Gender analysis of the accompaniment provided by Cáritas Ecuador

Gender analysis of the accompaniment provided by Pastoral Social Cáritas Ecuador in human mobility

With the support of:

Titular Pastoral Social Cáritas Ecuador Area of Human Mobility Credits Executive Secretary Data collection and writing Human Mobility Team - Caritas Ecuador Edition Communication Team and Human Mobility Team - Caritas Ecuador Illustrations and design AQUATTRO Cáritas Ecuador Gender analysis of the accompaniment provided by Pastoral Social Caritas Ecuador- human mobility March 2022 © Cáritas Ecuador Antonio de Ulloa N24-109 y Av. Cristobal Colón, Quito, Ecuador Printed by AQUATTRO CÍA. LTDA. Av. América y Vozandes Ed. Medcenter, Quito Printed in Ecuador Reproduction of the material contained in this work is authorized citing the source.

First edition: March 2022.

Gender analysis

of the accompaniment provided by Pastoral Social Cáritas Ecuador in human mobility

Table of contents

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PRESENTATION

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CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK Human Rights Gender Gender Identity Gender diversities Patriarchal system or patriarchy Machismo Masculinity Gender violence Gender focus Intersectionality

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GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED

BY CARITAS TO PEOPLE IN HUMAN MOBILITY Survey Focus Groups Presentation of the results obtained at this level Migratory Journey Economic activity and employment Violence in the workplace Violence in the social sphere Gender violence in t he family Intimate partner violence Female- male roles Access to services

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FINAL CONCLUSIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Presentation The human mobility objective of Pastoral Social Caritas Ecuador is to address migration, refuge and forced displacement as a permanent social fact that often leads to violation of rights, discrimination, and rejection, focusing its efforts to work with groups in conditions of vulnerability.

Our work seeks to include men, women, and people with gender diversity, migrants, refugees, returnees, and applicants for international protection. Social Pastoral Caritas offers humanitarian attention and legal and psycho-social accompaniment, training, livelihood training, and local integration, as well as activities with the local community and inter-institutional networks, strengthening migrant and refugee associations and socio-political advocacy.

This intervention responds to the migratory reality that is framed in a national context, in recent years Ecuador has received a large number of displaced persons, refugees, and in a situation of human mobility.

According to United Nations data, as of November 2021, it is estimated that 508,935 Venezuelans reside in Ecuador. Meanwhile, according to figures from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Human Mobility, between 1968 and 2020, 69,897 people have been recognized as refugees, of which 96.7% are from Colombia, 1.63% from other countries, and 0.73% from Venezuela. However, this proportion has been changing and, up to the end of November 2021, 47,311 asylum applications were counted, of which 13,377 correspond to Colombian citizens and 33,936 to Venezuelans, with a significant increase in the latter.

In this sense, it is important for Pastoral Social Caritas Ecuador to generate analysis documents that consider its experience working in the territory, the challenges, and good practices during these ten years of work with the population in human mobility. The generation of knowledge from Caritas seeks to contribute to the

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The increase in migratory flows has also meant new faces that join these transits, among them women, thus, the feminization of migration has taken relevance and interest in recent years. In addition to the conditions of vulnerability faced by the migrant population, which disproportionately affects women, there are high rates of gender-based violence experienced in both countries of origin and destination. Gender-based violence against women is a widespread problem in the region and in the world that violates the human rights of girls and women, with serious repercussions on their families, communities, social environment, and, above all, on their own life projects.

different perspectives and approaches to determine the vulnerabilities and needs of women, men, and gender diversity.

This Caritas gender analysis is the first document generated by human mobility and has intertwined three levels of analysis (micro, meso, and macro), through these levels we intend to learn about the gender relations that develop in people in human mobility; how the institutions responsible for serving this population in mobility condition intervene; public policies as well as their implementation in four cities of Ecuador (Cuenca, Ibarra, Lago Agrio, and Quito).

For the collection of information at the macro level, a documentary analysis was conducted on the main existing regulations regarding human mobility and the integrated or absent gender approach, adapted to the contexts of the four cities participating in this research. The purpose of this documentary systematization is to understand the institutional framework and the opportunities or gaps that people may find in these spaces of power.

At the micro-level, 118 surveys were conducted with women, men, and people of gender diversity in a situation of human mobility who are in transit and stay in the four cities and who have been accompanied by Caritas.

This information gathering will address socio-demographic data, migration status, economic activity, employment conditions, gender-based violence in the labor and social, family and couple environments, the female/male role, and, finally, access to justice, health, and education.

Finally, the meso level has been considered as a more internal level of Caritas where interviews were conducted with the institution’s staff working in the field of human mobility, as well as with key people from the national office of Caritas in order to know the internal and external institutional dynamics regarding the intervention in this area and the application of the gender approach in its attention.

Through the elaboration of these analysis documents, Caritas Ecuador reaffirms its commitment to maintain integral attention with a focus on Integral Human Development that, in addition to providing a first response to people in vulnerable conditions, also seeks to generate knowledge and reflection on the realities that they live.

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Conceptual framework This document analyzes different aspects of inequality and gender violence, public policies, and specialization in terms of institutional intervention to respond to different vulnerabilities. In order to explain the origin of some practices, analyze the results and clarify definitions of terms that will be used in the document, the conceptual framework used is presented below.

Human Rights In December 1948, the United Nations General Assembly promulgated the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Thirty articles were expressed with the aim of ensuring that all people, from birth, can count on basic civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, without exception. The declaration has been the most important reference document for the drafting of the constitutions of many States.

According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, human rights are defined as “rights inherent to all of us, regardless of nationality, gender, ethnic or national origin, color, religion, language or any other status”. Human rights have six fundamental characteristics: universal, inalienable, indivisible, indivisible, interdependent, equal, and non-discriminatory (OHCHR, n.d.)

Gender

According to Enmakunde (2015), gender is socialized in a historical process that takes place at different levels and institutions (State, family, formal education, media, labor market, laws,

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The concept of gender began to be used in the 1970s when this category was proposed to explain the social construction of women’s subordination, and to debate those traditionalist positions where it was conceived that women’s disadvantages were based on biological differences. Gender analysis seeks to explain how biological differences translate into inequality and reproduce power relations between men and women. In other words, gender is the set of beliefs, values, personal and collective characteristics, attitudes, and activities that are assigned to men and women through a process of social construction and habits.

and interpersonal relationships). It establishes a hierarchization of characteristics and activities, where actions defined as masculine are more valued than actions that are considered feminine and, therefore, an overload of roles and responsibilities has developed towards women.

Gender Identity Refers to each person’s intimate and individual experience of gender, which may or may not correspond to the sex assigned at birth. This includes the personal sense of the body (may involve modification of bodily appearance or function by medical, surgical, or other means) and other expressions of gender, including dress, speech, and mannerisms (Inter-Agency Standing Committee - IASC, 2015, p. 319).

Gender diversities This concept refers to the possibilities that people have to live and recognize their sexual orientation, identity, and gender expression. They are called diversities, in plural, to understand the great variety that exists in the ways of wanting and expressing that people demonstrate around sexuality. This concept is integrated by orientation, sexual identity, gender identity, and gender expression (National Council for Gender Equality, 2018, p. 30).

Patriarchal system or patriarchy It can be defined as “the direct power relationship between men and women, in which men have concrete and fundamental interests of control, use, submission and oppression of women, effectively carrying out their interests” (Cagigas Arriazu, 2000, p. 307).

Machismo Machismo is defined as behaviors and thoughts that uphold the idea of male superiority as an irrefutable characteristic. Machista practices, values, and beliefs translate into different forms of gender violence.

Masculinity Masculinity is a social construct that stems from the sexual division of labor, which in turn gives way to roles and stereotypes that are expected as a social mandate for men. Masculinities (there is no single way of masculinity; there are also diverse ways of expressing and living them) respond to a social, cultural, historical, and political context that has been transformed throughout history and that evidently does not respond to any biological characteristic.

Gender violence For Lagarde (2008), gender violence is violence against women, because they are women living in relations of gender inequality: oppression, exclusion, subordination, discrimination, exploitation, and marginalization. Women are victims of threats, aggressions, mistreatment, injuries, and damages. The types of violence are physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and patrimonial, and the modalities IN HUMAN MOBILITY

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of gender violence are family, labor, and education, in the community, institutional, and femicide (ML) (p. 235).

Gender approach In 1995, the Fourth World Conference on Women was held where the incorporation of a gender perspective was advocated as a fundamental and strategic approach. The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action urges all United Nations organizations, member states, private companies, nongovernmental organizations, and civil society in general, to take action and participate in solutions to various problems such as violence against women, the effects of armed and other types of conflicts on women, inequality in political and economic structures, in all forms of productive activity and in access to resources, the disparity between women and men in the exercise of power and decision-making at all levels of authority, among other issues In 1997, the agreed conclusions of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC) defined gender mainstreaming as

“The process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned activity, including laws, policies, or programs, in all sectors and at all levels. It is a strategy designed to make women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral element in the design, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of policies and programs in all political, economic, and social spheres so that women and men benefit equally, and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve [substantive] gender equality.” (ECOSOC, 1997).

Intersectionality Gender is a social construct; therefore, it can vary from one society to another and can also evolve or change over time. Gender, its representations, and interpretations construct a hierarchical order that reproduces other inequalities, whether economic, social, or political. Gender-based discrimination and violence intersect with other factors, such as ethnicity, socioeconomic status, disability, age, geographic location, gender identity, sexual orientation, among others. This process of recognizing the different manifestations of discrimination and/or violence is known as intersectionality.

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Understanding Ecuadorian Institutionalism to approach Human Mobility and Gender Introduction In this first level, the document presents the main national and local regulations related to gender and human mobility issues generated in the cities of Cuenca, Ibarra, Lago Agrio, and Quito. This section is based on a search for information in secondary sources, mainly in local government repositories.

The Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador is the supreme norm of the country and prevails over any other legal norm. All norms and actors generated by the public power must be in accordance with the constitutional provisions. The 2008 Constitution includes within its text an analysis of human mobility issues through Section Three, which explains that the State recognizes the rights of asylum and refuge, in accordance with the law and international human rights instruments, in Article 9 recognizes and guarantees that foreigners who are in Ecuadorian territory shall have the same rights and duties as Ecuadorians.

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The Constitution also emphasizes attention to children, adolescents, pregnant women, mothers with minor children, the elderly, and people with disabilities, who are entitled to receive preferential and specialized humanitarian assistance. It establishes guarantees for equality and non-discrimination based on gender, as well as attention to priority groups. Article 35 indicates that the elderly, children and adolescents, pregnant women, persons with disabilities, persons deprived of liberty, and those with catastrophic or highly complex illnesses must receive priority and specialized care. In addition, it

indicates that the State will provide protection and attention to persons who present a condition of double vulnerability.

Within the framework of the Constitution and in reference to the fundamental rights of individuals, Ecuador has developed the Comprehensive Organic Law to Prevent and Eradicate Violence against Women and the Organic Law on Human Mobility as reference regulatory frameworks in the country, which are the fundamental basis for the development of regulations at the local level.

General Normative This section describes the main international and national regulatory frameworks that focus on the promotion of the rights of women and people in situations of human mobility. In this context, mention is made of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the global framework of fundamental rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Constitution of the Republic of Ecua

International Normative In the area of human mobility, Article 13 mentions the rights that people have to move freely, leave any country, and return to their country. In addition, Article 22 refers to the right of movement and residence that people have.

The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) (1979)

The Convention requires States Parties to take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to ensure the full development and advancement of women, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the exercise and enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms on a basis of equality with men.

The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women "Belem Do Para Convention" (1994)

The Convention states that the States Parties condemn all forms of violence against women and undertake to adopt all means and policies aimed at preventing, punishing, and eradicating violence against women, and emphasizes that the States Parties shall pay special attention to the violence that women may suffer because of, among other things, their race or ethnic, migrant, refugee, or displaced status.

International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (1990)

Article 7 states that the States Parties undertake to respect and to ensure to all migrant workers and members of their families within their territory or subject to their jurisdiction the rights provided for in this Convention, without distinction of any kind, including distinction based on sex.

Global Compact for Safe, The Global Compact ensures that the human rights of women, men, Orderly and Regular Migration girls, and boys are respected at all stages of migration, that their (2018) specific needs are understood and adequately met, and that they are empowered as agents of change.

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Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)

National Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador (2008)

Art. 40.- The right to migrate is recognized. No human being shall be identified or considered illegal because of their migratory status. (...)

The rights of asylum and refuge are recognized, in accordance with the law and international human rights instruments. Persons in asylum or refugee status shall enjoy special protection that guarantees the full exercise of their rights.

Article 42 - Arbitrary displacement is prohibited. People who have been displaced shall have the right to receive protection and emergency humanitarian assistance from the authorities, ensuring access to food, shelter, housing, and medical and health services.

Children, adolescents, pregnant women, mothers with minor children, elderly people, and people with disabilities will receive preferential and specialized humanitarian assistance.

All displaced persons and groups have the right to return to their place of origin in a voluntary, safe, and dignified manner. (p. 37-38)

Human Mobility Organic Law (2018)

In the case of victims of human trafficking and smuggling of migrants, this law establishes the framework for prevention, protection, care, and reintegration that the State will develop through different public policies, in accordance with the legal system.

Comprehensive Organic Law for the Prevention and Eradication of Violence against Women (2018)

The purpose of the Law is to prevent and eradicate all types of violence against women: girls, adolescents, young women, adults, and elderly women, in all their diversity, in the public and private spheres; especially when they are in multiple situations of vulnerability or risk, through comprehensive policies and actions for prevention, care, protection and reparation of the victims.

In the area of human mobility, it has been identified that, due to recent increases in migratory flows, mainly of people coming from Venezuela, the authorities have been updating and modifying their management. In that sense, it has been identified that local governments have developed ordinances on human mobility and action plans to implement these regulations. However, there is no explicit inclusion of a gender approach in the regulations on human mobility, except for the city of Ibarra, which includes this section in its Ordinance on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Persons in Human Mobility and their Families in the Province of Imbabura of 2021, and at the provincial level, in the Human Mobility Plan of Imbabura of 2020.

On the other hand, in terms of gender issues, there is a robust work in terms of the creation of regulations, mainly oriented to the prevention and eradication of gender violence. These regulations explain that attention will be given to all women victims of violence without discrimination, although there is no specific section on attention to the population in a situation of human mobility.

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The context of the four cities and the main instruments, spaces, and regulations related to human mobility, and the level at which gender issues are mainstreamed are presented below.

Cuenca Main instruments and regulations on the gender approach Ordinance institutionalizing the gender approach in the Municipality of Cuenca (2012)

The objective of this Ordinance is to elaborate and implement participatory development policies, plans, and programs with a gender perspective, within the framework of the competencies and the institutional and local development plans, as well as to mainstream the gender perspective in the integral planning of the municipality, in order to guarantee real equality, equal opportunities and non-discrimination based on gender.

Ordinance for the Prevention, Integral Attention and Eradication of Violence Against Women in Cuenca (2019)

Article 40 establishes that programs and projects will be developed and implemented with a gender perspective for strengthening, economic development, entrepreneurship, employment, and training in labor and professional skills, with emphasis on women in situations of violence, with cultural relevance and considering the particularities of pregnant women, women in conditions of human mobility and gender diversity. (p.21)

Municipal shelter program for adolescent women victims of domestic and gender violence "Casa Violeta". (GADM Cuenca, 2021)

The program allows adolescent women who are victims of domestic and gender-based violence and who are at risk to enter the shelter with their children. Care is provided 24 hours a day, 365 days a year.

Main instruments and regulations on human mobility The center protects, defends, and demands the rights of people in a situation of human mobility and their families, through an articulated work at local, provincial, and national level, with instances involved in the subject.

Ordinance that Regulates and Organizes the Operation of the System of Protection and Integral Development for Migrants and their Families of the Canton of Cuenca (2010)

This Ordinance contemplates the different forms of migratory processes and displacement that includes all human beings who, for economic, social, political, or cultural reasons, have been forced to move geographically within the national territory, to move to another country, or have settled in the canton of Cuenca.

Ordinance for the Creation, Organization, and Implementation of the System for the Integral Protection of Rights in the Canton of Cuenca (2015)

The Cantonal System of Integral Protection of Rights in the canton of Cuenca is the articulated and coordinated set of institutions, policies, programs, and services that ensure the recognition, enjoyment, exercise, and enforceability of the rights enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador, laws and international human rights instruments.

Special Working Commission on Human Mobility for the intervention in cases of children and adolescents in a situation of begging (2019)

It seeks to articulate and make a first intervention coordinating with different social organizations and governmental institutions.

The Special Commission should carry out a survey of technical files, establishing their real situation, determine the follow-up of specific cases due to the vulnerability of minors, and the activation of the Cantonal Board for the Protection of Rights.

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Center for Human Mobility and Interculturality (Casa del Migrante) Migrant’s House

Ibarra Main instruments and regulations on the gender approach Ordinance for the Prevention and Eradication of Violence Against Women in Canton Ibarra (2018)

Aims to promote the respect, protection, and guarantee of women's right to a life free of violence, through actions aimed at transforming social, cultural, ethnic, political, economic, and institutional patterns, among others, that reinforce gender inequality.

Ordinance for the Organization and Functioning of the Provincial System for the Prevention and Eradication of Violence against Women and Gender in the Province of Imbabura (2021)

The ordinance aims to develop and implement actions that contribute to the restitution of rights, prevention, and attention in cases of violence against women and gender in the territory. It is the result of coordinated and participatory work between public and private institutions, as well as social organizations, made up of men and women with in-depth knowledge on the subject.

Main instruments and regulations on human mobility Ordinance for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Persons in Human Mobility and their Relatives in the Province of Imbabura (2016)

Its purpose is to promote and guarantee the protection of the rights of persons in human mobility and their families, which have been enshrined in the Political Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador and in international human rights instruments, within the framework of the competencies determined for the Decentralized Autonomous Governments (GAD for its initials in Spanish).

Cantonal Council for the Protection of Rights (CCPD- I for its initials in Spanish)

The CCPD-I aims to generate public policies to eradicate violence, intolerance, and make Ibarra an inclusive space for all those who live here. The CCPD-I includes the participation of human mobility groups.

Cantonal Board for the Protection of Rights

It is one of the entities responsible, along with the GAD of Ibarra, for the development of regulations on human mobility generated in the city.

Its public function is to protect the individual and collective rights of children and adolescents, women victims of violence, and the elderly.

Provincial Board of Imbabura It is an institution that promotes the right to health and social development in order to improve the living conditions of the population of Imbabura during the life cycle, with a focus on gender, human mobility, disability, and interculturality.

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Provincial Human Mobility Plan of Imbabura (2020)

The objective of the Provincial Human Mobility Plan of the Province of Imbabura is to contribute to the fulfillment of the Ordinance for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Persons in Human Mobility and their Families in the Province of Imbabura.

Intervention Plan for the Population in a Situation of Human Mobility in the Canton Ibarra (2021)

The plan was created in response to the migratory crisis faced by the canton of Ibarra, to prevent public spaces from being used as a place of stay or arrival of the migrant population. It designed the route of the traveler, temporary shelters, the implementation of a large, specialized shelter, an educational and communication campaign, and also a safe rental program and support with internal visitation (GAD Ibarra, 2021).

Ordinance for the Promotion, Dissemination, and Protection of the Human Rights of Persons in a Situation of Human Mobility in the Canton of Ibarra (2021)

Its purpose is to promote and guarantee the full exercise of the human rights of persons in a situation of human mobility and their families in the canton of Ibarra, the effective exercise of the human rights of asylum seekers, refugees, and persons in human mobility, as well as the coordinated implementation of actions, programs, and projects aimed at facilitating their local integration.

