BORDER SECURITY: THE EFFECTIVENESS OF A BORDER WALL

BORDER SECURITY: THE EFFECTIVENESS OF A BORDER WALL

David Bainbridge Jr.

Abstract

The subject of the construction and continuance of a border wall on the southern border of the United States was an extremely controversial issue in the 2016 presidential election. President Donald J. Trump, made the construction of a border wall to eliminate illegal trafficking and immigration his main campaign promise. This study examines the effectiveness of a border wall between Mexico and the United States in obtaining these goals. It does so by examining previously existing protection measures and their effectiveness in the prevention of the aforementioned crises. Then, insofar as a physical border wall has been constructed, it examines the wall’s comparative ability to stop the flow of illegal human and drug trafficking over wall-protected areas. The study seeks to ascertain whether such trafficking and immigration simply ceases to exist or whether it is directed elsewhere in the United States, either domestically or internationally. The study finds that, while a physical border wall has proven to be effective along the southern border, it is most useful when additional measures are applied, such as increased diplomacy with Mexico and reinforcement of personnel at the border..

Introduction

Liliana is an eleven-year-old girl, living in Central America . Every day she walks with her siblings to their small village school. One day, on her way to school, Liliana is stopped by a group of men. She is tied up and taken away from her siblings, likely to never see them again. For two years she is “groomed” for the commercial sex trafficking business in the United States. For two years, Liliana is transported through Mexico, nearing the border to the United States over time. After two years have passed, Liliana’s captors feel that the time is right, and that Liliana is ready to be used as a slave in the American sex trafficking industry (Ballard, 2019).

When Liliana is thirteen years old, she is forced to cross into the United States at a portion of the border where there is no wall or fence. She is then forced into the United States sex trafficking industry and is speedily transported to New York City, where she is raped and sexually assaulted, sometimes up to 40 times a day. Her captors are paid for providing Liliana every time another person assaults her. Liliana’s entrapment continues for five years. When she is eighteen, Liliana is finally able to make her escape. From her capture to the time of her fortunate escape, Liliana has been held as a sex slave with no freedom whatsoever and has not seen her family since she was taken. (Ballard, 2019).

While this story sounds extreme, it is not out of the ordinary for the United States’ sex trafficking industry. Today, Liliana brings to light the crisis between Central America and the United States, and tells stories of hundreds of other girls and boys transported over the border and sold for sex. Liliana is clearly not alone. The State Department has reported that around ten thousand children are transported across the southern border into the United States every year to be sold for sex. If the number of adults trafficked are added, the number almost doubles (Ballard, 2019).

This study aims to examine this crisis in light of recent efforts to enforce border restrictions through the use of a physical wall. It will do so by answering the following research question: Does the construction or reinforcement of a southern border wall significantly affect rates of illegal immigration and/or human and drug trafficking? This study hypothesizes that increased infrastructure in the form of a physical wall across the border, particularly in places with a high concentration of illegal crossing, causes significant decrease in illegal travel (and trafficking) into the United States and a significant increase in the number of immigrants (and traffickers with slaves) apprehended at the border.

Literature Review

Though the debate over the protection of the United States’ southern border continues to be a politically volatile one, it is nearly undisputed that to leave the

southern border completely unrestricted creates significant problems. Not only is there a problem with illegal immigration in unprotected regions, but the immigration is oftentimes related to drug and human trafficking. Ballard (2019) notes that every year, around ten thousand children are trafficked into the United States, for sex, through the southern border. He notes that if the number of adults trafficked for sex are added to children, it reaches almost twenty thousand every year. Scholars’ opinions on methods of preventing this trafficking certainly vary, some question whether attempted obstruction is even useful.

