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Peopleâ€™s Action Party Blk 57B, New Upper Changi Road, #01-1402, PCF Building, Singapore 463057 ISBN 978-981-09-2651-9

PAP 60: FORWARD TOGETHER OUR SIX DECADES OF SERVING THE PEOPLE

Inside Front and Back Cover Flaps: Supporters at a PAP rally in Kampong Ubi on May 5, the last day of campaigning in the 2011 General Election.

FORWARD TOGETHER

OUR SIX DECADES OF SERVING THE PEOPLE

FORWARD TOGETHER

OUR SIX DECADES OF SERVING THE PEOPLE

PEOPLEâ€™S ACTION PARTY

Lee Kuan Yew speaking at a lunchtime crowd at an election rally in Fullerton Square on Dec 20, 1976.

FOREWORD

ixty years ago, a small group of like-minded Singaporeans and I got together to form the People’s Action Party. Our goal was Merdeka – independence from the British. From 21 November 1954 onwards, we began a long, hard fight to achieve our goals. The journey took us from the colony of Singapore through merger into the Federation of Malaysia, on to separation to become the Republic of Singapore. My colleagues and I wanted to build a fairer and more equal society. We learnt the hard way what real politics and the fight for power were about. We worked for and with the people. We steadfastly upheld basic principles: clean, honest and effective government, giving the job to the best man, being fair to all regardless of race, language or religion. We spread the benefits of progress widely. We improved the lives of Singaporeans through good jobs, ownership of their HDB homes, and a brighter future for their children. Singapore has climbed from the Third World to First. But the work is never finished. The world keeps changing, and so must we. The PAP has stayed in power for more than half a century, because it has continually adapted itself to changes in our society and the world around us. We must keep the Party dynamic, relevant and in sync with the times. The torch has passed on to new generations of Singaporeans. Today we enjoy better lives and more opportunities, but the Party’s task is as vital and difficult. The Party must maintain the support and trust of Singaporeans, provide the leadership to meet their aspirations, especially of the young, and work with them to create a better society and a stronger Singapore. This 60th anniversary book chronicles the defining moments of our Party. It is a tribute to the many people who have kept the PAP strong and healthy, and our nation peaceful and prosperous. I hope it helps a younger generation to remember our past, and inspires them to look ahead to their future. For 60 years, the PAP’s mission to build a fair and just society has contributed to a better life for all Singaporeans. This mission is more relevant than ever. Our cause and our values are enduring – to build a better Singapore, for Singaporeans and with Singaporeans. Let us continue to progress together, and strive for a brighter tomorrow.

Tanjong Pagar residents congratulating Lee Kuan Yew on winning the 1980 General Election.

LEE KUAN YEW Founding Secretary-General vii

PAP supporters at Cheng San GRC waving their flags after their candidates were declared winners in the 1997 General Election.

The PAP did the unthinkable in the past. Singapore was an unnatural and improbable country, not expected to succeed. Despite many difficulties, our pioneer PAP leaders and activists worked with Singaporeans to build this nation, and transformed the lives of a whole population. Today, the PAP must continue to have the courage and the big ideas to take Singapore forward. We live in an age of uncertainty and rapid change. The great powers are finding new footing and global competition is becoming more intense. These are large issues for a small island nation. But today and tomorrow, the men and women of the PAP can and must take them on. We will continue to imagine, to work and to act. We must continue to win the trust and support of our people, to build a brighter future for all of us.

PRIME MINISTER LEE HSIEN LOONG Secretary-General from 2004

The PAP has built a harmonious and cohesive nation, taking into account and balancing the diverse and sometimes conflicting beliefs, ideologies and interests of the people. It has accumulated strengths and experience to continue to chart a clear course forward and to forge consensus on the major issues facing Singapore. The PAP is not just an ordinary political party with partisan views and advancing only vested interests. It is a unique and key institution â€“ the only party able to hold our country together. The PAP lives by its bedrock values of integrity and equal opportunity for all Singaporeans to maximise their potential and reap the rewards of their efforts. That is why we wear white on special Party occasions. It is to remind ourselves and Singaporeans of our fundamental values.

EMERITUS SENIOR MINISTER GOH CHOK TONG Secretary-General, 1992 â€“ 2004

C O N T E N T S

THE SIXTY MILESTONES

1954 – 1964 A NEW PARTY

THE BIG SWEEP

SURVIVING THE BIG SPLIT

THE SEPARATION

PLANTING A CIVIL SOCIETY

LOSING ANSON

FOUNDATION FOR THE COMMUNITY

HANDOVER TO NEW PM

RESOUNDING WIN

GENERATIONAL CHANGE

IDEAS AND INNOVATION

100

116

FIRST STEPS

ROAD TO MERDEKA

WINNING OVER THE UNIONS

INDEPENDENCE, SUDDENLY

BRINGING IN NEW BLOOD

LABOUR-PARTY LIAISON

KEEPING THE PAP YOUNG

GOH WINS MANDATE

BUILDING A SAFER SINGAPORE

102

118

OPENING SALVO

CARDS AND CADRES

BATTLE FOR MERGER

BUILDING BONDS

CHANGING TIMES, CHANGING CONSTITUTION

FRESH PERSPECTIVES

1975 – 1984 WITH OUR PEOPLE 60

MEET THE OPPOSITION

ELECTION LANDSLIDE

WINNING THE MALAY VOTE

DEFEATING THE BARISAN

LIGHTNING STRIKES AGAIN AND AGAIN AND…

128

144

2005 – 2014 A NEW FUTURE

A DIVERSE PARLIAMENT

130

146

NEW PARTY CHIEF

REPOSITIONING SINGAPORE

AT HOME IN A GLOBAL CITY

A NEW POLITICAL LANDSCAPE

104

120

136

148

WINNING ALL AGAIN

OTHER VOICES

NEW VOTERS, SAME PARTY

PRESIDENT ELECTED

REFRESHING PAP

TENTH TERM IN POWER

FOURTH GENERATION OF LEADERS

106

122

138

150

TAKING POWER

TROUBLE IN MALAYSIA

CITIZEN SOLDIERS

PARTY HOUSING

NEW FACES

DEVOLVING POWER

NEW TEAM FIGHTS OFF SARS

NEW MEDIA, OLD POLITICS

CONVERSATIONS WITH SINGAPOREANS

1995 – 2004 OUR WINNING MOMENTS 108

124

140

152

UNDER ONE ROOF

BRITAIN PULLS OUT

TENDING THE CHINESE GROUND

WOMEN AS EQUALS

PAP WINS BACK THE VOTES

REACHING OUT

FAIR WAGES

OUR NEW WAY FORWARD

1985 – 1994 AS WE LEAD

DIVIDED THEY STOOD

1965 – 1974 A NEW COUNTRY

114

126

142

154

C O N T E N T S

xii

THE SIX INTERVIEWS

PNG WEE CHOR (BBM)

CH’NG JIT KOON

ABBAS ABU AMIN

JASMINE NG

NORMAH AHMAD

JAGATHISHWARAN S/O RAJO

110

132

He was a teenager caught in the world of 1950s Chinese politics. With politics in his blood, and a fierce desire to see his country free from colonists, this was a youth activist that saw the violence and raw power of mass mobilisations. From a young man guarding party premises against rioters, to an old guard advising ministers during general elections, Png Wee Chor (BBM) has seen the PAP transform from a party of revolutionaries into one of vision and government.

Bred in the hotbed of Nanyang University, schooled in practical wisdom as the eldest child taking care of his family on his father’s early demise, Ch’ng Jit Koon was the first MP for Tiong Bahru. In a site that is today rich with history and heritage, he speaks about politics from the grassroots – working with a motley crew of illegal hawkers and unemployed youths, mediating issues from choice of TV channels to prices of flats, and translating PAP’s big ideas into ground initiatives.

In a time of growth and prosperity, when the country was on a frenzied ride on the economic ladder, Abbas Abu Amin needed to make sure that no one was left behind – neither the farmers who were being pushed out of their land, nor the young children who did not do well in school, nor the workers who did not have a voice to stand up to their employers. Working in the explosive areas of the politics of race and unions, he built up the foundations of Singapore in the years of plenty – going into the country’s first severe recession in the mid-1980s.

Her lessons were marked with powdered chalk along void deck kindergartens, but she teaches more than writing and reading. Resilience against adversity, courage in the face of overcoming odds, and always, hope in the form of education for a better life. Jasmine Ng shunned the high life of elite preschools and stayed with the small schools of the PAP Community Foundation all her teaching life. She witnessed the transformation of education in the heartlands over three decades.