Lago Agrio

Main instruments and regulations on the gender approach Municipal Ordinance for the Prevention of Human Trafficking and the Integral Protection of the Victims of this Crime in Lago Agrio (2014)

The Autonomous Decentralized Municipal Government of Lago Agrio declares as public policy the prevention of all forms of human trafficking and the comprehensive protection of victims. In this sense, the Ordinance directs its plans, programs, projects, and actions to this end, emphasizing the prevention of this crime, in the attention to persons, in the protection and comprehensive restitution of rights to those who have been victims. The Ordinance is part of the fight against human trafficking, smuggling of migrants and other related crimes.

Ordinance for the Promotion and Guarantee of Sexual and Reproductive Rights, respecting Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Lago Agrio (2017)

Seeks to guarantee the implementation of public policies in the Lago Agrio canton, respecting the differences of a multi-ethnic and diverse canton, aimed at the promotion, development, and full enjoyment of sexual and reproductive rights, as well as equal, full and nondiscriminatory access to sexual and reproductive health care for the population.

Ordinance to create the Cantonal System for the Prevention, Integral Attention and Eradication of Violence against Women, Girls, Adolescents, Youths, Adults and Older Adults in all their diversities (2020)

Within the Cantonal System, attention to people in a situation of human mobility is addressed. In addition, the system's guiding principles are equality in diversity and non-discrimination, gender equality and priority, and specialized attention to priority groups.

Main instruments and regulations on human mobility It is a multi-sectoral instance that seeks to strengthen dialogue mechanisms for the exchange of information between institutions to develop spaces and dynamic communication flows for the benefit of people in a situation of human mobility.

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Human Mobility Board

Quito Main instruments and regulations on the gender approach Route of Attention, Protection and Restitution of Rights of Women in a Situation of Violence in the Framework of the Comprehensive Protection System of the Metropolitan District of Quito (DMQ for its initials in Spanish) (2017)

It is a guiding document that defines the path to follow for the care, protection, and restitution of rights of women victims of violence. It is emphasized that women who live in situations of violence are not required to carry an identity card or any other documentation that proves their origin, age, domicile, or migratory condition or status in order to be attended.

Ordinance amending Ordinance No. 235, which establishes policies towards the eradication of genderbased violence in public spaces in the Metropolitan District of Quito (2018)

It seeks to give effect to the principle of equality and non-discrimination, prevention, and comprehensive protection of women against genderbased violence. Quito recognizes violence against women as a violation of fundamental human rights, whether it occurs in the public or private sphere, being a systemic problem, whose prevention and eradication is the concurrent competence of metropolitan bodies and agencies.

Ordinance of Public Policies for Equality and the Prevention and Eradication of Gender Violence in the Province of Pichincha (2018)

Its purpose is to promote and protect the enjoyment and exercise of the human rights of women and persons of gender diversity, eliminating discrimination against them, regardless of their circumstances or condition, in any sphere of their lives, particularly in the political, civil, labor, economic, social, cultural, and family spheres.

Ordinance that Promotes, Encourages and Incorporates the Gender Mainstreaming Approach, Emphasis on Women, in the Policies of the Municipality of the Metropolitan District of Quito (2019)

Its objective is to mainstream the gender perspective in the design, elaboration, and participatory implementation of policies, plans, programs and projects of management, development, and planning in the District of Quito, considering intersectionality, the link to the integral planning of the municipality, within the framework of its different components, in order to guarantee real equality, equal opportunities and non-discrimination due to gender.

Main instruments and regulations on human mobility

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Municipal Code of the Metropolitan District of Quito (2019)

Macro legislative document of the Metropolitan District of Quito which establishes, among other issues, the Comprehensive Protection System of the Metropolitan District of Quito and a chapter on the promotion, protection, and guarantee of the rights of people living in a situation of human mobility in the Metropolitan District of Quito.

Ordinance 271 "guaranteeing, protecting and promoting the rights of persons in a situation of human mobility” (2008)

It refers to the declaration of human mobility as public policy, where it states that the Municipality declares as public policy the promotion, protection, and guarantee of the human rights of individuals and families who live different situations of mobility, whether as migrants, immigrants, displaced persons due to any type of violence, people in transit, etc.

Ordinance N° 188 that implements and regulates the Integral Protection System in the Metropolitan District of Quito (2017)

It addresses an articulated set of public, private, and community entities, public policies, plans, programs, projects, and services that ensure the exercise and guarantee of the rights of people in a situation of human mobility.

Integral Protection System in the Metropolitan District of Quito

To ensure mechanisms for the articulation of the subsystems for the comprehensive protection of priority groups that for any reason present situations of vulnerability or discrimination in the Metropolitan District of Quito.

Human Mobility District Board

It is a technical space for dialogue, where there is an exchange of experiences and inter-institutional efforts and citizen participation, to contribute to the construction of public policies in favor of the population in the context of human mobility, in the various instances of migration: origin, transit, destination, return and international protection.

In general, local governments have generated and strengthened the Comprehensive Systems for the Protection of Rights in order to provide comprehensive care to people, including those who are in a situation of human mobility. In addition, the Provincial Human Mobility Tables have been consolidated and are activated depending on the context of each city analyzed. However, only in Cuenca is there a Specialized Commission that deals with vulnerable groups, where gender issues are included in the permanent work of the Commission Nationwide, although there are regulations and recognition of rights in the Constitution, there are still institutional gaps, especially when it comes to mainstreaming and broadening the gender perspective in the care and protection of the population in a situation of human mobility. Although there are public policies that address some of these issues, at the time of their implementation they do not have the necessary budgets, nor the necessary technical strengthening to address them. On the other hand, the concept of the feminization of migration still remains a reduced view at the level of debate and reflection, mainly by national authorities, which does not allow for protection and guarantee mechanisms for this diversity of realities currently presented by forced migration

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Gender analysis of the accompaniment provided

by Caritas to people in human mobility This section identifies and analyzes the gender roles and relations of a group of people in human mobility who have been accompanied by Caritas. It is also interesting to know their needs and priorities, cultural practices, and the effect on their living conditions in the cities of Quito, Ibarra, Lago Agrio, and Cuenca.

For the collection of this information, a combination of methodologies was used:

Survey With the purpose of

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Producing quantitative information on the magnitude of the different types of violence against women in a situation of human mobility.

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Having updated statistical information on the situation of men and women in a situation of human mobility and the interactions of inequality and gender-based violence against women in the last twelve months.

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Having statistics that enables the construction of a set of indicators for the monitoring, evaluation, and reformulation of the actions, plans, and programs developed in Caritas.

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Having information on disparities and determining whether they are a potential impediment to achieving meaningful results in Caritas’ human mobility intervention and analyzing how they can be addressed.

The size of the survey sample was determined by the approximate number of people served by Caritas, where approximately 80 people per city are served on a monthly basis. A greater proportion of women heads of household are considered a priority population. Therefore, a sample of 20 women and 10 men was obtained for each city, with a total of 120 surveys for the four localities.

For the collection of information, the Direct Interview method was used, applied by Caritas technicians who are duly trained and contacted the selected persons directly. A form developed in the Kobo Toolbox tool was used with the following sections: general data, migration status, economic activity, employment conditions, violence in the workplace, social, family, and intimate partner relationships, male-female roles and access to justice, health, and education.

To measure the magnitude of the problem and identify some of the characteristics of their practice, they were asked about their length of stay in Ecuador, some questions were asked about their access to services, and the aggressions that occurred in the last 6 months.

Focus Groups Through this technique, in-depth information was obtained on what people think and do, exploring the whys and hows of their opinions and actions. No figures or data are obtained to measure any aspect, but rather we work with the information expressed in the speeches and conversations of the groups.

Presentation of the results obtained at this level The following section details the data collected in the survey combined with the information gathered from the focus groups, which were conducted in separate groups for men and women. Regarding the surveys, information was collected from 118 people, of which 77 are women, 39 are men, one person preferred not to say their gender, and one person was non-binary (See Table 1). Below are the results disaggregated by city.

Table 1. People surveyed disaggregated by city

Women

Men

Rather not say

Non-binary

Cuenca

17

9

1

Ibarra

20

9

Lago Agrio

20

11

31

Quito

20

10

30

Total

77

39

27 1

1

Total

1

30

118

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City

The average age of the people surveyed is 37 years old, with an average age of 35 years for men and 38 years for women, the person who preferred not to say their gender is 23 years old and the person who identifies as non-binary is 20 years old. Of the total number of people surveyed, 6 belong to the LGBTIQ+ community1,2.

Regarding ethnic self-identification, 78% self-identified as mestizo, 12% as Afro-descendant, and 10% as white. It is important to recognize ethnic self-identification as a category of analysis; people are often discriminated against because of their ethnic origin due to different social imaginaries, stereotypes, and prejudices that increase their vulnerability. The intersectionality approach allows us to identify how discrimination and gender-based violence are related to the other factors mentioned in this section.

Graph 1. Ethnic Self-identification

1 1

Mestizo

28

2

White Afro-descendant

10 5

0

62

9 10

Rather not say

20

30 Non-binary

40 Male

50

60

70

Female

In terms of educational level, 5% of the men surveyed have not completed any educational studies. The results indicate that the women have a higher level of education than the men who participated in this study. Twenty-three percent of the men have completed or incomplete primary education and 56% have completed or incomplete secondary education. While the proportion of women with complete or incomplete primary education is lower (11%) and 62% have complete or incomplete secondary education. Regarding third-level studies, there is a larger proportion of women who have completed university (or technology) studies, representing 26% of women and 13% of men. Finally, two people were identified as having completed fourth-level studies such as specialization, master’s, or doctoral degrees, corresponding to one man and one woman. Despite the professional and technical training of both men and women, none of the people can practice their profession.

Globally, women have increased their access to higher education and, therefore, their level of studies.

Despite this, there are structural, cultural, and institutional problems that have not changed the dynamics of insertion in the labor market. Despite the increase in higher education and technical training, women generally receive lower salaries (wage gap), less promotion or recognition (glass ceiling), or find themselves in lower institutional hierarchies (sticky floors).

