.

Others have suggested that the real problem lies with military courts, since they are often tried without a jury and senior officers can make final decisions. Prior to 1998, civilian courts exclusively dealt with sexual assault cases, yet since then this power has been handed over to military courts. Even more significant is that since 2008, Canada’s chief of defense staff can actually exempt military personnel from being on the National Sex Offenders Registry if it serves an operational function.

Who exactly, then, are these policies trying to protect?

Although seemingly another example of a gender-progressive Canadian military, General Jonathan Vance’s announcement on February 19th may be meaningless without sufficient institutional change.

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THE TAMPON TAX: Out-dated Barriers

Casey Coleman, Political Studies 17’

ON JULY 1st, the Canadian government will officially enact Bill C-282, removing all GST on feminine hygiene products.

More commonly known as the “Tampon Tax,” Bill C-282 will also include tax deductions on sanitary belts, sanitary napkins, and menstrual cups. Activists who support the movement explain that the Government of Canada labels all menstrual hygiene products as “non-essential” or a “luxury item.” Yet other items include incontinence products, cocktail cherries, Viagra and wedding cakes are labeled as are not subjected to GSP.

Feminine products are essential and in no way is a menstrual cycle a “luxury”. The average women will go through 9 boxes of tampons each year, which, even using the most inexpensive brands, cost approximately sixty dollars a year. Accumulating over thirty years, women are expected to pay $1800 more than their male counterparts, for a naturally inescapable experience unique to the female body. Feminine hygiene products enable women to be active in their daily routines despite biological changes their body endures on a monthly basis. To tax women for these commodities is not only unjust, but also unethical.

The process of enacting Bill C-282 has been challenging.

In 2011, NDP MP Irene Mathyssen introduced the idea of eliminating the Tampon Tax as a private mem-

bers bill with NDP support. Her office gained more than 10, 000 signatures on a petition to remove the tax. Within weeks, another 72, 000 signatures provided by major activist group the Canadian Menstruaters convinced Mathyssen to try and get a motion passed before the House, removing the tax for all women. Mathyssen argued to the house that women “absolutely need this product if they’re going to go to school, go to work, and function within their communities,” and it’s inexcusable to deny them that privilege.

Besides the thousands of signatures from men and women to remove GST from feminine hygiene products, Mathyssen also received support from Harriett McLachlan of Canada Without Poverty. Sharing her personal story about her struggle with poverty, McLachlan explained the challenges of not being able to afford “non-essential” famine hygiene products, and having to substitute small pieces of cloth or paper towel, limiting most of her mobility. McLachlan even suggested the money governments collect taxing feminine hygiene products could instead “be redirected towards supporting families in need.”

Beyond the advantages it could have for lower income families, Bill C-282 could represent a major leap in gender equality. In her article From Sanitation to Liberation; The Modern and Postmodern Marketing of Men-

strual Products, author Shelly Park explains how for as long as the menstrual cycle has acted as a barrier preventing women from actively participating in society, the government has benefitted from it. The first models for the tampon, emerging between 19301940, were designed appropriately to match the actions of the women – to look better than they function. Park argues that tampons were made for “women in the home,” and mobility was limited as women were discouraged from doing strenuous or vigorous activities. As advances in gender equality were made, the design of tampons also adapted, allowing more mobility and freedom for the “modern women” to not only be active in the household, but also at school, work, and within broader society.

The Tampon Tax represents yet another out-dated barrier to gender equality. Instead of protesting for a tampon with more mobility and freedom, women everywhere are now demanding more inexpensive alternatives. One example of this is the AFRIpad: a cost-effective reusable tampon that enables women in impoverished countries to go to school or work without the concern of leakage or infections.

Activists against the Tampon Tax are seeking equal access to opportunities for all women.

Something as commonplace as menstruation could prevent them from attaining their goals.

MAY 2016

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ISSUE 12.4

CELEBRITY FEMINISM:

A Need for Intersectionality Green, Political Studies 18’ Alexander

THE GROWING politicization of celebrities has seen them incorporate the feminist cause in a variety of ways. Indeed, some celebrity feminists have been substantial catalysts for progress. But the predominant role – one perpetuated by the media – of rich, white, heterosexual, and cisgender women within “celebrity feminism” cannot be overlooked.

Emma Watson – inarguably one of the most vocal celebrity feminists – announced in February she would take time off from her acting career to focus on her role as both a UN Goodwill Ambassador and Ambassador for HeforShe, the UN’s campaign for gender equality. In her opening address for HeforShe in September 2014, Watson called to “try and galvanize as many men and boys as possible to be advocates for gender equality.”

Across media, she was universally praised. Vanity Fair called her speech “game-changing,” noting that “her widespread influence on young minds (still forming their opinions on gender roles and advocacy) is even stronger than other high-profile defenders of the F-word like Beyoncé.” Social media users lauded her advocacy as a turning point in the divisive and toxic transformation of fem-

inism into a ‘dirty word’, and as an advance for the movement on all fronts. But while her speech was indeed progressive and well intentioned, its framework remained white and Eurocentric. It was not enough for a movement that must be pluralist at its core.

Comparing the advocacy of Watson to another celebrity feminist, Beyoncé, shows clear differences.

Beyoncé’s performance, in contrast to Watson’s “universalist” speech, focused on the empowerment of women of colour and the intersection of race and gender.

Watson largely overlooked the intersection between race and gender in shaping women’s experiences, for instance. When Watson noted the struggles of women in Africa obtaining education, there was no acknowledgement of the colonial context in which these struggles take place or that racialized women in the “developed” world face similar challenges.

Gender and racial equality are inseparable aims.

Yet Beyoncé’s recent Super Bowl Halftime Show has received as much criticism as it has praise.

Former New York mayor called her performance of Formation, clad in Black Panther-inspired attire, as “outrageous”, and “a platform to attack police officers.”

To another effect, Watson states, “Both men and women should feel free to be sensitive. Both men and women should feel free to be strong… It is time that we all perceive gender on a spectrum not as two opposing sets of ideals.”

Her argument fails to consider those who never fit into either of these “ideals” in the first place.

Those who exist apart from the traditional gender binary, and face a unique set of challenges as a result.

But if Watson’s feminism represents a status quo, then Beyoncé’s is unequivocally radical, bringing the intersection between race and gender right to the forefront. Her role as an easily accessible African-American artist to white listeners has made her actions even more powerful.

Both Watson and Beyoncé offer different perspectives on gender oppression, but the two will continue to shape the movement going forward. As the celebrity sphere is increasingly a platform for feminist action, questions of intersectionality will become ever more crucial.

MAY 2016

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