The mid-1990s were quiet years on the political front as the PAP regained the votes and took back opposition wards. But while others saw peace, Normah Ahmad thought it was a lull before the storm. For the political stalwart, elections squarely fought and won were a barometer – not just of public service, but of how service was perceived by the public. She speaks about the loss of Aljunied and what it means for those working on the ground.

He was an angry young man, railing at difficult personal circumstances at a time when many of his friends were concentrating on their studies at the university. But his close brush with hardship, with subsidies and the intricacies of policy schemes helped him to see both the strengths in the current system, and its gaps. Jaga decided to jump in with both feet making the Party branch at the block which he stays, his second home.

xiii

1954 â€“ 1964

A NEW PARTY

Nomination Day, Apr 25, 1959 when the PAP contested all 51 seats in the Legislative Assembly elections.

xiv

FIRE AND BLOOD Png Wee Chor’s labour of love for the PAP knew no bounds. From the drama of a 13-stitch scar from a pro-independence rally in 1956 to the prosaic routines of getting coffee for political activists, Png defied the odds to take his place among the political pioneers.

PNG WEE CHOR (BBM), 74 When the window shattered, I covered my face and tried to stand my ground. But it was useless. The crowd was crazed with the anger of a mob, and they were in a frenzy to get inside the hall. I was pushed in first. As the crowd swept over me, I bore the brunt of the broken window. When I could breathe, I stooped to wipe the rain off my body. That’s when I noticed that my legs had been cut very badly – some of my flesh had been sliced off so I could see the fat, white and glistening. The bleeding had not started, and in the excitement, I felt no pain. The people near me yelled for a stretcher. A Malay policeman brought me to the ambulance and ran back to quell the crowd. Later, when I was giving my statement at the police station, I saw him in the next cubicle – he had a bad head wound. I was 16 and hot-blooded. A year after the riot, I joined the PAP – in secret because students were not allowed to join political parties. It took a year for my membership card to arrive. The party membership was a precious thing – I was there when the leftists infiltrated the party and tried to take over the Central Executive Council in August 1957 (Milestone 5, page 15). The PAP had to grow up in a hurry. We amended the constitution the next year to ensure that only cadres could vote for the CEC.

It was a time of political awakening for my generation. China had newly become a republic. We had been through war. Politics was a way for us to control our destiny, to be free from those who would exploit us. I hated the fact that Singapore was a colony. I believed then, as I do now, that the PAP works for the best interest of the people. I still bear the scars of the day of the riot – 13 stitches on my leg. But I count it as nothing in the service of a political cause. Today, one may think that politics is not a game for young people – it is a time of peace and prosperity. But since 2011, I have noticed that there are more youngsters coming into the branch. Battles for a good cause attract the young – that was true when I was young, that is true now, when I am old. In my time, the cause was freedom and anti-communism. But at the bottom of it all, it was the dream of a good life. I lost my father when I was just three months old, during the Japanese Occupation. I was brought up by my pragmatic grandmother, who sent me to an English private school. I rebelled and attended Chinese schools whenever I could. Injured by the riot, Png (centre) was taken in to the police station to produce a statement after he was given medical attention as seen in this Nanyang Siang Pau photo from Mar 19, 1956.

When I was nine years old, my grandmother brought me to Indonesia, which was dominated by the National People’s Party (NPP) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). My uncle put me in a school set up by the NPP, but I lived with another uncle who supported the CCP. So I was introduced to politics from a very young age. I spent a lot of time in politics and although I did not take part in the riot, I had a record with the CID because of the interview – I could not find a job for three years. My grandmother would scold me in front of others: “Look at this useless boy, always the Party and ‘Merdeka, merdeka’. He doesn’t even have a job!” Besides giving Chinese tuition, my other job, of course, was with the PAP. It was an unpaid labour of love. I was a strapping youngster, and I hung out at the HQ near Hong Lim, doing odd jobs, or getting coffee for the political activists. “Hey boy, guard the house while we fight the battle outside!” the men would yell at me. I was always on the lookout in case the opposition came and vandalised our place, but no one did. Because we lived in the Boat Quay area, I soon volunteered my help with the PAP man there, Andrew Fong (Major Fong Sip Chee) in 1972. Our area was rife with left-wingers. I finally found a job at the People’s Association (PA). It was a grand adventure, working with the community, building up basic services. My first job was to walk the ground, identifying civic and community organisations, and taking down the names of the chairman or president. These would be appointed to the grassroots organisations. In those days, there were all types of community leaders – to get the signature of a CCMC chairman, I once had to wait while he lit up his opium pipe. I had a steady job at the PA, but we were heading into stormy waters. It was an impending battle that would require more than blood and sweat – it needed brains and guile.

In 1956, a pro-independence rally with a crowd of 25,000 at the Old Kallang Airport sparked off a riot. About 50 people, including 20 policemen, were injured. Png eventually started his own publishing and education business. Now 74, he remains an exco member of the PAP at Kampong Chai Chee Branch.

M I L E S T O N E

FIRST STEPS

It was a postal union strike involving 500 postmen which galvanised the young men who were to form the People’s Action Party (PAP). In 1952, mail officer P. Govindasamy, who headed the Postal and Telecommunications Uniformed Staff Union, asked Mr Lee Kuan Yew, a legal assistant, for his help. The union was about to go on strike to press for higher wages. He became their legal adviser to negotiate a settlement. Before the strike began on May 13, Dr Goh Keng Swee introduced Mr Lee to Mr S. Rajaratnam, an associate editor at the Singapore Standard. Dr Goh was close to Mr Lee as they had been active in the anti-colonial Malayan Forum in London together with Dr Toh Chin Chye when they were studying in Britain. They were committed to ending colonialism and establishing an independent non-communist Malaya. Mr Rajaratnam, who was noted for his fiery anti-colonial commentaries, joined cause with them. For these English-educated professionals, fighting for workers’ rights and mobilising students were their first steps in politics. Their efforts were fraught with danger, as they had to struggle with the ruling British authorities and to contend with powerful Communist forces. Mr Lee continued to be legal adviser to dozens of unions, increasing his standing with workers. Meanwhile, they met regularly at Mr Lee’s home in Oxley Road to consider forming a political party. For them, independence was a constitutional process, and they were loath to get sucked into the Communist movement.

“ We must break the soporific Malayan atmosphere and bring home the urgency of the problems facing us. We must break down the belief that we are inferior and will always remain inferior to the Europeans. If every returned scholar makes known his convictions to his own immediate circle, the cumulative effective will be tremendous…” – Mr Lee Kuan Yew in his landmark speech “The Returned Student” to students in the Malayan Forum in Jan 1951, six months before he returned to Singapore.

Mr P. Govindasamy (left), Mr Lee Kuan Yew and the rest of the negotiating delegation at the Government Secretariat at Empress Place. During the two-week strike, people had to collect their mail from the post office. It was Mr Lee’s first clash with the Government. Two weeks later, the postmen got their pay raised. Mr Lee called it “my first grassroots experience in mass action”.

“ A country, big or small, can only be great if the spirit of the people is great. That spirit must be devoted to the service of the country, and of the people. The People’s Action Party will foster this spirit. We have every confidence that the people are with us.”

OPENING SALVO

M I L E S T O N E 2

– Dr Toh Chin Chye, PAP chairman, at the inauguration of the PAP on Nov 21, 1954.

Shouts of “Merdeka!” punctuated the inaugural meeting of the PAP on Nov 21, 1954, as its party leader, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, pledged to bring colonial rule to an end. He spelt out the Party’s other goals: to abolish unjust inequalities of wealth, and infuse into the people a spirit of national unity. Among the 1,500 people were union supporters and political leaders of the day, including Tunku Abdul Rahman, leader of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), and Mr Tan Cheng Lock, president of the Malayan Chinese Association. Dr Toh Chin Chye, a lecturer at the University of Malaya, was elected the Party chairman. The convenors included left-wing activists such as Mr Abdul Samad Ismail, Mr Devan Nair and Mr Fong Swee Suan. PAP members came in the Party uniform of white-on-white to symbolise purity and incorruptibility. The backdrop at the Victoria Memorial Hall carried the PAP logo – the lightning symbol in red, encircled by white-and-blue rings. The white stands for purity, the red for courage, and the lightning for action. All were encased in a circle, symbolising unity. In contrast, the political backdrop at that time was quite the opposite: a corrupt system, an explosive cocktail of political adversaries, and a people divided by communal tensions. The PAP emerged without resources, experience and manpower to take on these challenges. But it was ready when Nomination Day was announced for Feb 28 and polling for Apr 2, 1955.