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20 It should be noted that the categories of sex and gender are not equal or equivalent. Given the analysis of the information collected in the survey, according to sexual orientation, gender identity and gender diversity, in this particular case the female gender corresponds to women and the male gender corresponds to men. For the interpretation of the results, men, women and non-binary will be used as categories of analysis.

The acronym stands for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual, Intersex, Queer and the + refers to all groups that are not represented in the above acronyms.

Graph 2. Level of education

Postgraduate level

3% 1% 13%

Undergraduate or technician

26% 23% 22%

Incompleted High School

33%

Completed High School Incompleted Elementary school

10%

3%

Completed Primary school None

8% 0%

40%

13%

5%

Male

Female

It was identified that, on average, women live with more people, which is related to marital status, living with other family members, and having and caring for children. Men live with an average of three people in their household. In addition, it was recorded that five women, two men, and the non-binary person are living alone, which is linked to their decision to migrate alone, in many cases linked to contributing to the family economy of the people who remain in their countries of origin.

In terms of socioeconomic status, 37% of households in Cuenca have one person working and 63% of households have two people per household. In the city of Ibarra, only one person works in 80% of households and two people in the remaining 20%. In Lago Agrio, 52% of households employ one person, 39% employ two people and 10% employ three people from the same household. Finally, 73% of households in Quito have one person working and 27% of households have two people working. With these data, we can observe that, although the work of at least two household members predominates, in the cases of one person, it is also linked to the fact that many of the respondents are single female heads of household.

Given the sexual division of labor, activities related to household chores, care of children, the elderly, and people with disabilities are traditionally associated with a female role, while those related to household maintenance are associated with a male role. As a result of people’s socioeconomic conditions and, above all, the working conditions of people in a situation of human mobility, it is increasingly common for women to also contribute economically to their households. This has led to the emergence of alternative forms of family headship different from the traditional one, which are recognized as shared or female-headed households.

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According to the survey, it was identified that 92% of men and 66% of women recognize themselves as their household financial support, as well as the non-binary person and the person who preferred not to say their gender. It is important to recognize that the attribution of “provider” to the masculine does not imply that all men fulfill this role, nor that all men have the means to do so.

Graph 3. Household financial support

51 36

26

1

3 Female

Male

Non-binary Yes

1 Rather not say

No

Finally, of the total number of people surveyed, 8% of both men and women have a disability. Of these, six women have a physical-motor disability. As for the male population, three men have disabilities, which correspond to hearing and physical-motor disabilities and intellectual disabilities. In addition, the person identified as non-binary in Ibarra has a physical-motor disability. For Caritas, it is important to highlight this information because these conditions also add up when accessing or not accessing services and attention from both institutions and the State.

Migratory Journey In terms of the journey undertaken by people in a situation of human mobility, there is no difference between women and men in the number of people accompanying them. However, 60% of the men travel with their children, while around 80% of the women travel with their children, which allows us to observe the burden and care that women also carry when thinking about their migration project.

It was recognized in several cases that men go to their destination to secure certain housing or work conditions. “I came directly to Cuenca, my husband was already here months before, I came with two children and my sister” (Women in Focus Groups, Cuenca). “My husband came about 6 months before I came, but we lived in Guayas” (Women in Focus Groups, Cuenca).

The migratory route varies according to the time they have been in the country; several of the people who arrived more than two years ago were able to enter Ecuador through the borders and by transport to their destination. However, those who have arrived in recent months have had to cross through irregular trails and in more risky ways “I had to pay to pass through a clandestine road, I felt at risk because I was with my wife and two daughters” (Men in Focus Groups, Cuenca).

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Several women said they were very afraid when they came through the trails. “I arrived in Colombia backpacking, then I was picked up by a man in a car that made me very scared. I was with my son, and, in Medellin, family welfare wanted to take my son away from me, they also evicted me from where I lived [...] I came to Ecuador. I went through irregular trails, with a lot of fear for my son and for myself” (Women in Focus Groups, Ibarra).

Women’s fear is not only linked to the violent experiences they themselves may face, but also to those they face when accompanied by their daughters and sons “I was 7 months pregnant, and I came alone with my other son. I was very afraid, they asked me for my son to put him to work. Two nights I couldn’t even sleep because I was afraid that the people, I was staying with would steal him” (Women in Focus Groups,

Quito). “My experience coming through the trails was horrible [...] When we were at the border, they put my daughters and son on motorcycles, I was watching to make sure they were not going to take my children ahead of me, I was very afraid of losing them” (Women in Focus Groups, Cuenca).

From the experiences collected, cross-cutting violence is linked to having been victims of xenophobic discrimination because of their country of origin. In the surveys, approximately half of the men (48.1%) and women (46%) reported having received xenophobic comments against them when they were on their way to Ecuador. Several women reported having been victims of sexist and misogynist comments, of which five did not receive support and three received helps from humanitarian assistance groups (NGOs, Foundation, Cooperation) and other migrants. In addition, it was reported that one of the women surveyed had been asked for sex in exchange for help.

Sexual advances in exchange for transportation, housing, food, and shelter were reported equally by six women, five men, and the non-binary person. Most of the people who faced sexual advances received no support, two of the women who experienced this situation received support from humanitarian assistance groups, while the men who experienced this situation, one received support from humanitarian assistance groups, and one received support from other migrants.

Economic activity and employment In terms of working conditions, male employment is higher than female employment in three of the four cities analyzed (See Graph 5). Despite this, the perception of most men is that women have easier access to employment “women have an easier time finding work than men, most of the jobs offered in sales, domestic work or services are for women, while men have to dedicate themselves mainly to physical labor” (Men in Focus Groups, Ibarra).

Only in the city of Ibarra, male employment is lower than female employment. In this city, it was mentioned that xenophobia increased from the femicide that occurred in January 2019 and that this situation also affected their working conditions “The day after the murder of the young woman occurred, they threw me out of work. They told me that all Venezuelans are like that, and I must leave” “They threw me out too, he told me that he did not want to risk his business by keeping me there” (Men in Focus Groups, Ibarra).

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In two cities similar comments were made regarding female sex work “women engage in prostitution or receive money/benefits from men in exchange for flirting” (Men in Focus Groups, Lago Agrio, and Ibarra).

These thoughts are offensive and harmful to women when they are looking for work or when they are working “I sell lemons on the street, twice I have been approached by men with the same proposal. Once it was a man in a pickup truck stopped his car up ahead, called me and offered me a job to “give massages”, when I told him I had no knowledge about that, he was more direct and told me it was to do sexual favors for him. The second time it was a man who was walking in the street” (Women in Focus Groups, Cuenca). “When I look for work, many think that all Venezuelan women are sex workers” (Women in Focus Groups, Lago Agrio). These testimonies reaffirm the sexualized look that exists towards women and especially towards migrant women who, due to their socioeconomic conditions, are more exposed to these sexual comments and proposals.

Graph 4. Did you work at least an hour last week?

Rather not say

100%

No binario

100%

Male

51%

49%

41%

Female

59%

Worked at least an hour

Did not work

Returning to the sexual division of labor reflects that, men perform unskilled labor force work; most of the men who participated in the focus group are engaged in informal economic activities and work on the street. Activities include food vending, masonry and carpentry, stevedores/loaders in the market, street vending, and commonly have odd jobs. On the other hand, women are found in economic activities linked to personal care (hairdressing, esthetic centers, etc.), domestic work and informal commerce (selling food) and services (restaurants, school support), finally, three cases of women who ask for money at traffic lights as a survival strategy were recognized.

In terms of work time, it was observed that on average men and women dedicate similar amounts of time to paid activities. Meanwhile, there is a higher proportion of men (22%) who dedicated more than 40 hours per week to work compared to the proportion of women (9%).

Graph 5. Hours worked in the last week

30%

33% 26%

22%

20% 11%

13% 15%

15% 9% 2% 4%

1 - 10 hours

11 - 20 hours

21 - 30 hours Female

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31 - 40 hours

41 - 50 hours

Más de hours

Male

In practice, gender roles are perceived in the assignment of daily and coexistence activities. Despite the fact that women’s employment and working hours are similar to men’s, domestic and care work is mainly women’s work. The data collected indicate that in the cities analyzed, women dedicate between 19 and 55 hours per week to unpaid domestic work (see Graph 7), while men dedicate between 6 and 19 hours.

There are several perceptions regarding unpaid domestic work “in my house everything has to be shared, when we return from work, we dedicate ourselves to the home. There is no room for excuses, for not sharing chores [...] if I scrub, he is cooking, if he goes to wash, I do the laundry” (Women in Focus Groups, Lago Agrio).

“I have two sons and a daughter, and where I go there are always more men, so I take care of her. The father often goes out to look for work, and when he arrives early, he helps me take care of the girl and in the house as well” (Women in Focus Groups, Quito). The assignment of domestic and care tasks is attributed as the responsibility of women; therefore, men’s involvement in these tasks is often considered as “help” and is not also conceived as a co-responsibility on the part of men.

When analyzing the group of men who are not working, there is no relevant difference; this group dedicates up to a maximum of 20 hours per week to domestic and care tasks. Despite being out of work, they do not equal the hours of unpaid work dedicated by women.

Number of hours

Graph 6. Hours per week spent on housework and caregiving

55,3 29

19,4

30,9

10,9

9,3

6,5

Cuenca

Ibarra

Lago Agrio

33,65 19,3

11,5

Quito

National

Although the time spent by men and women at work is similar, the average weekly work income is lower for women. Men earn on average 17% more than women, i.e., for every dollar that men are paid, women earn 0.83 cents.

The main form of inequality, discrimination, and violence they recognize is in remuneration, “I am practically obliged to accept whatever money they offer me for the work I do [...] finding a job for a single, elderly man is very complex” (Men in Focus Groups, Cuenca). “I have been offered up to $5 for working all day [...] I was in a job that was quite demanding, I had to eat standing up because I didn’t have time [...] I quit on the third day and they didn’t pay me anything” (Women in Focus Groups, Cuenca).