Ballard (2019) also points out that there is a significant economic draw bringing the international child trafficking trade to the United States: The United States is one of the largest consumers of the illicit child sex industry. The United States Department of Justice (2019) made clear that the transnational sex trafficking industry is particularly concerning over the southern border of the United States. Coen (2011) notes that this is an issue because, as a general principle, culprits in the human trafficking industry will exploit areas of weakness until the option is entirely closed off to them. She further notes that open borders are simply an open door for fulfilling trafficking demand. Ballard (2019) points to the fact that trade between the United States and Mexico is potent because Mexico is the gateway between all of Central America and the United States. A large portion of the Central American sex trafficking industry is aimed at bringing its victims to the United States, and, more particularly, to such sex trade epicenters as New York City. As soon as victims are across the southern border, they are easily transported to any of these cities .

Because of this draw to the southern border, scholars like Coen (2011) and Jones (2019) posit that until the border between the United States and Mexico is obstructed, the economic demand will continue to draw trafficking across the border. Most scholars on the topic of immigration and national security point to some system of strong, physical prevention as the only solution to illegal crossings. Davis (n.d.) notes that when walls have been constructed along the southern border, immigration stops and is forced to another area of the border. In essence, immigrants attempt to force entry where there is no physical barrier. In addition, Davis (n.d.) sees this positively, noting that illegal immigrants will automatically be forced to ports of entry where border patrol agents have the chance to apprehend illegal traffickers, drugs, and victims. Hostettler (2019) also notes that the first method by which illegal immigration and sex trafficking can be reduced is constructing a physical barrier that actually prevents entry. Until then, traffickers will have no incentive to stop carrying their victims right across the border.

Jones (2019) makes the important note that while a border wall may prevent illegal crossing and activity, the only way for a wall of this nature to be effective is for the barrier to span the entire border between the countries. The costs of such an endeavor may be more than the potential benefits. Some scholars disagree as to

what means are most effective, noting that there are methods of prevention besides a physical wall. Allen et al. (2018) propose that cutting trade costs with Mexico could free up funds for the Mexican government and economy, allowing the Mexican government to increase the quality of life for its citizens. These scholars suggest that this could disincentivize immigration to the United States and have a net economic benefit for both countries.

Other experts argue that the construction of a physical wall has damaging environmental, economic, and social effects that are insurmountable. Ordway (2020) stresses that a physical wall will destroy local communities in the United States which communicate and correspond with some in Mexico. She points out that some families are separated by the border; some people cross the border to work every single day, and a border wall would break up this cohesion. Ordway also points to environmental damage that could be done to the local foliage and wildlife. This study examines the above proposals regarding the prevention of illegal immigration and particularly human trafficking and analyzes the effectiveness and practicality of all aforementioned methods.

Data and Methods

This study performs qualitative analysis on previously compiled primary and secondary data related to the impact of a border wall on illegal immigration, specifically as it pertains to human and drug trafficking. The independent variable in this study is the presence of a physical wall along the southern border of the United States. Because of the nature of the subject, this study must primarily rely on case studies and content analysis regarding particular portions of the border. Presence of a physical wall can only be detected based on reports from the southern border and records of apprehensions at recognizable physical portions of the wall.

The dependent variable in this study is the rate of entry by 1) legal immigrants, 2) illegal immigrants, and 3) illegal immigrants culpable of another, more serious crime (i.e. human or drug trafficking). Of course, the measurement of such a variable can be difficult since not all criminals are actually detected even if they do cross the southern border. However, the number of apprehensions remain instructive to the utility and usefulness of the border wall. Additionally, the presence of any rise or decline of legal migrants can be indicative of the usefulness, or lack thereof, of a newly enforced or constructed border wall.

In a study of this nature, potential intervening variables must certainly be accounted for. For example, both increases and declines in illegal crossings or apprehensions at the border could be caused by a number of factors such as the economy, the political situation in the immigrants’ countries of origin, or the presence of an illegal route unbeknownst to authorities, and thus researchers. These

intervening variables can be controlled by examining the trends in migrant flow in the years preceding the construction and enforcement of a physical border wall. Trends in immigrant and migrant flow serve to indicate how increases and declines in desired entrances are or are not reflective of current situations such as a declining economy, a dangerous political atmosphere, or the presence of alternate routes of immigration. This helps to indicate whether an increase or decline in legal and illegal immigration is simply a continuation of an ongoing trend, or if it is the dependent variable (rates of desired entrance, both legal and illegal) actually changing as a result of a change in the independent variable (the presence of a physical border wall).