The Victoria Memorial Hall was packed with about 1,500 people, spilling over to the foyer outside. Two-thirds of the seats were occupied by union supporters. PAP members turned up in short sleeves to show their solidarity with workers.

M I L E S T O N E

MEET THE OPPOSITION

The PAP’s first political fight took the shape of four candidates fielded for the general election in 1955 under the new Rendel Constitution, which allowed for the first election for a partially-elected government. The PAP did not seek to win, but to gain enough seats to become an effective opposition and to show up the rotten system. Its four candidates were Mr Lee Kuan Yew, Mr Devan Nair, Mr Lim Chin Siong and Mr Goh Chew Chua. Mr Ahmad Ibrahim contested as an independent but later formally joined the PAP. Apart from Mr Nair, all the other four were returned. The Labour Front with Mr David Marshall and Mr Lim Yew Hock won the election as the largest single party, and Mr Marshall became Singapore’s first chief minister. The PAP took advantage of the performance and fighting spirit of its four PAP legislative assemblymen during their five-year term to build up the prestige of noncommunist assemblymen and prepare for the next decisive election. The timing seemed ripe: Emergency had led to a vacuum in the constitutional arena in Singapore. The Communists had gone underground. None of the political parties had a broad following. But the Communists had infiltrated the PAP ranks. They exploited the dissatisfaction of the bus workers’ union to foster social unrest. In May 1955, the Hock Lee Bus riots broke out, killing four people and hurting 31. The non-communist PAP leaders knew that once the British were out, the contest between them and the Communists would begin.

“[When] the Governor ordered the first election for a partiallyelected government, we had only five months of experience and precious few organisers. Nevertheless, we had to make our bid… From 1955 to 1959, with three PAP representatives and one independent in the Legislative Assembly…I became the de facto opposition leader.” – Mr Lee Kuan Yew in the 25th anniversary issue of Petir in 1979.

Celebrating their win were, from left in photo, Mr Lee Kuan Yew (PAP), Mr Hamid Jumat (UMNO), Mr Lim Chin Siong (PAP) and Mr Ahmad Ibrahim (independent), a telephone operator and a leader in the Naval Base Labour Union. Mr Hamid, the leader of UMNO, would later agree with the PAP that the two parties would not fight each other but would cooperate in an anti-colonial united front during the City Council Elections in 1957.

“ We must instil in our people a deep concern for not just their personal future but the future of Singapore.” – Mr S. Rajaratnam in Petir,

LIGHTNING STRIKES AGAIN AND AGAIN AND…

M I L E S T O N E 4

Apr 1967.

In Apr 1956, the PAP published the first issue of its publication, Petir, to reach out to members and to integrate the rapidly-growing branches. In that issue, Party Chairman Dr Toh Chin Chye set out the aims of Petir: to inform members of Party policy and its programmes, and to provide members with opportunities to take part in its activities and contribute to the Party. The Party also hoped to use Petir to reach out to the public to explain its aims and to counter the “deliberate and gross misrepresentations” of the Party in some sections of the media, he wrote. The front-page article in the inaugural issue, titled “PAP Stand in the All Party Merdeka Mission” was written by Secretary-General Lee Kuan Yew. In it, he spelt out clearly the Party’s objective of achieving an independent united Malaya. Indeed, in the early years, the Party leaders, including Mr Lim Kim San and Mr S. Rajaratnam, wrote many of the articles. They tended to be essays on current political issues, carrying headlines such as “The Servile and the Free” and “Some Fundamental Problems Facing Our Country Today”. Over the years, Petir has taken on different formats – as a tabloid, broadsheet and magazine. In the late 1980s, it settled on the magazine look. In 2003, the magazine was revamped to reach out to a wider readership. “Petir should be the Party newspaper wherein there is an active exchange of views on matters of interest to Singaporeans,” said PAP Secretary-General Goh Chok Tong at the Ordinary Party Conference in Dec 2002.

The first issue of Petir comprised eight pages with a cover price of 15 cents. Reflecting the big issues facing the PAP then, the articles spelt out the Party’s stand on merger and the non-aligned movement. The look of Petir has evolved over the years but its mission remains the same.

M I L E S T O N E

DIVIDED THEY STOOD

For two months in 1957, the PAP was under the control of pro-communists bent on using the party for their own ends. They captured nearly all the PAP branches and, on Aug 13, 1957, elected six of their members into the 12-member Central Executive Committee (CEC) at the fourth Party conference. They seized the posts of chairman, vice-chairman, and secretary. They allowed Mr Lee Kuan Yew, Dr Toh Chin Chye, Mr Ahmad Ibrahim and three others to remain, making the CEC equally split between the non-communists and the pro-communists. Mr Lee and Dr Toh refused to take office, not wanting to become a shield for the pro-communists. This forced the pro-communists to take over the top positions, with Mr Tan Chong Kin becoming chairman and Mr T. T. Rajah the secretary-general. But the leadership change was short-lived. On Aug 21 and 22, 1957, the Lim Yew Hock government, anxious to stop the Communist expansion, launched a mass arrest operation, detaining 35 people including five of six pro-communist CEC members. In the midst of this crisis, Mr Rajah resigned without even informing the CEC. In Sep 1957, the seven remaining CEC members reconstituted themselves into an Emergency Council, with Dr Toh as interim chairman, to stabilise the Party. On Oct 20, 1957, a special Party conference was called to elect a new CEC. The moderates under Mr Lee regained control of the CEC. Dr Toh and Mr Lee were re-elected as chairman and secretary-general respectively. It was a hard lesson. To prevent such a recurrence, the PAP leadership amended the Party constitution in 1958 so that only cadres could vote for members of the CEC.

“ I decided that, in the interest of Singapore, I had to fire a salvo at the Communist fellow travellers. I gave orders to the police and, that night, six top Communist fellow travellers in the Party caucus were taken into custody.” – Mr Lim Yew Hock, in his memoirs, Reflections (1986), on his decision to detain the PAP pro-communists under the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance in 1957.

At the fourth Party conference, held at the Badminton Hall, the Communists made a bid for power by capturing half the seats on the Central Executive Committee (CEC) . They had wanted the non-communist CEC members to continue to act as a front, to placate the British who might otherwise be nervous about an extremist left-wing party. Mr Lee and his friends called their bluff, and they resigned from their positions.

“ The Dec 1957 City Council Elections were in fact a rehearsal for the national elections. They were a test of quality of leadership, of organisation, and of correct party policy.”

THE BIG SWEEP

M I L E S T O N E 6

– Mr S. Rajaratnam in the 10th anniversary edition of Petir.

Big brooms were election symbols of the PAP during the election for the first fully-elected City Council in 1957 – to “sweep away” corruption, nepotism and the incompetence of the incumbent political parties. The City Council was the decision-making body for local government matters such as public health and housing. It was the first time the 32-member council was to be fully elected, and the first where all adults in Singapore were automatically registered as voters. A total of 81 candidates fought for the 32 seats. The PAP won 13 seats, becoming the leading party. Mr Ong Eng Guan, the Party’s treasurer, became the first local mayor. Under the PAP, the City Council had proved itself effective in improving water supply, markets, hawker stalls, and the sewerage system – areas which touched upon the daily lives of the people. This gave the people a sneak preview of what the Party could do for them. The City Council Election was a rehearsal for the upcoming national election. This time, the Party would fight to become the ruling party.

A vigorous campaign was vital to gel together Party members, since the open break with the Communists had left many Party branches empty and in disarray. Within four months, the leaders had reorganised the members, moved the Party headquarters from Neil Road to South Bridge Road, and set up the election machinery there to win control of the City Council.