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In Ibarra, four women work in paid domestic service where they earn an average of $20 per week. Two women ask for money on the street “as immigrants it is hard for us to get steady work here. When I arrived, I got a job in a restaurant, they paid me between 3 and 5 dollars depending on the day, and it’s usually like that, as you start working the comments start asking about papers, discriminating for being Venezuelan and it’s not worth it [...] I’ve had to work at traffic lights, the police still won’t let us” (Women in Focus Group, Quito). “Sometimes it makes me sad to be at a traffic light because there they offend me, they insult me, they say what are you doing here, you are shameless, they have told me all that at the traffic lights [...] but it is preferable to jobs where they have offered me $100 a week and then changed me, they told me that the $100 was monthly, that

would only be enough for rent and utilities, but I have a child to support” (Women in Focus Group, Ibarra).

The wage differential is mainly related to the different activities in which men and women are engaged. Fiftytwo percent of women are engaged in street vending compared to 41% of men. On average, men engaged in this activity earn $16 more than women engaged in the same activity, even though the hours dedicated to this type of work are only two hours longer on average for men. The proportion of men (33%) who work in an established business is higher than that of women (15%) and also 11% of men are engaged in masonry or carpentry services in a construction site. In other words, it is evident that there is a wage gap where women are less recognized for their work.

Graph 7. Average earnings (USD) in a workweek

79,4

74,4

63,3

45,2

43,4 26,5

27,8

19,08 Male

Female Cuenca

Ibarra

Quito

Lago Agrio

Violence in the workplace In the workplace, the highest incidence of workplace violence against women is related to having experienced messages of inferiority, with 41% of the women working in the four cities reporting this situation. The second most reported event was being insulted, shouted at, offended, or humiliated because of the way they think, act, express themselves or dress, where 16 of the women surveyed in the four cities reported having experienced this type of violence. Two women in Quito and Cuenca have been physically assaulted (pushed, pulled hair, kicked, punched, or had an object thrown at them).

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26

“Once when I was attending to a girl, she told me that she did not want to see a Venezuelan immigrant. It was common to find people with the intention of humiliating us, making us feel inferior, calling us brutes, invaders” (Women in Focus Group, Lago Agrio). The main aggressors of women are the customers in most cities, making them feel inferior or insulting them “the people who went to eat at the restaurant where I worked offended me many times, they wrote many things to me in the bathroom, offenses of all kinds like: “go to your country” (Women in Focus Group, Quito). However, in Ibarra and Cuenca, bosses were also reported as aggressors at work or when looking for work “When I have approached places looking for employees, usually when they see that I am Venezuelan, they tell me that they don’t need anyone” (Women in Focus Group, Quito).

Graph 8. Aggressors of women

23%

Others Bosses' family

3% 9%

Coworker

50%

Client Supervisor

3%

Boss

13%

In terms of the workplace violence most often received by men is also linked to feelings of inferiority: 11 men who were working reported this, while 8 men reported that they had been insulted, shouted at, insulted, insulted, or humiliated. Finally, 6 men reported that they had been physically assaulted (pushed, kicked, punched, or had an object thrown at them) mostly by bosses and in two cases by clients. In general, in contrast to women, men are most often assaulted by their employers or bosses.

In Lago Agrio, people engaged in informal commerce mentioned that they have to look for places where they can trade and avoid the police, aggression from business owners, and fight against the weather in the city, such as the constant heat and heavy rains.

Graph 9. Aggressors of men

4% 21%

Coworker

15%

Client Provider Business partner Supervisor Boss

4% 8% 10% 38%

After the incidents of workplace violence that the women faced, 14 of the 19 women felt depression, sadness, anxiety, insomnia, anguish, or fear “in a restaurant where I worked, near the Solca hospital, a doctor told me that all Venezuelans were thieves, he told me more unpleasant things, I told him not to generalize [...]

I turned away and left him talking to himself” (Women in Focus Group, Cuenca). A woman in Ibarra reported that because of problems at work she was fired, however, she did not report it because she was threatened and was afraid of retaliation or revenge.

Of the men who were assaulted, eight reported feeling sadness, anxiety, insomnia, anguish, or fear. One of the men assaulted in Cuenca decided to change his place of residence. In addition, two of the men who were assaulted by their bosses filed a complaint; however, only one received protective measures. The non-binary

27 GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR HUMAN MOBILITY

Others

person who was assaulted by his boss at work by means of messages and comments with insults or offenses through virtual media filed a complaint with the Public Prosecutor’s Office, which was received. The results of the process left the person satisfied since she received protection measures and the person responsible was sanctioned.

Violence in the social sphere In the public sphere, women have experienced multiple forms of violence. The most common form of aggression in the public space is psychological violence, reported by 15 women in the four cities.

While verbal violence, through insults, shouting or humiliation in public spaces were reported by 10 women, which are related to their migratory situation and for being women. Quito is the city where women receive the most violence in public spaces, including three cases of physical aggression such as pushing, hair pulling, kicking, and others.

Approximately 88% of the aggressions that women have received have been from strangers and people outside their social circle. However, in Ibarra, aggressions by a known neighbor and by an official of the armed forces were also recognized.

Most assaults in public spaces have occurred in the street or parks “when I have been in the street, waiting for the traffic light to change or walking with my daughter, they have approached me to offer me money in exchange for sex” (Women in Focus Group, Cuenca).

Graph 10. Women: violence in public spaces Insulted, yelled at, offended or humiliated you for being a woman (because of the way you think, act, express yourself or dress).

You were ignored or made to feel inferior because you are a woman.

Made comments about how women should not work or perform certain activities that are considered men's work.

4%

1% 9%

Been forced to accept romantic encounters outside of work hours, which made you feel uncomfortable.

Assaulted by pushing, shoving, hair pulling, kicking, punching, or throwing objects.

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14%

9%

Lascivious looks and comments against women are common, however, sexual innuendoes about demands for sex work continue to increase among migrant women. As noted in another section, the social imaginary has constructed an idea of Venezuelan and Colombian women being approached by men who make sexual compliments. These practices are common in large urban centers, and to which all women are exposed, mainly migrant or refugee women since they work in public spaces.

In this sense, violence in public spaces is closely related to the workplace violence reported by women.

However, despite the fact that men also work in public spaces, aggressions against them are less frequent and are carried out by other men.

Graph 11. Female: places of aggression

6

5

4

3

5

4 2

Cuenca

Ibarra

The street or park

2

1 Lago Agrio

1

2

Quito

Market, supermarket, shopping center Public transport (bus, trolley)

Other places

Likewise, men have received aggressions in public spaces mainly through insults, shouting, humiliation, and have been physically assaulted. Aggressions against men have been mostly by strangers, however, in some cases, they have also been by known people such as friends, neighbors, bus drivers, and armed forces personnel.

Graph 12. Male: violence in public spacess Assaulted by pushing, shoving, hair pulling, kicking, punching, or throwing objects?

10%

Watched you, controlled you, harassed you at work?

8% 3%

Sent messages or posted comments with insults or offenses, via cell phone or email?

3%

Ignored you or made you feel inferior?

3%

Assaulted by pushing, shoving, hair pulling, kicking, punching, or throwing objects?

13%

29 GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR HUMAN MOBILITY

Made comments to you that women should not work or perform certain activities?

Aggressions against men have been perpetrated mainly in markets, supermarkets, or shopping malls where they work and, in the street, or park. The aggressions they have received have been exercised because of their migratory status, i.e., xenophobia is the main cause of physical aggressions against men. On one occasion, a person mentioned that he must carry a knife in order to defend himself from the violence he has already been the victim of “I carry a knife in case I am assaulted again, but I am still afraid that the police will find it and then I will be the one who gets hurt (Men in Focus Group, Quito).

Graph 13. Male: places of aggression

6

5 3

4

2

Cuenca The street or park

5

4

2

1

Ibarra

Lago Agrio

Market, supermarket, shopping center

1

2

Quito

Public transport (bus, trolley)

Other places

As for sexual aggressions in public spaces, 21 women in the four cities reported having received rude compliments of a sexual nature or about their bodies. The city of Quito is where women have received the most aggressions, where four women were sexually harassed because of their migrant status and two women were made sexual advances or requests “when I have been at the traffic light [...] that they offer me so much [money] to go with them, it has happened to me” (Women in Focus Group, Ibarra).

Graph 14. Women: sexual assaults

4

Have you been sexually harassed because of your migrant status, nationality or economic situation?

1

Have you been touched, kissed, or had your private parts groped against your will?

1

Has anyone shown you their private parts or groped them in front of you?

Were you made sexual advances or requests in exchange for a promotion, pay raise or continued employment?

1 1 1 2

Have you ever been told rude or offensive compliments of a sexual nature or about your body?

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30

Quito

6

3 3 Lago Agrio

Ibarra

9

Cuenca

In the city of Lago Agrio, three men reported having received offensive sexual compliments that occurred only once and were from a friend, a neighbor, and an unknown person. In the same city and in Quito, one person in each city reported being touched or groped in their private parts against their will.

In the focus groups in all cities, men showed difficulty in addressing the issue of sexual violence, which can be explained by the fear of feeling exposed, vulnerable or feminized, limiting any openness to share their experiences in front of other men and inducing them to a silence that pretends to simulate strength.

Graph 15. Male: sexual assaults

Have you been sexually harassed because of your migrant status, nationality or economic situation?

1 1

Have you been retaliated against for refusing advances or sexual relations?

1

Have you been touched, kissed, or had your private parts groped against your will?

1 1

Have they tried to have sexual relations through blackmail, threats, use of force, weapons, alcohol, drugs?

1

Forced you to undress or show your private parts?

1

Made sexual advances or requests in exchange for a promotion, pay raise, or continued employment?

1

Have you ever been told rude or offensive compliments of a sexual nature or about your body?