The hypothesis of this study is that there is a correlation between the rise of apprehensions of illegal immigrants at the southern border and the rise of desired legal migration to the presence of a newly constructed and enforced border wall. If this hypothesis is true, the study should find that there is a significant and recognizable difference in rates of legal and illegal immigration before and after the enforcement of the southern border wall. For the hypothesis to be true, any such change in rates cannot be due to the presence of an intervening variable.

Research

Historical Immigration at the Southern Border

In 1992, the scene of the United States and Mexican border was perhaps even more chaotic than today. Davis (n.d.) notes that a normal day saw thousands of people swarming over open portions of the border, helicopters patrolling relentlessly, and abandoned vehicles piled up to attempt to prevent drug trafficking. Because of compromised security at the border, as seen in 1992, Davis (n.d.) pointed out that smugglers and traffickers coordinated to watch and observe the practices of border security to determine how to infiltrate most effectively with the next wave. Oftentimes, this took the form of sending large groups of people across the border at one time, knowing it was probable that only one of ten would be caught. In 1993, that number was more than a half million (Davis, n.d.). Davis notes that in 1992, there was no concentrated effort to prevent this criminal activity at all, rather this marked the beginning of actual attempts to stem the flow of illegal immigration and subsequent illegal activity.

Apprehensions of illegal immigrants were at an all-time high in the 1990’s and 2000’s, regularly exceeding 1 million annually and only reaching a low in 2011 of just over 300 thousand apprehensions of illegal immigrants attempting to cross the border (Gramlich & Noe-Bustamante, 2019). The majority of these immigrants are traditionally Mexican. Mexicans have constituted a consistent majority, until recently, of immigrant apprehensions since 1968 (Passel & Cohn, 2019). The number

of immigrant apprehensions at the border declined at a constant rate through the late 2000s and into the 2010s. For instance, , in 2005, the number of immigrant apprehensions at the border was 1,171,396. By 2011, however, this number dropped to 327,577 (Gramlich & Noe-Bustamante, 2019). This low of around 300,000 to 350,000 annual immigrant apprehensions remained fairly constant up until 2019.

Passel and Cohn (2019) reinforce this idea using U.S. Census Bureau data. This data illustrates a clear downward trend in apprehensions of recently arrived illegal immigrants. Between 2002 and 2007, there was an average of around 715,000 apprehensions annually; between 2011 and 2016, that number dropped to 386,000 annual apprehensions of unauthorized immigrants. Passel and Cohn (2019) point to the increased border security and awareness in the Obama and early Trump administrations as the probable cause for this 46% decline.

Davis (n.d.) and Jones (2019) both note separately that the United States government has devoted a conscious effort to increased border security throughout recent decades, there is a noticeable decrease in apprehensions of illegal immigrants as those immigrants either seek other avenues of entrance and travel undetected, or seek legal entrance. Jones (2019), for example, noted that when physical walls were used in tandem with military presence in the 1990s, they were extremely effective in dropping the number of apprehended illegal immigrants, and increasing the number of legal applicants. However, Jones is careful to note that when physical walls are insufficient, a strain is established on the United States military that may not be profitable or sustainable.

Current Immigration at the Southern Border

As previously mentioned, between 2011 and 2016, the number of apprehensions of illegal immigrants at the Southern border were at a low and constant average of around 386,000 immigrants annually (Passel & Cohn, 2019). Those numbers began increasing toward the end of the Obama administration, but were again at a low of 415,517 in 2017 (United States Customs and Border Protection [CBP], 2017). Since 2017, the numbers have continually increased, reaching a decade high of 977,509 in 2019 (CBP, 2020). The potential significance of these numbers will be revisited later.