M I L E S T O N E

ROAD TO MERDEKA

The road to self-government took three rounds of All-Party Constitutional talks in London (also known as Merdeka talks), several compromises with the British, and a bargain with the Communists. The first round of talks in 1956, led by Chief Minister David Marshall, failed and ended up with Mr Marshall resigning. In Apr 1957, after returning from the second round of talks in London, a grim Mr Lee Kuan Yew told the crowd at City Hall that the delegation could get only “tiga suku merdeka” (Malay for “three-quarters independence”) and that the only way to gain full independence was through merger with Malaya. To the British, Singapore was an important strategic asset and not to be handed over to a weak government besieged by Communists. The Constitutional proposals were finalised by a third round of talks in May 1958. The differences between the PAP and the Communists continued to run deep, but they were united in wanting the British out. In Mar 1958, Mr Lee had his first of four clandestine meetings with Communist underground leader Mr Fang Chuang Pi (the “Plen”). The Plen wanted to know if Mr Lee was prepared to let the Communists work with the PAP in a united anti-colonial front. At that time, with many PAP branches and unions captured by the Communists, it was not the sort of offer which could be dismissed. With great trepidation, the PAP got on the back of the Communist tiger.

“ While the Party secretary was in London for the Constitutional talks, the pro-communists began to mount agitations in the unions and in Party branches. Nineteen of the Middle Road group of unions openly questioned the Party’s stand.” – Mr Ong Pang Boon, who was deputy mayor when the PAP won the City Council Election in 1957.

Mr Alan Lennox-Boyd, Secretary of State for the Colonies, hosted a lunch for the Singapore delegation in London. To the left of Mr Lee Kuan Yew is Mr John Profumo, Secretary of State for War. Facing Mr Profumo is Mr Lim Yew Hock, the chief minister who led the delegation.

“ The Nov 1958 meeting was a big step towards controlling the party, and keeping the CEC in safe hands. The cadre system was the beginning of the end for the pro-communists.”

CARDS AND CADRES

M I L E S T O N E 8

– Mr Othman Wok, now 90, recalls in an interview for the PAP 50 book.

On Nov 23, 1958, the PAP held a special Party conference to amend its constitution to provide for a special category of membership – cadre members. And only cadre members could elect the Central Executive Committee (CEC). Previously, there was only one category of membership – ordinary members – and they would elect the CEC directly. There had been no membership cards then and anyone wearing a Party badge would be admitted into the meetings. This laxness allowed the pro-communists to capture the CEC. So, at the special Party conference at the Singapore Badminton Hall, five sub-clauses were inserted into the constitution as it switched from an open membership system to a cadre system. Ordinary members could still join the Party through a branch or the HQ but only the cadres were to be chosen by the CEC. In turn, only the cadres elected members to the CEC. This effectively closed the loophole exploited by Communist infiltrators. At the same time, the Party tightened up on membership. It embarked on a massive registration exercise to weed out the pro-communists and their sympathisers. It also changed the way membership cards were issued. Previously, membership cards were sent to the unions to which members belonged. Under the new system, they were sent to the members’ homes.

PAP leaders took steps to ensure they would never again lose control of the CEC. These included issuing cards to members’ homes, instead of unions. Cards for cadres (Mr Othman Wok’s on top) had a hardcover that could be flipped open. In the 1980s, the Party switched to a simple laminated card, and from the 1990s, cards no longer held photos.

M I L E S T O N E

ELECTION LANDSLIDE

By 1959, Singapore finally had the right to internal self-government. Election for the first Legislative Assembly was set for May 30, 1959. The PAP had grave reservations over fighting the election to win because it was not sufficiently organised to take on a full-scale Communist assault. But if the PAP did not fight to win, the corruption of Mr Lim Yew Hock’s government would set in and ruin the public service. Once this happened, it would be hard to set it straight again. So the PAP contested all 51 seats. Its candidates included teachers, journalists, unionists, hairdressers and a farmer. The youngest candidate was a shop assistant aged 22. With few resources, the PAP candidates fought tenaciously against some 160 candidates from 11 other political parties, plus 34 independent candidates. The PAP’s political platform was independence for Singapore through merger with a democratic, socialist but non-communist Malaya. Its election manifesto, “The Tasks Ahead”, outlined its promises to build homes and schools, reorganise the civil service and build a strong and united trade union movement. It also put across its policy on women’s rights. Five women were fielded in the election. The PAP set the pace for the election campaign with mass rallies. An important innovation were the lunchtime rallies at Fullerton Square and Clifford Pier. It was a rough fight – the right-wing group used secret society thugs to canvass support and intimidate PAP activists. But they stayed the course. The PAP won a landslide victory, capturing 43 seats. The victory marked the beginning of the end for right-wing parties, such as the Singapore People’s Alliance and the Liberal Socialist Party – and laid the foundation for the rise of the PAP.

“ The Labour Front tried to rescue its falling fortunes. It even brought in gangsters and asked them to do its leg work…They even used their cars to knock down our posters. Such measures were unheard of. Although our men were bullied, we had a glorious victory when the results of the elections were known.” – Mr Chor Yeok Eng in the 25th anniversary issue of Petir. He won the Jurong seat in the 1959 election. He later became Senior Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Environment.

It was a brutal, hectic campaign and racial tensions sometimes ran high. But the PAP stuck to its multi-racial stance, and won the mass support it needed. Mr Lee Kuan Yew won his Tanjong Pager constituency with a handsome majority of 7,617 against the 3,105 polled by his opponent Dr C. Subrahmanyam, a Liberal Socialist.

“ We set out to be different – clean, fair, just and work for the people, not for ourselves.”

TAKING POWER

– Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew in

M I L E S T O N E 10

an interview for the PAP 50 book.

The PAP formed the first government of the self-governing state of Singapore on Jun 5, 1959, with its Secretary-General Lee Kuan Yew taking office as the prime minister. He was 35. Mr Lee and the other PAP office-holders wore open-necked shirts to show their solidarity with workers. Few men took office with less euphoria. They knew they were in for a gruelling battle with the Communists. The PAP leaders insisted on the release of eight Communist leaders who were in the PAP, including Mr Lim Chin Siong and Mr Devan Nair, before they took office. If they had taken office while their comrades were detained, the PAP would have lost ground to the Communists. On their release, the pro-communists published a document to “affirm our unqualified endorsement of the PAP’s objective – the creation of an independent, democratic, non-communist and socialist Malaya”. It was signed by Mr Lim, Mr Nair, Mr S. Woodhull, Mr Fong Swee Suan and Mr Chan Chiaw Thor on Jun 4, 1959. The PAP Central Executive Committee accepted their open declaration as sincere and appointed them political secretaries. In the end, only Mr Nair kept the promise that they would not work for the Communists again.

To make a break with the past, the new PAP government moved the seat of government from Empress Place to City Hall. The new team went to work immediately, tackling a myriad of problems from unemployment, housing to Communist unrest and strikes.

M I L E S T O N E

UNDER ONE ROOF

“ The Singapore Improvement Trust said it couldn’t be done. They formed a committee…to look into whether it was possible for us to fulfil the 10,000 units a year. When the report was finally published, we had already built 10,000 units. The report remarked: ‘The team shows more enthusiasm than skill!’” – Mr Lim Kim San, known in the 1960s as the “man who broke the back of the housing problem”,

When the PAP took charge of Singapore, 250,000 people were living in slums. Another 300,000 were in poorly-constructed, squatter homes. The Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT), set up under the British colonial government, had only built some 20,000 homes between 1947 and 1959. Within weeks of coming into office, the PAP Government drafted legislation to dissolve the SIT. To deal with the urgent issue of providing modern low-cost homes for a growing population, it set up the Housing and Development Board (HDB) in Feb 1960, under the chairmanship of Mr Lim Kim San. The Central Provident Fund Act was amended to allow its members to use their savings to pay for the down payment of the flat and to service the housing loan. In 1960, only nine per cent of Singaporeans lived in public flats. Now, more than 90 per cent of Singaporeans live and own their HDB flats. Housing was the first tangible sign that the PAP Government delivered on its promises.

in an interview for the book Leaders of Singapore.

Mr Lim Kim San (far left) prepared two five-year plans – the first to build 50,000 units. The second, a further 60,000. By end of 1970, he had exceeded these targets by 10,000 units.

“ The Barisan’s secretary-general said…that the future of the PAP was over. All I had to do was to resign from the Assembly. The Barisan Sosialis would compensate me economically, with a total sum of around $200,000.” – Mr Chor Yeok Eng, a Chineseeducated assemblyman on the intense soliciting by the Barisan Sosialis. He declined all offers, and served as a PAP MP for Bukit Timah until his retirement in 1984.