1

3

1 Quito

Lago Agrio

Cuenca

Gender violence in the family According to the results, of the four cities studied, cases of gender violence in the family environment were reported in Ibarra and Cuenca. Two women in Ibarra and one in Cuenca were assaulted with insults, shouting, offenses, or humiliation. One woman in Cuenca and the non-binary person in Ibarra were ignored and felt inferior at home.

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In Lago Agrio, there was a case in which a participant constantly emphasized that his ex-wife left him for someone who offered him money. The story led him to constantly question the actions of his exwife and women in general. In addition, he mentioned that “what my ex-wife did was to encourage my daughters to prostitute themselves or to go with whoever offered them money” (Men in Focus Group, Lago Agrio).

Graph 16. Ibarra y Cuenca: gender violence in the family Made comments about how women should not work or perform certain activities that are considered men's work.

1

Were you ignored or made to feel inferior because you are a woman?

1

Watched you, controlled you, harassed you at work?

1

Insulted, yelled at, offended or humiliated you for being a woman (because of the way you think, act, express yourself or dress).

1

2

Sent messages or posted comments with insults or offenses, via cell phone or email?

1

Ibarra

Cuenca

Half of the victims decided to tell their fathers, mothers, friends, colleagues, as well as boyfriends, husbands, or partners about these events. The other half preferred not to talk about it, hoping that the situation would calm down on its own, saying that there was no need or because they were ashamed to report it. Of the five women and one non-binary person who were victims of gender-based violence in the family, only two filed a complaint, one of the complaints was accepted and another was still being processed at the time of the survey.

The violence had an impact on the women and the non-binary person in their socio-economic conditions by having to change their place of residence, affecting their mental or physical health by generating depression, sadness, anxiety, insomnia, anguish, or fear. One of the victims had an unwanted pregnancy due to these problems.

Safety, support, and accompaniment are indispensable for the psycho-social development of any person. In a situation of vulnerability and human mobility, the fact that the family environment is affected by aggressions and violence affects and makes even more vulnerable all its members, with a particular affection for women and minors.

Intimate partner violence

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Violence is not justifiable in any case. However, according to the data collected in Cuenca, four women who are married or have a partner reported that violence would be justified when there is infidelity or other reasons other than jealousy, care of their children, or economic management. In Ibarra, seven women who are married or have a partner justify violence when there is infidelity or if women spend household money without consulting and other reasons. In the city of Quito, two women reported that they would justify violence in cases where the woman does not take good care of the children or for other reasons. Finally, the city where women most justify violence is in Lago Agrio, where economic management and other justifications were mentioned as reasons.

Graph 17. Justification for intimate partner violence

Female

10

3

3 1

1

1

If she spends the household's money or buys without consultation

1

1

If she cheats on you or is unfaithful Cuenca

3

Ibarra

1

If she does not take good care of the children Lago Agrio

Other reasons

Quito

Male 4 2 1 If she spends the household's money or buys without consultation

2

2

1

1

If she cheats on you or is unfaithful Cuenca

Ibarra

If she does not tak good care of the children Lago Agrio

Other reasons

Quito

For their part, most men who are married or have a partner justify intimate partner violence in cases where infidelity occurs. However, cases were also reported of men justifying violence in cases where women spend household money without consulting if they do not take good care of their children or for other reasons.

There is a worrisome presence of perceptions that justify domestic violence that is anchored to the social expectations of compliance, submission, care of the home, and child-rearing attributed to women. A logic of ownership is reproduced with the partners that trigger anger or conflicts based on jealousy. The fact that men find it justifiable to mistreat their partner because of poor management of household resources suggests the presence of mechanisms of economic and emotional dependence.

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Of the total number of people who are married or in a couple, a large proportion considers that there is some justification for violence, both men and women. For this reason, the following section may not represent the reality of women, since violence is normalized, justified, or sometimes hidden in order to avoid the problems it may cause in their relationships. In order to break the cycle of violence, it is important that women, in addition to recognizing these practices, have real mechanisms that allow them to leave economic and emotional dependence behind. Due to their migratory and economic situation, recognizing, denouncing, and continuing with the process implies changing their dynamics

both in their country of origin and destination, which continue to exclude them, discriminate against them, and limit the full exercise of their rights.

In Cuenca, no woman reported having been raped by her husband or partner. Three men reported having been insulted, offended, or humiliated by their wives or partners; they also reported that their cell phones or social networks have been searched without permission. As a consequence of intimate partner violence, one man mentioned having experienced sadness, grief, or insomnia, as well as having contracted a sexually transmitted disease.

In Ibarra, a woman reported having received abuse from her partner through insults, offenses, and humiliations from her partner who threatened to stop contributing to the household. The woman, who was a victim of Gender-Based Violence, stopped doing housework. In the same city, a man stated that his partner checked his cell phone, social networks, or personal emails without his consent.

In Lago Agrio, one of seven women said that her partner threatened to stop contributing to the household, while two of them were insulted, offended, and humiliated. In this city, one of the four men surveyed reported that his partner has not complied with giving money for household expenses. One woman and one male experienced loss or increase in appetite. Two women experienced sadness, grief, depression, or insomnia.

In the city of Quito, no woman reported having been a victim of intimate partner violence. However, one man reported being insulted and offended by his partner, who threatened to leave him. He reported experiencing headaches as a consequence of partner violence.

Of all the aggressions recorded, none of the people reported their experiences of violence as a complaint, mostly because some consensus or reconciliation was achieved with their partner, because they felt ashamed and did not want to go public, or because they lacked the time to follow the extensive and complicated procedure. Only one man from Lago Agrio received psychological care; the rest of the victims did not receive any type of care.

The respondents recognized the economic problems experienced by the couple, as well as jealousy, as the main reason for these aggressions. These experiences have triggered behavioral changes in the victims, who have stopped participating in any social, political, or community activity, and have also deprived themselves of going out with family or friends. Only one woman in Lago Agrio separated from her partner for a while, but they returned. The rest do not consider the possibility of separating because they consider their relationship problems to be not very serious. Situations of economic dependence or fear of affecting the children are also recognized as a limitation when thinking about or trying to separate from their partner.

Female- male roles

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In Cuenca, the majority of women consider that men should be in charge of household chores, such as caring for children, as well as women. Another important fraction of women and the majority of men surveyed consider that a woman has the same right to work and earn money. However, there is a significant population of men who responded with machista ideas that reproduce gender archetypes where men are in charge of providing for the household while women must be obedient and compliant as they fulfill their role of cleaning the home and caring for their children.

Graph 18.

Men should have better jobs than women

4% 3% 3% 7% 3% 5%

Women who work neglect their home or children

16%

Women should act and dress modestly so as not to provoke men.

Men should be in charge of housework and caregiving as well as women.

Women should have sex with their husband/partner whenever he wants

18%

Men should be the main breadwinner in the family.

5%

29%

53%

12% 9%

24% 27% 26%

45%

11% 9% 6%

Women should be responsible for domestic and care work.

Cuenca

24%

1% 2%

Women have the same right to work and earn money.

A good wife obeys her husband in everything

21%

1% 3%

Ibarra

Lago Agrio

Quito

In Ibarra, the majority of the men surveyed affirm that the role of the man in the home is to provide for the household. The majority of women and a significant number of men consider that men should be responsible for household chores as well as child-rearing. It is also widely accepted that women have the same right to work and earn money. However, certain sexist ideas also have significant support among respondents. A considerable group of women and men consider that women should dress appropriately so as not to provoke men.

In Lago Agrio, the majority of women and men consider that women have the same right to work and earn money as men. Similarly, there is significant support among respondents for the idea that men should be responsible for domestic and childcare tasks as well as women. The ideas of a machista nature do not have the same relevance as others, however, they are present among men and a few women.

35 GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR HUMAN MOBILITY

In Quito, the majority of women and men consider that men should be responsible for household chores and childcare as well as women. A representative group of respondents considers that a woman has the same right to work and earn money. However, there is considerable support among women and men for ideas such as that women should act and dress modestly so as not to provoke men, or that men should play the role of provider.

Graph 19.

Men should have better jobs than women

5% 4%

Women who work neglect their home or children

5%

13%

21% 19%

Men should be in charge of housework and caregiving as well as women

2%

Women should have sex with their husband/partner whenever he wants

19% 16%

6%

Men should be the main breadwinner in the family

9% 8%

Men should be the main breadwinner in the family

7%

A good wife obeys her husband in everything

Ibarra

38%

6%

Women have the same right to work and earn money

Cuenca

22%

12% 13% 15%

Women should act and dress modestly so as not to provoke men

23% 25%

33%

23% 22%

12% 11%

Lago Agrio

Quito

An ideological premise of justice and gender inequality is present in the surveyed population. There is a predominance of perceptions that make it relevant for women to be involved in the labor market with the same remuneration and opportunities as men. There is also a social demand for men to participate in household chores and child-rearing processes to the same extent as women. In other words, there is a spirit of rupture of the gender roles that machismo has inoculated and normalized in society.

However, it is worth noting the presence of minority groups that claim precepts that are violent towards women and that give cultural support to certain male privileges. Although they are not a majority, they are present in all cities. Likewise, it is important to note that the ideological impetus to achieve justice and equality between women and men is not reflected in the daily exercise of dedication to household chores and childcare. It is still women who spend more time than men on these tasks.

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Access to services

Health According to the Constitution of Ecuador (2008), the right to health is universal in the country, and access to health services should not and cannot exclude any person for any reason. In the four cities, it was found that the majority of women were able to seek care in a public health care institution when they required medical attention (whether the respondent or a member of her family required care).

In Cuenca 94%, in Ibarra 85%, and in Quito and Lago Agrio 75% of women reported having been attended (or someone in their family) when they went to a public health facility. However, it was found that men reported fewer visits to the health system in the different localities, with the exception of Quito where they reported on average the same proportion as women.

In Cuenca 56%, Ibarra 67%, and in Lago Agrio 45% of the men (or a member of their family required care) were able to seek care in a public health system institution. In Ibarra, the person of non-binary gender was able to be attended in the public health system when he/she went to it. One of the men mentioned that “my main reason for staying in Ecuador is the care I receive for my cancer treatment (Men in Focus Group, Cuenca, Ecuador).