Demographics

While in the past four years there has been some increase in apprehensions of illegal immigrants at the border, according to Budiman (2019), the number of Mexican immigrants apprehended has significantly dropped. In fact, Budiman notes that 2019 marks the fourth consecutive year in which Central Americans have outnumbered Mexicans in apprehensions at the border. So, while Mexican numbers

have decreased, Central American numbers have only increased. Passel and Cohn (2019) write that in 2007, 809,000 Mexicans were apprehended at the southern border. In 2017, the apprehensions of Mexicans reached its lowest number since 1968 at 130,000. This 80% drop over the course of a decade is an obvious illustration of the decline of illegal immigration from Mexico; however, overall numbers of apprehensions have not decreased.

As mentioned before, the number of Central American apprehensions has increased dramatically over the same period of time that Mexican apprehensions have dropped. In fact, between 2007 and 2017, the number of apprehended Central Americans tripled, rising from 54,000 in 2007 to 165,000 in 2017 (Passel & Cohn, 2019). Central American apprehensions exceeded Mexican apprehensions in 2014, 2016 , and 2017, which is something that had never been seen before (Passel & Cohn, 2019). So far in 2020, the numbers are fairly stable and consistent with the 2011-2016 averages, notably including the same lack of Mexican apprehensions and same increased presence of Central American Apprehensions (CBP, 2020). Hesson (2019a & 2019b) notes that the upsurge of Central American immigration and down surge in Mexican immigration could be due to a variety of factors, including stricter regulations on the part of the Mexican government and the presence of oppressive Central American governments.

Legal vs. Illegal Immigration

Budiman (2019) states that most immigrants in the United States are, in fact, legal immigrants. However, the number of illegal immigrants who are living in the United States was still around 10.5 million in 2017, or 23 percent of all immigrants living in the United States. Budiman continues to note that there has been a 14% decrease in the number of illegal immigrants apprehended at the border between 2007 and 2019, pointing to a noted increase in immigrants seeking legal entrance. However, while there is a decrease, in 2018 the Government Accountability Office (GAO) noted that portions of the border are still vulnerable to illegal and undocumented entry. In 2018, Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) reported to the GAO that large portions of the border were without barrier or protection, and that such protection would be necessary to prevent illegal immigrants unhampered access across the border. The United States Border Patrol “reported apprehending almost 304,000 illegal entrants and making over 11,600 drug seizures along the southwest border” in the fiscal year 2017 (GAO, 2018).

Among individuals who find that illegal entry is more difficult than before are those who claim a right to asylum in the United States. According to the

United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS, 2015) in order to be considered for asylum, individuals must be seeking protection because “they have faced, or are afraid they will face, persecution due to: race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion” (para. 1). This has created a surplus of individuals who travel thousands of miles, knowing they are not qualified for asylum, but hoping to be placed temporarily in the United States and to subsequently escape into society and never return to their homeland (Hostettler, 2019). This potential for asylum not only incentivizes the poor and disadvantaged but is also often exploited by human and drug traffickers who convince individuals to work in in exchange for the opportunity to cross the border and be offered asylum (Hostettler, 2019).

Motivations for Immigration

While there has been some decrease in overall apprehensions of illegal immigrants in the past decade, human trafficking is an industry that exploits weaknesses of exposed borders between the United States and Mexico and has been on the rise. Coen (2011) points out that one of the most dangerous aspects of human trafficking is its international nature. It is particularly dangerous because it targets certain areas of demand, despite high cost. In regard to centers of demand, Ballard (2019) notes that the United States is one of the largest consumers of child sex trafficking worldwide. Both Ballard (2019) and Davis (n.d.) note that simple economics demonstrate that such a large market will oftentimes prove irresistible to the child-trafficking industry in Mexico and greater Central America. Ballard (2019) also points to the estimates of the United States Department of State that around 10,000 children are trafficked into the United States annually. That number doubles when adults trafficked for sex are added.