SURVIVING THE BIG SPLIT

M I L E S T O N E 12

After the first year in office, the PAP non-communist leaders became convinced that the pro-communists, including Mr Lim Chin Siong, were only out to build Communist strength in the unions and to slowly sap the standing of the PAP with the workers. The pro-communists agitated for policies that would make it easier for them to take power. These included the abolition of the Internal Security Council and continued opposition to merger with Malaya. The first clash between the Communists and PAP leaders occurred during the Anson by-election on Jul 15, 1961. Since the PAP did not want to give in to Communist demands on the question of merger and internal security laws, the Communists worked to defeat Mr Mahmud Awang, the PAP candidate. On Jul 20 that year, the PAP decided to take the fight into the open by calling for an emergency meeting of the Assembly to debate on a motion of confidence in the Government. The PAP leaders won – by one vote. Madam Sahorah Ahmat (Assemblywoman for Siglap) had to be brought in from her hospital bed to vote. She made up the 26th vote out of 51 in the Assembly. The 13 pro-communist PAP assemblymen who abstained or voted against the Government were expelled. On Jul 30, they announced the formation of the Barisan Sosialis with Dr Lee Siew Choh as chairman and Mr Lim Chin Siong as secretary-general. The pro-communists stirred trouble in the PAP branches, the unions and schools, aggressively courting the support of the Chinese-educated. Twenty out of 25 PAP branch organising secretaries and their committees defected and joined them. Those who stayed with the PAP had no time for despair as they poured their energies into rebuilding the Party’s base.

Five days before the confidence motion vote, the pro-communists had signalled a break with the PAP when they backed the Workers’ Party candidate Mr David Marshall in the Anson by-election, rather than the PAP’s Mr Mahmud Awang (right, standing), who lost.

M I L E S T O N E

WINNING OVER THE UNIONS

The open confrontation between the pro-communists and the non-communists within the PAP saw the split of the Singapore Trades Union Congress into two camps in Jul 1961. One was the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC), led by non-communist PAP members. The other was the Singapore Association of Trade Unions, led by the pro-communists under the banner of the Barisan Sosialis. The pro-communists, who then controlled most unions, used every opportunity to stir unhappiness on the ground. Strikes and go-slows were common, poisoning the investment climate. To break this, the PAP and the non-communist union leaders set out a legislative framework for the unions to enter into collective bargaining without resorting to strikes. The seminal Industrial Relations Act was born in 1960. The PAP government also gave the NTUC annual financial grants to set up the Labour Research Unit which engaged industrial relations officers to help NTUC affiliates handle industrial disputes. Slowly, the PAP leaders turned the tide. In 1961, 410,899 man-days were lost because of industrial disputes. Ten years later, this dropped to 5,449 man-days. Jobs were created as investments flowed in. By 1965, the NTUC represented the majority of organised labour in Singapore. The PAP-NTUC symbiosis, formalised in 1980, saw Singapore through its darkest days in the 1960s and set the scene for a brighter future.

“ The workers had to be convinced to accept the legislative reforms aimed at curbing politically-motivated wild cat strikes and ‘go slow’ actions, wage claim abuses such as triple pay on holidays and false overtime claims, and other unproductive work practices which discouraged investments.” – Mr Ho See Beng on the challenges faced when he was NTUC secretary-general from 1966 to 1967.

Mr Lee Kuan Yew met unionists regularly to explain the changes needed to attract investments. At this meeting at City Hall, he stressed to the Joint Chambers of Commerce representatives and union leaders that co-operation between capital and labour was essential to success. NTUC chief Ho See Beng (seated, centre) took much heat from workers when the Government abolished practices such as triple pay for work on public holidays.

“ Everyone knows the reasons why the Federation is important to Singapore. It is the hinterland that produces the rubber and the tin which keep our shop-window economy going. It is the base that made Singapore the capital city. Without this economic base, Singapore would not survive.” – Mr Lee Kuan Yew in his radio talks in 1962.

BATTLE FOR MERGER

M I L E S T O N E 14

The PAP wanted a merger with Malaysia on the calculation that, with a common market for economic growth and political stability, there was a way out for Singapore’s massive economic and social problems. Fearful of losing their legitimacy, the Communists pushed their anti-merger propaganda machinery to full throttle. They were against merger as, if Singapore achieved independence through merger, they could no longer mask their activities as being merely “anti-colonial”, but would be forced to be openly Communist. The main Communist slogans were that the people would get second-class citizenship in Malaysia and that the Malaysia plan was to sell out the Singapore Chinese. Malaysia was called a neo-colonial plot. The Communists also turned to Indonesia for help in their anti-Malaysia campaign. The PAP countered with an intensive campaign aimed at exposing Communist attempts to confuse people on the issue. These efforts were focused on one date – Sep 1, 1962, when the people had to decide in a referendum on the question of merger. On Sep 13, 1961, Mr Lee Kuan Yew made the first of a series of 12 radio talks, exposing the Communist plot. The talks were later published in a booklet entitled Battle for Merger. After 15 months of campaigning, the PAP won the battle – 71 per cent voted for the PAP’s proposal of merger with Malaysia. Mr Lee then embarked on a gruelling 10-month tour of all 51 constituencies. These tours galvanised grassroots leaders and brought new life to the branches.

The PAP went all out to persuade the people of the need for a merger with Malaya, holding large rallies at Fullerton Square. Mr Lee Kuan Yew also gave a series of radio talks in which he revealed the PAP’s anti-colonial united front with pro-communist elements.

M I L E S T O N E

WINNING THE MALAY VOTE

On Sep 16, 1963, Singapore officially joined Malaysia, which was made up of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, and Sabah. Four days later, the PAP formed the Singapore Government, after winning 37 seats against the Barisan Sosialis, which took 13 seats. It was a hard-fought battle, and some seats were won by a majority of fewer than 100 votes. Significantly, the PAP won over three UMNO strongholds – Geylang Serai, Kampong Kembangan and the Southern Islands. It was a tribute to the work of Malay MPs such as Mr Yaacob Mohamed, a devout Muslim who won by a majority of 540 votes in the Southern Islands. Others such as Mr Rahim Ishak, the younger brother of President Yusof Ishak, and Mr Othman Wok also worked hard to persuade the Malays that their future lay with the multi-racial PAP rather than the communal UMNO. They not only campaigned hard but also bore jeers, personal insults and threats from Malay ultras. The PAP success was a rude wake-up call to UMNO, the Malay-based dominant party in the new federation. None of their 42 candidates won. As PAP celebrated its first victory after merger, the political cauldron continued to simmer. Indonesia mounted Konfrontasi to disrupt the new state of Malaysia, which they regarded as a front for the British. By Sep, Indonesia had stopped trading with Malaysia, and terrorist agents had infiltrated Singapore. A few months later, Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman revealed an Indonesian plot to blow up Pasir Panjang Power Station. It was a difficult start for the Federation.

“ My main concern was how Singapore could operate in Malaysia when Malays on both sides of the Causeway were being constantly fed with so much hatred for Singapore leaders…I just could not understand why these ultras were pumping so much poison into the Malay population.” – Mr Othman Wok, Minister for Social Affairs, who won his Pasir Panjang ward in the 1963 General Election, writing in Petir in 1990.

Mr Lee Kuan Yew and PAP leaders visited many constituencies including the Southern Islands. They explained the PAP’s multi-racial, socialist philosophy. This appealed to many Malay voters, who did not take the racial line of Singapore UMNO.

“ There can be no genuine political stability…if the people continue to think in terms of Chinese, Malays, Indians…instead of being Malaysians. For so long as this racial concept remains in the minds of the people, so long will political opportunists exploit racial feelings to achieve political ends. And this will invariably lead to racial strife and political instability.” – Dr Goh Keng Swee in the 10th anniversary issue of Petir, in 1964, on the problems with merger.

TROUBLE IN MALAYSIA

M I L E S T O N E 16

Although Singapore was now part of Malaysia, it was difficult to integrate, both politically and economically. In the federal election of Apr 25, 1964, the PAP fielded nine candidates. But even this token participation was an affront to the Central Government which had not expected the PAP to take part at all. The PAP said it wanted a democratic, non-communal Malaysian Malaysia. But extremists called the Party “anti-Malay” and UMNO added fuel to fire by charging that the PAP would remove special rights for Malays if it won. The PAP said it would work with UMNO. The offer was rejected – UMNO was not prepared to have the PAP, which appealed to the Malays and Chinese alike, replace the Malaysian Chinese Association, which posed no danger to its dominance over the Malay vote. In the end, the PAP won only one seat but the agitation of the Malay extremists did not abate. Meanwhile, the much-vaunted “common market” was struggling to take off. The World Bank had handed a report on what needed to be done to the two finance ministers – Dr Goh Keng Swee in Singapore and Mr Tan Siew Sin, his counterpart in Malaya. But over the coming months, it became increasingly clear that the Central Government would do little about these recommendations. The fundamental issue was not about winning seats or even about the operations of the common market, but about how the political landscape was to be formed. UMNO refused to budge on the issue of Malay dominance and the PAP was equally firm on its multi-racial stance.