Graph 20. Have you or your family visited any institution of the public health system?

100%

85% 56%

Cuenca

70% 70%

70%

67%

45%

Ibarra Non-binary

Lago Agrio Male

Quito

Female

Sixty percent of the women who could not receive care in the four cities reported that there was some restriction in the public health system that limited their care (or that of a family member) and the remaining 40% said it was because of their migratory status in the country. As for men, 79% of them reported that they could not receive care because of some limitation of the public health system, and the remaining 21% because of their migratory status in the country. The person who preferred not to say their gender has not accessed the public health system and reported that the reason was their migratory situation.

This assessment also highlights how gender stereotypes and roles mean that men have little predisposition to go to the health system in case they require care. Men are less likely to go to control or prevention appointments, which puts their health and wellbeing at risk in the medium and long term.

37 GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR HUMAN MOBILITY

94%

Graph 21. Reason for not being attended

Women

Men 21%

40% 60% 79%

Due to some limitation of the public health system

Due to their migratory situation in the country

Regarding the level of satisfaction of those who have received care, 82% of the women in the four localities reported feeling very satisfied or somewhat satisfied, while the remaining 18% felt somewhat dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with the care received (for the respondent or a family member). In Lago Agrio, no woman reported feeling dissatisfied with the care “The care is good, but I have had problems receiving attention from specialists and certain medications, but I think that is a national problem” (Women in Focus Group, Lago Agrio).

Meanwhile, in Quito, 36% of the women have felt very dissatisfied or somewhat dissatisfied with the health care services they or a family member have received “I have been waiting three years for ligation, and I also suffer from hypertension and diabetes, and so far, they have not helped me with medical attention. When I go there is no insulin, no blood pressure pills. I have gone up to three months without pills, many times there is no medicine” (Women in Focus Group, Quito). Similarly, 30% of the women in Ibarra reported feeling very dissatisfied or somewhat dissatisfied with the care received.

Meanwhile, 92% of the men in all localities reported feeling very satisfied or somewhat satisfied with the service they received. Only in Quito did 28% of men report being very dissatisfied or somewhat dissatisfied with the care received. Although all of the men in Lago Agrio reported being satisfied with the health care, other problems were also recognized, such as access to a disability card “It has been impossible for me to access a disability card [...] with my non-legalized migratory situation, accessing this card has become improbable, they have recommended that I stop trying” (Men in Focus Group, Lago Agrio, Quito).

Graph 22. Level of satisfaction with the health services you and your family have used during your stay in Ecuador

Women

Men 100%

79% 53%

38% 24% 6% Cuenca

18% 6%

Ibarra

80%

43% 29% 21% 21% 7% Lago Agrio

Somewhat dissatisfied IN HUMAN MOBILITY

GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR

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56%

Quito Somewhat satisfied

50%50%

43% 29% 14%14%

20% Cuenca Muy insatisfecho/a

Ibarra

Lago Agrio

Very satisfied

Quito

The degree of dissatisfaction is also determined by the fact that on one or more occasions they have had to pay for health services. In the city of Cuenca, 47% of women have paid for health services on at least one occasion; however, no men have had to pay for health services. In Quito, 50% of men reported that they have paid for health services, as have 25% and 30% of women in Ibarra and Quito, respectively. In Lago Agrio, no women have paid for health services, while one male respondent has.

The non-binary gender person in Ibarra has also had to pay for health services in that city.

Although the diagnosis did not ask about the state of mental health of people in mobility, it is necessary to consider the effect that different situations that arise in the displacement of people may have. Several studies and research have warned of the importance of psychosocial care for people in vulnerable situations. In addition, community support and solidarity prevent mental pathologies associated with forced or voluntary displacement, such as anxiety, chronic depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, or insomnia (Ventevogel et al., 2015).

Sexual and reproductive health In the last 6 months, 19% of women in Cuenca, 38% of women in Ibarra, and 33% of women in Quito received gynecological care. In Lago Agrio, none of the women received gynecological care in the last 6 months. Of the total number of women attended in the three cities, 23.5% of them were violated in the care in different ways.

Graph 23. Gynecological care

33%

Quito

38%

Ibarra

19%

In the consultations, there have been situations that are considered gynecological gender violence.

In consultations, they have been prevented from being accompanied by someone they trust during gynecological care, they have been insisted that they should have children or that they should no longer have children, they have also been denied access to or use of any contraceptive method, for no medical reason. In addition, there have been cases where they have been examined in the presence of other people without asking for their consent or providing any explanation of their presence, although they have received attention in processes such as pap smears, vaginal exams, mammography, or other procedures, they have not previously received an explanation of what they consist of and what they are for.

It was recorded that during their stay in Ecuador, 11 women had given birth, 14% were women living in Cuenca, 17% in Ibarra, and 12% in Quito. In Lago Agrio, none of the women surveyed reported having given birth in the country.

39 GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR HUMAN MOBILITY

Cuenca

27% of the women considered that they experienced some type of violence during their delivery care, including comments or insinuations that made them feel offended, humiliated, or uncomfortable, they were denied the possibility of being accompanied by someone they trusted, it was difficult or impossible for them to ask questions or express their fears or concerns because they did not receive an answer or did it in a bad way, or they received gestures, comments or mistreatment due to their migrant status.

“When I went to give birth, they did not want to attend to me. I was in the hallway of the waiting room, and a doctor told me that they were not going to attend me because they have priority for Ecuadorians and that I had to wait for a bed to be vacated before I could be admitted. When I could no longer bear the pain and they were going to take me to another place, she decided to take me to the delivery room. When I went in, the doctor told me that she was going to be busy attending to people in emergency and that I should not push because I only had three dilations, and she left [...] I had to go five days later to pick up my baby, who had been born with hip dysplasia as a result of the bad delivery procedure” (Women in Focus Group, Quito, Ecuador).

Regarding the level of satisfaction, 73% of the women reported that they were very satisfied with the service, 18% somewhat satisfied, and 9% very dissatisfied.

Graph 24. Obstetric Violence

27%

73%

No Yes

Education According to the Constitution of Ecuador (2008) and the Organic Law of Intercultural Education, education in the country is universal and free. The Ministry of Education has established public policies with the objective of guaranteeing access to inclusive, safe and violence-free education. In 2020, Ministerial Agreement 25A came into force, which consists of guaranteeing access and permanence in the education system for any child or adolescent in a situation of vulnerability. This commitment has allowed access to education to more than 64,000 children and adolescents in a situation of human mobility, mainly from Colombia and Venezuela (Ministry of Education, 2021). Despite this, the pandemic showed that barriers persist that limit the effective enjoyment of this human right.

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In terms of attendance at a public education institution, women reported greater attendance by themselves or by a family member. In Lago Agrio, 50% of women reported that they or a family member attends a public education institution, in Cuenca 59%, in Ibarra 60%, and Quito is the city with the highest attendance, reporting 70% access to education. While men reported lower rates of attendance to a public education institution. The results are determined because several of the men are not accompanied by their sons or daughters in the country.

Graph 25. Attendance of self or relative at a public educational institution

70%

60%

59% 33%

50%

50% 36%

22%

Cuenca

Ibarra

Lago Agrio Female

Quito

Male

22% of the women and 7% of the men who reported that they or their family members attend a public education institution reported that they have suffered violence or discrimination in the education centers. The most-reported aggressions were comments or insinuations that made them feel offended, humiliated, or uncomfortable, they felt criticized because of their accent or place of origin, and it was difficult or impossible for them to ask questions or express their concerns because they were not answered or were answered in a bad way in educational centers.

Graph 26. Violence or discrimination in a public education institution

1 1

Mestizo

28

2

White Afro-descendant

10 5

0

62

9 10

Rather not say

20

30 Non-binary

40 Male

50

60

70

Female

Regarding the level of satisfaction, 50.8% of the people surveyed reported feeling very satisfied with the service received and 40.7% felt somewhat satisfied. Meanwhile, in Ibarra and Quito, four cases were reported of people who felt somewhat dissatisfied and one case in Quito who felt very dissatisfied.

The last case is related to the situation of violence and discrimination they received, where they made comments or insinuations that made them feel offended, humiliated, and uncomfortable.

Another problem identified in the focus groups in the four cities is the level of learning and commitment on the part of children and adolescents. A study conducted by UNICEF (2021) indicates that only 2 out

41 GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR HUMAN MOBILITY

It should be noted that there are several challenges that hinder permanence and learning in the educational system. In mid-March 2020, schools were closed, and a distance education model was proposed, where virtual learning platforms or through radio and television were enabled. The use of the internet and electronic devices continues to be the main learning tool, which represents a generalized barrier in the country, especially for people in a situation of human mobility and for Ecuadorians living in rural areas.

of 10 students nationwide have computers for their personal use and that 6 out of 10 states that they are learning less compared to face-to-face learning. The main problems identified by mothers, fathers, and caregivers are exposure to contagion and the possible increase in expenses for transportation, school supplies, uniforms, and others. However, there was also concern and discomfort about the decrease in learning in the virtual environment.

In February 2022, the Ministry of Education announced the return to face-to-face classes. All students from eighth grade to third-year of high school, from all educational institutions that offer these levels, will attend on-site classes nationwide. The same was also announced for students from the first year of elementary school to the third year of high school, but in single-teacher, two-teacher, or multi-teacher schools in rural areas.

Justice According to the Constitution (2008) and the Organic Law on Human Mobility (LOMH for its initials in Spanish), persons in human mobility, regardless of their migratory status, have the right to access to justice free of charge and to the guarantees of due process for the respect of their rights. Access to justice is determined as the ability of people to have access to the organs of administration of justice in order to fight against impunity and to seek full reparation in case of violation of their rights.