It is clear that the demand for trafficking is present in the United States, but the presence of established human trafficking rings in Mexico and Central America is also unquestionable. Paola Felix, a former Mexican congresswoman and current official specializing in defeating human trafficking, reported that, “Mexican authorities have uncovered at least 19 different land-based smuggling routes where victims are taken and trafficked for sex in the United States” (Ballard, 2019, para. 15). The United States Department of Justice (2019) reported that the transnational nature of sex trafficking has drawn the United States towards directing significant energy to the crisis at the southern border as it directly affects young people trafficked for sex on American soil. A rise in the apprehension and prosecution of criminal traffickers in both Mexico and the United States can also be seen.

Unfortunately, because of the economic demand for human trafficking in the United States, traffickers are able to detect different loopholes and exercise

different strategies to game the border system. This is particularly true when there is no structure present to prevent crossing, but also takes place at ports of entry. For example, traffickers are known to capitalize on the troubling economic situations of such countries as Guatemala and El Salvador (Hostettler, 2019). The difficult political situation coupled with the economic demand for trafficked individuals in the United States gives traffickers the perfect opportunity to convince innocent civilians to make the journey to the Mexico-United States border. Unbeknownst to them, thousands of children and adults are abducted in this way every year, and taken to the border and transported into the United States.

Traffickers also often exploit the aforementioned asylum system utilized by the United States. Hostettler (2019) notes that, in many cases, traffickers will convince individuals that if they travel to the United States and are caught, they will be dumped into the United States, where they can then make an escape into society. Indeed, in 2016 there were a recorded 91,786 asylum-seekers, an incredible increase from the only 5,171 who sought asylum in 2007. Hostettler opines that President Trump’s policy to relocate arrested asylum seekers in Mexico instead of the United States could very well cause traffickers to rethink their tactics and handicap them for at least a short period of time.

Methods of Border Protection Throughout United States History

In 1994, Operation Gatekeeper was designed to help reconstruct portions of the Southwestern border left totally depleted after several years of massive illegal immigration. However, Operation Gatekeeper proved only slightly effective as it relied on 8-10 feet tall scrap-metal walls to prevent the influx of illegal immigrants (Davis, n.d.). Operation Hold the Line was also implemented in the 1990s: it aimed to accomplish the same task as Operation Gatekeeper, but in higher traffic areas. Davis (n.d.) notes the drop in annual apprehensions from 300,000 to 80,000 in areas where Operation Hold the Line (in the form of two layers of fencing at high traffic places with a road and patrols surrounding the areas) was implemented. He concludes that this likely meant that immigrants shifted their location of entrance to a portion of the border with no physical obstruction.

Davis (n.d.) also notes the presence of less-than-adequate fencing in areas of high traffic such as El Paso. He points to a 20-mile stretch of vehicle preventative fencing as an example of insufficient protection;while vehicles may not be able to gain entrance, individuals certainly can. Even as recent as 2017, Bier noted that much of the current fencing can be easily scaled and mounted with a ladder on top of a truck. Smugglers have even been known to ramp their vehicles over certain sections of the border. Ultimately, at least in 2017, large portions of the border were free of any physical barriers preventing an immigrant from walking across unencumbered.

Current Border Protection

Ballard (2019) finds that enhanced protection at the southern border has proved effective in forcing illegal immigrants and traffickers to find other avenues of entrance instead of open portions of the border. Conversely, he points out that when there is no wall, DHS agents are forced to invent their own methods of tracking down traffickers that only sometimes work. Ballard notes that when a wall has been present in the past at particular areas of the border, immigrants have been forced to ports of entry, causing a rise in desired legal entrance and a drop in apprehension of illegal immigrants. However, he notes that before this trend is seen there will be an upswing in apprehensions of illegal immigrants as they will likely attempt to cross previously unprotected areas and will most likely be caught.