Singapore branches of UMNO organised large gatherings, such as this one, of more than 100 Malay-Muslim groups at the New Star Cinema in Pasir Panjang, to discuss the “fate and plight of Malays in Singapore under PAP rule”. Such incitement raised the emotions of the different races, and was to have serious consequences a few weeks later.

1965 – 1974

A NEW COUNTRY

At a press conference to announce Singapore’s separation from Malaysia on Aug 9, 1965, Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, eyes brimming with tears, declared: “What has happened has happened.”

HOLDING THE GROUND Ch’ng Jit Koon organised a group of illegal hawkers to build a thriving market and bought shoes for a barefoot football team. To him, politics has always been about grassroots relations and the need to make sure big initiatives are beneficial to the common man.

CH’NG JIT KOON, 80 When I became MP, Seng Poh Market was a mass of thriving activity – about 100 licensed hawkers in the middle of the market, and more than 200 illegal ones surrounding them. This was where I grew up – I was a faithful patron, and many of the hawkers were my friends. But as an MP, I saw the market through different eyes. True, the food was good and people flocked here. But there was the danger of live wires and rickety ceilings. During the weekends, it was so cramped that many times, people fainted. Added to this was the insecurity of an itinerant hawker’s life – when the hawkers’ inspector came, the illegal ones would literally run down the street to escape a fine and their goods being confiscated. This was no way to make a living. I gathered the older illegal hawkers and told them we would have to make a case and raise the money for a permanent structure ourselves. If they were willing to do this, I would bring the case up. They were fired up – with their own money, they hired an architect. It would cost them $150 to $180 each to build a proper structure – they pledged to raise the money by instalments. I took their case to the Health Ministry, then in charge of markets and street hawkers. At the time, hawker centres were very rare. But we made our case, and the market was built.

Before redevelopment, Seng Poh Market was a hotchpotch of licensed and unlicensed hawkers operating in the open air. Photo courtesy of Tiong Bahru Market Hawkers’ Association.

A grassroots initiative, Tiong Bahru Market was built by its hawkers, who could now sell their produce within a hygienic and wellventilated structure.

After the Singapore River clean-up in 1977, the Government started building more hawker centres. They soon became a common sight. Today, Tiong Bahru Market is a thriving marketplace – the old structure we built has been torn down, but in its time, it provided a good living, and was a cornerstone of our community life. In the 1972 elections, almost all the hawkers put up my posters in their stalls, and vouched for me. It was a thrill to see this small market make such a big change to people’s lives. This was when I realised the true power and purpose of politics. In the 1950s, when I was among the first batches of students in Nanyang University, I was only faintly interested in politics. This may sound strange today since many people think that Chinese schools then were a hotbed of political activity. It was indeed where many of us Chinese-educated students found our political awakening. We listened to many political speeches and were close to the politics of China. Yet, our thinking and callings were not all homogenous. I spent my childhood in Tanjong Pagar until 1941, when I was seven. We moved to Tiong Bahru. By 1963, I was familiar with the area. In 1968, I was invited to stand in Tiong Bahru. The party needed someone familiar with the ground. I was 34, and was happy to serve the residents whom I called friends and neighbours. So I said yes. That year, the Barisan Sosialis decided to boycott the elections, so I had a walkover. It was the first election of an independent Singapore. At the time, Tiong Bahru was an estate where the majority was Chinese – and I was careful to ensure that the other races were not left out. The only football field then was in the middle of Singapore General Hospital (SGH). In evenings, the children of SGH staff, mainly Malay, would play there, barefooted. I would watch them most evenings and think – why not get them some decent shoes, a set of jerseys? The grassroots leaders raised the money and we took part in competitions, topping the tables from the ‘C’ to ‘A’ divisions of the Singapore League. All of us in Tiong Bahru, whatever our race, celebrated together. That laid the foundation of today’s Tanjong Pagar United Football Club. Of course, sports is a great way to integrate different races but I did not think of it as a grand plan for “community bonding”. It was just that these boys were part of my kampong folks and I wanted them to play safely with shoes on.

In the Party, we need people to have an overview, but holding the ground is a crucial element of governing – you need to see how your ideas work on the ground, how they impact the common man. In 1976, I received a call from the Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew. The MP who was looking after his ward in Tanjong Pagar, P. Govindasamy (Anson), was in ill health. Since my ward was next to his, would I help? Tanjong Pagar was where I grew up. I knew the people from my childhood, I knew something about holding the ground. It would a sort of homecoming. I told the Prime Minister: “I’ll do my best.”

Despite being on the second floor, the Tiong Bahru Market and Food Centre is easily accessible with lifts, escalators and at least four staircases around the triangular complex. The wide aisles and walkways between tables make it easy for diners to get to their seats.

Ch’ng Jit Koon became an MP in 1968 and entered government as the Senior Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister in 1982. He was undefeated in his own seat, and looked after Tanjong Pagar until 1997, when he retired from politics as Senior Minister of State.

M I L E S T O N E

THE SEPARATION

After the 1963 General Election, the hate campaign against Mr Lee Kuan Yew by the Malay ultras in UMNO and the Malay press went into overdrive, whipping up racial and religious tension. They accused Mr Lee of being pro-Chinese, antiMalay and inflamed the Malay ground by claiming that Mr Lee was out to destroy the special rights of the Malays. They also sought to sour the Malay ground in Singapore, claiming that the Malays in Singapore were discriminated against. The Malay ultras were against what the PAP was fighting for – a non-communal “Malaysian Malaysia” in which all groups were equal. Things came to a head on Jul 21, 1964, when at a procession to celebrate Prophet Mohammad’s birthday, fighting between Malay and Chinese youths erupted into race riots. It left 23 dead and 454 injured. Two months later, another race riot broke out, killing 13 people and injuring 109. These incidents made the PAP even more committed to a multi-racial Malaysia. In Jun 1965, it organised the Malaysian Solidarity Convention, with four opposition parties from Malaya and Sarawak, to promote a “Malaysian Malaysia”. In response, the Malay ultras organised a “Crush Lee” campaign, burning the effigy of Mr Lee and calling for his arrest. Faced with this vitriol and fearing further outbreaks of communal violence, Tunku Abdul Rahman decided to separate Singapore from Malaysia. On Aug 9, with the Singapore delegates not attending, the Malaysian parliament passed a bill favouring separation by 126 to 0 votes. Suddenly, Singapore was out on its own.

“ We separated. So we were on our own. Without resources. No water. And Kuan Yew said, ‘This must work!’ …Separation, to me, was the crushing of my dreams. I believed in one nation, regardless of race and religion. My dreams were shattered.” – Culture Minister S. Rajaratnam, who was born in Malaya, in an interview for the book Leaders of Singapore.

Top left: In an effort to control the fear and panic, Culture Minister S. Rajaratnam and Deputy Prime Minister Toh Chin Chye toured Singapore, after a celebration of Prophet Mohammad’s birthday had exploded into race riots. Left: These riots had been ignited by weeks of racial slurs and agitation by Malay extremists.

“ Almost the whole of Singapore was behaving like a beaten dog, as if they had no future. That was the only time I got really angry in Singapore. I said, ‘Now you have your hands free – use them!’ It was the best thing that had happened during the whole period from 1960 till today.” – Dr Albert Winsemius in a 1981 interview, where he recalled how Singapore felt when it found itself independent on Aug 9, 1965.