Regarding knowledge of the laws that protect people in situations of human mobility in Ecuador, 24% of women in Cuenca, 10% in Ibarra, 25% in Lago Agrio, and 20% of women in Quito reported that they are aware of the regulations. Most of the women who reported knowing about the laws were aware of their existence, however, they did not have in-depth knowledge of their content. The most mentioned laws were the Constitution and the Human Mobility Law. Likewise, men in Cuenca reported that they were not aware of existing laws. While 33% of Ibarra, 35% of Lago Agrio, and 50% of men in Quito said they were aware of the laws protecting the rights of migrants.

The law most mentioned was the Law of Human Mobility, laws of refuge, regularization, and protection of migrants, i.e., like women, they do not know in depth the regulations that exist in the country that relate to the exercise of their human rights.

Gráfico 27. Do you know if there are laws/regulations that protect people in a situation of human mobility in Ecuador?

50% 33% 24%

36% 25%

20%

10%

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Cuenca

Ibarra

Lago Agrio Female

Male

Quito

In terms of laws or regulations that protect women from any type of gender-based violence, less than half of the people surveyed are aware of their existence. In Quito, 45% of women know of the existence of a law that protects women victims of gender-based violence, while in Ibarra 40%, Lago Agrio 35%, and in Cuenca 31% of women know about it. As for men, they have less knowledge than women, with the exception of the city of Quito where 50% of men stated that they knew of the existence of laws or regulations that protect women victims of any type of Gender-based Violence.

Graph 28. Do you know if there are any laws/regulations that protect women from any type of gender-based violence?

85% 70%

55% 35%

Cuenca

Ibarra

Lago Agrio

Quito

On the other hand, 85% of women in Lago Agrio reported that they know where to go in case of being a victim of GBV, 70% of women in Quito, 55% of women in Ibarra, and 35% of women in Cuenca.

The most frequently mentioned options were the National Police (71.1%), the Prosecutor’s Office (11.1%), the Ombudsman’s Office (11.1%), social organizations (4.4%), and the Cantonal Council for the Protection of Rights (2.2%).

Graph 29. Knows where to turn to in case of being a victim of gender-based violence in any setting

85% 70%

55% 35%

Ibarra

Lago Agrio

Quito

In the case of protection and access to justice, there are several public organizations and institutions that provide services and advice on specific situations of human rights violations. The institution most known by the women surveyed is the Public Defender’s Office, followed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office. Although the data confirm women’s understanding of and closeness to justice and rights protection service institutions, in the city of Quito it is observed that most women lack knowledge about them, which compromises their access to these indispensable services.

43 GENDER ANALYSIS OF THE ACCOMPANIMENT PROVIDED BYPASTORAL SOCIAL CÁRITAS ECUADOR HUMAN MOBILITY

Cuenca

Gráfico 30. Women: Knowledge of institutions’ services

64,7%

70% 45,0% 41,2% 30%

40,0%

10,0%

10,0%

Ombudsman's Office

11,8%

Prosecutor's Office

Cuenca

Ibarra

20,0%

Courts

Lago Agrio

23,5% 10,0%

5%

Cantonal Board for the Protection of Rights

Quito

Men surveyed in Cuenca and Ibarra primarily recognize the Public Prosecutor’s Office as a provider of justice and rights protection services. In Lago Agrio, men report a greater understanding of the public defender’s office. Courts and the Cantonal Board for the Protection of Rights have not achieved institutional closeness with this sector of society, resulting in little knowledge of their functions.

Graph 31. Men: Knowledge of institutions’ services

66,7% 66,7%

44,4%45,5% 30,0% 22,2%

30,0% 18,2%

Ombudsman's Office

22,2%

18,2% 11,1% 10,0%

Prosecutor's Office Cuenca

Ibarra

Courts Lago Agrio

Quito

18,2% 20,0% 11,1%

Cantonal Board for the Protection of Rights

In this way, it is necessary to strengthen the mechanisms of information to the population that allows them to have a broader and more detailed knowledge about the different services and access to rights that they have for their protection, as well as the channels of denunciation in cases of violence, which allows them to strengthen their role and agency in the different levels that are developed and related to the different levels of the organization.

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Final conclusions Machismo and gender violence against women have an impact on the living conditions of migrant women, who, according to the survey conducted with Caritas, reported having been victims of machista and misogynist comments. In addition, only 37% of them received support from humanitarian assistance groups (NGO, Foundation, Cooperation) and from other migrants. As for sexual advances in exchange for transportation, housing, food, and shelter, these were reported equally by women and men. While it is true that the vulnerability to which men, women, and gender diversities are exposed in their journeys is determined by their migratory status, women face greater risks and threats such as macho and misogynist treatment and comments.

In terms of working conditions, it was found that on average male employment is higher than female employment, and women who work earn on average less income than men. In the country at the national level in January 2022, the average labor income of a man with a job was $402.5, while for a woman with a job it was $343.6 monthly (INEC, 2022). While the average monthly income of the female population in a situation of human mobility is $171.5 and the male population $202. In other words, the average income of people in a situation of human mobility is half of what Ecuadorians earn, which further deepens the reality and precariousness of migrant and refugee women.

The wage gap is perceived as an expression of structural gender violence since it is a problem that does not occur only in a single city or at the country level. However, direct violence also occurs in the workplace, which has different expressions and experiences for men and women. Men who have been assaulted in the workplace are mainly assaulted within the workplace by their bosses, which is explained by the social tendency to naturalize or use violence as a way of dealing with conflict. While women have been assaulted more frequently in other workspaces in a private manner, a situation linked to the intimate condition that is socially given to violence against women in relational dynamics, including at work.

Given the work conditions of people in a situation of human mobility, which is developed mainly in public spaces through street vending and informal commerce, it became evident that social violence

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is recurrent. In most cities, it was observed that women are more often assaulted than men in public spaces by strangers. While men who have been assaulted in public spaces, their aggressors have been acquaintances, neighbors, or armed forces personnel. In the same way, it was recognized that women are the ones who receive more sexual comments about their bodies and are also more exposed to sexual advances in exchange for work favors or as a condition for employment.

In the same sense, there was evidence of perceptions that justify domestic violence, which is anchored to the social expectations of compliance, submission, care of the home, and child-rearing attributed to women. A logic of ownership is reproduced with partners, which leads to anger or conflicts driven by jealousy. Men find it justifiable to mistreat their partners because of poor management of household resources, since they sense the presence of mechanisms of economic and emotional dependence, which continues to be a warning sign in the configuration of sentimental relationships, especially in a population in human mobility where their networks are often fragile, and the partners become a relevant actor at the time of their relationship and continuity of the migratory project.

In terms of the support provided by public institutions, the management and presence of these institutions are inefficient. Most complaints of any type of violence are poorly handled by the justice and rights protection services. It is common for aggressions to be seen as insignificant or inappropriate.

For this reason, in many cases, migrants and refugees prefer not to report and sometimes do not tell anyone because they are ashamed of the acts of violence they have experienced. In addition, there is still a lack of knowledge about the justice system and the protection of rights.

The regulations on gender and human mobility in Ecuador are framed within the framework of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; therefore, the texts refer to all persons, seeking nondiscrimination and respect for the freedoms of each person. However, it is recognized that there is a need to deepen the approach to the gender perspective in the regulations on human mobility, as well as in the mechanisms of action, mainly in the human mobility roundtables. In addition, the Comprehensive Protection Systems were identified as mechanisms for action that carry out important work with people, mainly in vulnerable situations, to respond to their needs and propose actions from an inter-institutional and multilevel approach In terms of the cities, it was identified that the city of Quito presents greater robustness in human mobility as well as the regulations regarding gender issues, but it can still be strengthened, especially at the level of action and budget allocation. In Quito, there is an ordinance developed in 2019 that ensures the incorporation of the gender approach in policies, plans, programs, and projects aimed at the entire population of the Metropolitan District of Quito, in this sense, the Municipal Code of the Metropolitan District of Quito refers to the incorporation of the gender approach within all strategies of the municipality.

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The regulations on human mobility and the spaces that have been generated for this issue are framed in the Municipal Code of the Metropolitan District of Quito, therefore, it was identified that gender issues are addressed in a general manner and do not delve into any particular problem. There is no space where the actions to specifically address gender issues within the thematic of human mobility in the city are detailed, which continues to be a limitation to consider gender and human mobility as two different issues that require separate efforts.

In the city of Cuenca, although the regulations on human mobility have not been updated since 2010, there is a permanent Special Commission working on vulnerable groups and human mobility, with the participation of representatives of organizations working on gender issues. Unlike other cities, the Commission specializes in working with groups of children, adolescents, and women. In Cuenca, the Casa del Migrante (Migrant’s House) provides specialized care for the population in a situation of human mobility, as well as the Casa Violeta (Violet House) for women victims of violence, including women in a situation of human mobility.

In the city of Ibarra, a provincial articulation on human mobility issues is recognized, as the cantonal ordinance is derived from the Provincial Human Mobility Plan. It is also recognized that the regulations are very recent and therefore respond to the current context of human mobility, but the extent to which the regulations are implemented in practice remains to be seen. Within the provincial and municipal ordinance for the promotion and protection of the rights of people in human mobility and their families, a section on the gender approach in the care of people in a situation of human mobility is incorporated verbatim. It is expected that in the following months it will be possible to make visible the level at which the regulations generated in practice are incorporated Finally, in Lago Agrio, a greater regulatory weakness was identified, mainly in human mobility, so it is assumed that actions are directly in line with national regulations but put local institutions at risk and depend largely on the actions of organizations from other sectors to provide adequate attention to the migrant population.

In this sense, it is understood that there is no mainstreaming of gender issues in the regulations on human mobility. It is necessary to work on the development of regulations adapted to the context of human mobility in the city and to include gender issues in this construction.

It is necessary that organizations and civil society continue to encourage processes that include in a transversal and practical manner the gender approach in the management and attention to the human mobility population. As evidenced in the information survey conducted with Caritas, the problems that migrants and refugees continue to face are still complex and are rooted in existing structures of violence and exploitation systems that have seen in this population an object that can be discarded and discardable at any time, women and people of gender diversity continue to be the most vulnerable groups to these practices, which continue to imply challenges to provide differentiated attention to this population.

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