The Department of Homeland Security ([DHS], 2018) reports that since 2017, $1.375 billion have been used to construct or reinforce dilapidated portions of the border security system. The DHS also reports that when this enforcement is undertaken, a shift of immigration can be seen as transferring from previously unprotected areas to areas of the fence where no enforcement has been undertaken in recent years. Both the DHS and CBP reported to the GAO (2018) that the recent allotments of funds towards construction and reinforcement of a border wall are extremely effective in stemming the tide of not only illegal immigration, but human and drug trafficking across the previously unprotected border. This is possible through preventing vehicle intrusions with a physical obstruction, slowing down smugglers, and collecting illegal drugs handled by vehicle operators and smugglers on foot. In the same report, the DHS and CBP noted that the system of fencing begun in 2007 is simply no longer effective in preventing immigrants, particularly large groups, from crossing. Because of the weakness of the material used to construct the fencing along the border, large groups of immigrants were able to wear down the fencing units very quickly, so they were largely ineffective.

Allen et al. (2018) projects that constructing the proposed 30-foot tall Ballard-style wall will likely result in nearly 145,000 fewer Mexican workers and illegal immigrants residing in the United States on a permanent basis. This leads to the significance of the numbers mentioned earlier. While in 2017 the number of apprehended illegal immigrants had reached a decade low, that number more than doubled in 2019 and could very well continue to rise in 2020, though the numbers are fairly stable as of February (Gramlich & Noe-Bustamante, 2019; CBP, 2017; CBP, 2020). Gramlich and Noe-Bustamante report, “There were 851,508 apprehensions in the 2019 fiscal year (October 2018-September 2019), a 115% increase from the previous fiscal year and the highest total in 12 years” (para. 3, 2019). Figure 1 illustrates this unprecedented spike in apprehensions of illegal immigrants along the southern border.

Figure 1 Customs and Border Protection Southwest Border Total Apprehensions/Inadmissibles FY2015-2020 (CBP, 2020).

As seen in Figure 1, the number of inadmissibles apprehended at the MexicoUnited States border in 2019 was almost double the number apprehended in 2018 and reached its highest level in twelve years (Gramlich, 2020; CBP, 2019). The region of the border that saw the newest cases of apprehension was that of El Paso. The El Paso region of the border saw a 477% increase between fiscal year 2019 and 2018 (Gramlich & Noe-Bustamante, 2019). This is significant because of the repeated claims of ineffective border protection in the El Paso region mentioned above (Davis, n.d.).

Another point of interest is found in Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) statistics over the past few years. While the United States Border Patrol and the CBP are tasked with addressing illegal immigration at the border, ICE is tasked with discovering and addressing issues of illegal immigrants living internally in the United States. During the first two years of the Trump administration, the number of ICE arrests remained fairly stable and consistent with the numbers recorded during the Obama administration. However, in 2019, the number of ICE arrests dropped (Gramlich, 2020). Some complain that this is the result of worse border protection and immigration control. Gramlich (2020), however, notes the likely correlation

between the dramatic upswing in apprehensions of illegal immigrants at the border by the CBP and the dive in apprehensions internally by ICE. This does not likely indicate that border protection has fallen off, rather it has increased and eased the burden on ICE as many of the immigrants in question are apprehended before they make it inside the United States.

Is a Wall the Best Option?

While it is clear that illegal immigration is an ongoing problem at the Southwestern border and that construction of a stronger border wall or enforcement of existing structures does cause an increase in apprehension, some scholars find that a physical wall is more harmful than helpful. Ordway (2020) concedes that border walls do prevent entry and force immigrants to ports of entry but points out that the journeys migrants are forced to take to any given port of entry could span hundreds of miles and often results in migrants’ deaths. Ordway (2020) also posits that many immigrants will continue to attempt to cross the border illegally even after the new, heavy-duty walls are installed. This will undoubtedly cause increased serious injury and even death when immigrants are unable to make this journey, or the wall creates an insurmountable obstacle.