INDEPENDENCE, SUDDENLY

M I L E S T O N E 18

Singapore became an independent country, without a hinterland, without resources, on Aug 9, 1965. “Singapore is out” screamed the front page of The Straits Times, adding that it was “a thousand pities that the clock has been thus set back”. But the PAP did not allow the low public morale to sink in. Its leaders rallied the people to defy the odds, and many responded to the crisis by pulling themselves up by their bootstraps and taking on the challenge of building a new country. The challenges were enormous: The trading port had no industrial base to speak off and unemployment was rising to 14 per cent. It was defenceless. In a world where small and weak states often became caught in great power rivalries, Mr S. Rajaratnam, Singapore’s first foreign minister, immediately worked to secure Singapore a seat at the United Nations and declared its non-aligned stance. It became the UN’s 117th member on Sep 21, 1965. In his first major foreign policy statement in parliament in Dec 1965, Mr Rajaratnam made clear that Singapore’s stand on specific international issues would be determined strongly by national interests. “Our responsibility is not to any outside country, but to the two million people who have entrusted their welfare and safety to us, and we will ensure these by the most practical and most effective means we can,” he said. In 1966, out of the ashes of the 1964 race riots, Mr Rajaratnam, in an act of determination and imagination, wrote the national pledge by which Singaporeans promised to be “one united people, regardless of race, language or religion”.

As Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew briefed an astounded press on the breakup of the SingaporeMalaya merger, the political leaders buckled down to work to get recognition for Singapore.

M I L E S T O N E

BUILDING BONDS

The PAP Government was moving at breakneck speed to industrialise the country, and put in place key programmes to raise the standard of living. But to do this, it needed the support and the understanding of the people. The Government decided to use the People’s Association (PA), a statutory board formed in 1960, to cover the many voluntary social organisations for sports, music, art and other activities. It had to reach out to the clan associations and civic organisations and also take charge of more than 100 community centres (CCs) across the island. It was a useful counter to the Communists, who had a strong network on the ground. Later, the Government put into place the Citizens’ Consultative Committees (CCCs). Their mission – to explain government policies to the people, gather feedback and voice the people’s concerns to the political leaders. On Mar 24, 1965, the PA officially set up the first four CCCs, in Nee Soon, Punggol, Sembawang and Serangoon Gardens. Later, the PA set up Residents’ Committees, which addressed local and municipal concerns, and the Community Club Management Committees, which looked after the CCs. In the 1960s, the CCs were a focal point for residents with activities to bring together the different races and to keep youth away from secret societies. Unemployment was another problem then, so CCs ran free classes on useful skills like cooking and dress-making. Over the years, the CCs have reinvented themselves, offering modern facilities and courses such as wine-tasting and golf lessons.

“ These officers and community leaders became something like a clutching system that enabled the Government to change gears without wrenching the gear box. They were not great public figures known to the press. They were known only in their own villages, known to people only in their own streets, known to members of their own clans. Only trustworthy men became leaders in such close and intimate situations.” – Mr Lee Kuan Yew, People’s Association chairman, in the book, People’s Association: The First 20 Years, published in 1985.

Top left: Many could not afford television in the 1960s and 70s, and so flocked to their community centres to catch the latest programmes, as can be seen at the Kim Seng CC. The facilities then were basic: TV sets mounted on metal platforms, rows of wooden benches, a rustic hard court. Left: Today, community centres offer modern facilities and programmes such as ballet and golf.

“ That was the closest that an opposition party ever came to challenge the PAP. Lee Siew Choh, inflexible and dogged, led the Barisan into the twilight zone from which it never emerged.”

DEFEATING THE BARISAN

M I L E S T O N E 20

– Dr Toh Chin Chye on the Barisan Sosialis winning 13 seats in parliament and its eventual demise, in Petir, 1990.

As Singapore came to grips with its independence, the PAP too was consolidating its political base. By the time the parliament of an independent Singapore sat in Dec 1965, the Barisan Sosialis was on its last legs. Two years earlier, its leader Dr Lee Siew Choh had lost his seat to Deputy Prime Minister Dr Toh Chin Chye by a whisker of just 89 votes in the 1963 election. Dr Lee then decided that the 13 Barisan Sosialis members who did win should boycott parliament and take their cause to the streets. It was a bad mistake since the Government could check its moves at every turn. When the Barisan tried to stir up unionised workers, the Government deregistered many pro-communist unions. When it stirred up Nanyang University students to stage a boycott, the Government expelled the students, and imprisoned the Barisan members involved in the student agitation. The Barisan then made the final mistake of boycotting the 1968 General Election. It left the field open for the PAP to take all 58 constituencies. The PAP swept all four general elections for the next 16 years, until 1984.

Top right: A half-empty Parliament after the Barisan Sosialis vacated their seats. Right: The Barisan Sosialis took their struggle to the streets, as was popular among communist movements of the time. But they had reckoned without a resolute PAP government, who curbed their unruly demonstrations quickly.

M I L E S T O N E

CITIZEN SOLDIERS

When Singapore became independent, it had two battalions made up of about 1,000 men – both under the command of a Malaysian brigadier. Their equipment were mostly leftovers from the British, old and out-of-date. It was a precarious situation for a small country in an unpredictable region. Threats and intimidation by certain quarters in Malaysia to cow Singapore into submission stiffened Singapore’s resolve to build up its own credible force from scratch. In 1967, Defence Minister Goh Keng Swee introduced National Service with support from the citizens. The smooth passing of the bill requiring compulsory conscription was a far cry from the riots that greeted a similar bill in 1954. The first batch of some 9,000 soldiers had a big send-off from ministers and community leaders. It was a signal that support for the defence of Singapore came from the very top as well as the community. Today, Singapore has an integrated fighting force of 50,000, made up of regulars and conscripts. Another 300,000 are “Operationally Ready National Servicemen”. The Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) compensates for its tight manpower and space constraints with sophisticated defence weapons, technology and high-end training, including training in overseas facilities. Over the years, the SAF has gained an international reputation as a formidable and credible fighting force.

“ It is foolish to allow ourselves to be hypnotised by the disparity in the population ratios between Singapore and her neighbours. What counts is the fighting strength of the armed forces… The war-making potential of a small, vigorous, welleducated and highly motivated population should never be underestimated.” – Dr Goh Keng Swee in his paper to the Defence Council, on becoming defence minister.

Singapore’s first Defence Minister Goh Keng Swee introduced National Service and attended many sending-off ceremonies and passing-out parades, including this one of cadet officers at Beach Road Camp in 1966 when former cabinet minister Mr Ong Pang Boon (extreme right in photo) was among them.

“ Large scale international corporations…would have the valuable established export markets for goods produced in Singapore. They, therefore, have rapid expansion potential and can at the same time, contribute significant technological skills to Singapore.” – Mr Hon Sui Sen, chairman, Economic Development Board (EDB), Jan 3, 1967, on the EDB’s new goal of attracting large foreign corporations to invest in Singapore.

BRITAIN PULLS OUT

M I L E S T O N E 22

By 1966, Britain was already under some pressure to cut its overseas commitments. Still, its sudden decision in Jan 1968 to pull out its military presence from Singapore by 1971 dealt a one-two blow to Singapore: It shook the confidence of investors, and threatened to add 30,000 redundant workers to the already large pool of the unemployed. The British troops accounted for one-fifth of the economy at the time. Mr Lee Kuan Yew and his team worked feverishly. Mr Lee promised: “There will be a throbbing and humming industrial, commercial and communication centre long after the British have gone.” A counter-recession programme for 1968 to 1971 was drawn up. In Feb 1968, the Government formed the Bases Economic Conversion department, under Permanent Secretary Hon Sui Sen in the Prime Minister’s Office. The Economic Development Board (EDB), with Mr Hon as chairman, went all out to woo investors from all over the world. In April 1968, the Government called for a general election – its first after independence – to seek a mandate from the people. The people gave their resounding support – the PAP won all 58 seats with 84.43 per cent of the votes cast. By 1970, unemployment fell to 6 per cent, with GDP growing at an average rate of 13.7 per cent between 1968 and 1970. The 30,000 retrenched workers were absorbed by industries set up. By that year also, Singapore had its own air force. Thus, in Nov 1971, the New Nation carried the headline, “The British pull-out causes scarcely a ripple”.

Under the industrialisation programme, the bush and mangrove swamp area of Jurong was turned into the first major industrial estate. In 1962, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, accompanied by Mr Hon Sui Sen (left in photo), chairman of the Economic Development Board who later became minister for finance, inspected the land to be developed. In 1968, the Jurong Town Corporation was set up to manage such industrial estates to help counter the impending effects of the British pull-out.

M I L E S T O N E

PLANTING A CIVIL SOCIETY

“ To enjoy plenty in the future, each generation must produce sons and daughters willing to plant trees for the next generation to harvest the fruits and rest in the shade.” – Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong in an interview for the PAP 50 book in 2004.