Alternatively, Jones (2019) opines that a border wall’s net effect will be to cause the flow of illegal immigration to sectors of the border which are not heavily protected. In other words, in order for a wall to be effective, it would have to cover every inch of the border between the United States and Mexico, as wall construction will only force immigrants to other sections of the border. Additionally, Bier (2017) notes that if a wall is effective in halting illegal immigration, it may only cause immigrants to migrate legally and subsequently overstay their visas turning them into illegal immigrants in the United States. This is essentially the same argument as that given by Jones (2019); that is to say, those who wish to gain entrance to the United States will do so no matter what measures are taken to prevent them from entering.

Researchers Allen et al. (2018) also concede that a stronger wall on the southern border would prevent mass immigration from Mexico and Central America but point out that with this loss of bodies there will be a correlating loss of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the United States. They project that a heavily enforced border could cause a rise of $1.2 Billion for the Mexican GDP and a decrease in real GDP in the United States by $2.6 Billion.

In addition to the ambitious construction of a reinforced border wall, the Trump administration has taken steps to ensure that border security is established through cooperation with the Mexican government. In August 2019, Hesson (2019a) reported that the Border Patrol arrested roughly 51,000 migrants, a 30 percent drop from July 2019. He points out that this is likely due to the counter-

illegal-immigration policies instituted by the Trump administration in the months preceding. Hesson notes that, in 8 of the 10 years before 2019, border arrests rose between July and August, meaning this sudden decline is not simply a part of a predictable trend. Hesson (2019b) instead points to policies instituted by the Trump administration which are designed to cooperate with the Mexican government in halting Central American immigrants travelling through Mexico towards the border with the United States. The Mexican government, per the agreements with the Trump administration and the aid of the Mexican National Guard, have seen a large increase in the number of illegal Central American immigrants arrested and detained in Mexico before reaching the United States. This, according to Hesson (2019b) is likely the reason that in August of 2019, there was a decrease in the number of border arrests of illegal immigrants.

Conclusion

Ultimately, the evidence seems to indicate that increased border security measures and policies do cause a decline in the number of illegal immigrants able to gain access to the United States. This has been demonstrated through a multitude of factors. First, the steady upward trend in apprehensions at the border from 2016 to 2020 and the spike of apprehensions in 2019 following the Trump administration’s initiatives to secure the border in a meaningful way through the use of a physical wall and other agreements and policies (CBP, 2020). Second, a slight decrease in ICE apprehensions within the United States that correlates to the increase in border apprehensions of illegal immigrants (Gramlich, 2020). Third, a decrease in apprehensions of illegal immigrants in particular months where increases are expected, due to policy decisions and initiatives involving the Mexican government (Hesson, 2019b).

Additionally, this study can only conclude by calling for increased research in this particular field. The nature of the topic is such that it is subject to change. Even the Government Accountability Office (GAO, 2018)—in its review of the work of CBP, Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and ICE—concluded that measuring results and success in environments involving thousands of individuals who could be unknown to the government is extremely difficult. This caused the GAO to call for increased research and the development of techniques which could make the accessibility of results more attainable.

Despite the natural difficulty of measurement, however, this study can conclude that the construction and reinforcement of a border wall has, and is, proving itself effective in increasing apprehension of illegal immigrants, increasing legal migration, and causing human and drug traffickers to be far more at risk of

apprehension. However, if this study demonstrates anything, it is that a physical wall in any particular place is not all that is required to establish border security. It is only through the work and enforcement of such agencies as CBP, DHS, and ICE that criminals such as human traffickers are actually apprehended when they run the risk of entering through a legal port of entry. Additionally, cooperation with the Mexican government has proved to be extremely beneficial in eliminating a mass influx of illegal immigration. Enforcement and construction of the wall on the southern border has proven to be effective, but it cannot do the job on its own. Only through increased cooperation and continued anti-illegal-immigration policies will the United States be able to adequately address the crisis at the border for the time being.

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