Green trees, clean roads and a courteous people were to distinguish Singapore from the region. In 1970, these were not ‘quality of life’ niceties but a practical matter of survival – Singapore needed to provide First World infrastructure and surroundings if it was to distinguish itself from the region. In the beginning, another basic reason was that of good public health. Some 24,000 street hawkers dumped their food wastes into the drains and rivers. People spat on and littered the streets. All these added up to a significant public health hazard. The “Keep Singapore Clean” campaign was thus aimed at improving the living and working conditions of Singaporeans. In Nov 1971, at the start of the rainy season, MPs and community leaders held their first tree-planting day. It was the beginning of a long-term campaign to cultivate a clean and green Singapore. Singapore soon became known as the Garden City. Since then, for more than three decades, each MP and his or her band of community leaders plant trees, shrubs and ferns. They have also exhorted the people to be courteous, to flush public toilets and not to urinate in the lifts. These small civilities were necessary to help a country in a hurry to catch up with the First World.

Defence Minister Dr Goh Keng Swee planting a rain tree on Mount Faber at the first tree-planting day in 1971. Throughout the decade, PAP leaders launched vigorous campaigns to green Singapore, clean up its river, and plant the roots for a beautiful, well-run city.

“ Within the ‘70s, it is my hope that the parliament can attract enough men of quality and integrity to maintain honest and efficient standards of administration and to provide capable leadership in Singapore.” – Mr Lee Kuan Yew on the eve of poll broadcast in Sep 1972.

BRINGING IN NEW BLOOD

M I L E S T O N E 24

With relations with Indonesia still tense following Confrontation, and Malaysia intent on bypassing Singapore, Singapore had little choice but to leapfrog the region to create jobs for its people. Going against the conventional wisdom at the time, Singapore turned to multinational companies for growth. By 1972, MNCs from America, Europe, Japan, Hong Kong and other countries were flocking to invest in Singapore. Indeed, one-quarter of its manufacturing firms were either foreign-owned or joint-venture companies. A container complex built in 1972 made the country the container transshipment centre of Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, the PAP went into the 1972 General Election with the slogan: “For a Better Future, Vote PAP”. Campaigning was intense, with 138 candidates vying for 57 seats. The PAP produced a book, Twelve Years of Achievement, which laid out its track record in improving the people’s housing, medical and health standards. Then Foreign Minister S. Rajaratnam also revealed the criminal records of four opposition candidates. On its part, the opposition exploited the problems of rapid economic development, the higher cost of living, and also stoked communal feelings. The PAP used the election to bring in new blood. The self-renewal process, which had begun with five new candidates in the by-elections in 1970, continued in earnest. This time, 11 new candidates were fielded, including Mr Ong Teng Cheong, an architect who was to lead the union movement and eventually become the country’s president. With its strong track record, well-qualified candidates, and solid policies for the future, the PAP took all 65 wards.

A jubilant Mr Ong Teng Cheong, 36, celebrating his first election victory in 1972, with 74 per cent of the votes in Kim Keat.

1975 â€“ 1984

WITH OUR PEOPLE

PAP candidates at a press conference at Chai Chee Secondary School on Nomination Day during the 1976 General Election.

PROBLEMS IN PROSPERITY A soldier and gentleman, Abbas Abu Amin’s quiet leadership saw Pasir Panjang through years of difficult policies. Whether it was convincing residents to give up their land or dealing with tumultuous unions, he persuaded people to work towards the common good.

ABBAS ABU AMIN, 76 In the late 1970s, there was a sudden frantic spate to plant fruit trees. The wily farmers knew that the Government was acquiring land and would compensate them more for fruit trees than wild plants. After the initial years of hardship, the economy was taking off. Singapore was on the verge of full urbanisation, moving from farms to flats and factories. I was newly elected as Pasir Panjang’s MP. Land acquisition was my first hot issue. Thankfully, there was a group of grassroots leaders there, acting as translators and mediating disputes. I wanted to reassure the farmers that they would be compensated and get new homes. Coming from the army, I knew some Hokkien but it was not the sort of talk you could use to explain policy. Somehow, we got through the conversations and slowly people changed their ways of life, adapting to city living. Of course, there were those who tried to game the system, but I was not too harsh on them. And then there were those who were furious. But the one person I still remember is an elderly Chinese farmer who came to my Meet-the-People Session with his family, bringing some fruits. They received good compensation for their farm and came to thank me. This was why I became an MP – to make a difference on the ground. My priority was of course to look after the residents and problems in my constituency. My second challenge was improving the status of Malays.

As MP of Pasir Panjang, Abbas Amin paid many courtesy calls to his residents’ flats to check on their well-being.

Reviewing the 1980 census, the PM and Malay MPs became very concerned at the poor performance of Malays. There were only some 600 Malay university graduates amongst 44,000 graduates. At work, Malays held low-level positions – there were very few in the professional and managerial classes. We also saw data that showed Malays lagging behind in English, Mathematics and Science in the national primary examinations. It was indeed a sensitive issue and had to be tackled before it became worse. Education and a good working life went together – especially at a time when Singapore was striving to move into highly skilled industries. The country was booming but Malays risked missing out. PM Lee Kuan Yew told Malay leaders and educationists in no uncertain terms that this had to change. The nine Malay MPs worked with the various Malay/ Muslim organisations’ community leaders to find a solution. It was not an easy task. The result was the formation of the Council on Education for Malay/Muslim Children (MENDAKI). By providing tuition classes, scholarships, and loans for education, we saw it as a useful vehicle to improve our children’s school performances. We also wanted parents to encourage their children to excel in school. We got them to be more active in their children’s education, and organised ceremonies to celebrate academic achievements. The Government funded our activities, and the community contributed through a monthly voluntary contribution. Today, after more than three decades, we see the Malay community doing better – more Malay students making it to universities, more becoming business leaders and professionals. It is a journey which we have to continue. Abbas (centre) with his multi-racial team of volunteers who helped him address his constituents’ problems, sometimes by translating for him.

The third part of my political life was with the unions. After the elections, I was placed in the NTUC. I was 43 and an assistant director (Industrial Unions Coordinator). 1980 was a time of turmoil for the unions. A year earlier, a top Union leader, Phey Yew Kok, fled Singapore while being investigated for misuse of union funds. Until today, no one knows what happened to him. On the ground, there was trouble too. The workers were organised along two giant unions – Pioneer Industries Employees Union and Singapore Industrial Labour Organisation – which had more than 100,000 members, and were very powerful indeed. In the early days, large unions had been captured by the Communists and there was fear that this would happen again. There was also a danger that these unions would hold whole industries hostage and the difficulty of meeting all the members’ needs. So, I worked with labour MPs and union leaders to restructure – four years later, we put in place new industrial unions. Building a new structure required new rules – but more importantly, it required a new culture. The old political and union leaders had strong ties forged in the fight against the communists. By the 1980s, a new generation had emerged. We needed them to bond. We organised activities and courses for these new union leaders to improve on their attitude, skills and knowledge, and give them a sense of pride and responsibility. My way was to use sports – with the support of companies, we organised game competitions at inter-union levels. We also organised several educational tours to neighbouring countries like Indonesia. The unity of spirit did not come a moment too soon. We were heading into stormy waters. In 1985, Singapore hit a severe recession. As unionists, we had to carry the ground to take some very painful measures.

Abbas Abu Amin joined the Singapore Armed Forces in 1966. He rose to the rank of Major. In 1980, he became an MP for Pasir Panjang until 1991. In 1985, he and other labour MPs had to persuade union leaders and workers to agree to a 15 per cent cut in the employer’s CPF contribution rate. They succeeded and Singapore became a newly industrialised economy within five years. 64

M I L E S T O N E

WINNING ALL AGAIN

By the late 1970s, the PAP was ready for a second generation of leaders. The 1976 General Election saw 10 days of campaigning under its slogan “Your Future is Safe with PAP”. The PAP fielded 10 new men and focused on its track record of bringing peace and prosperity to Singapore – including good public facilities and good jobs which allowed people to buy their own homes. Nine new faces were introduced in 1976, including Mr Goh Chok Tong, who was to become the prime minister in 1991, and Mr Tan Soo Khoon, who was to become speaker of parliament. On their part, six opposition parties fielded 53 men. Two independents also took part, including Mr Chiam See Tong, who campaigned in Cairnhill and offered to donate his $1,000 MP allowance if voted in. The 1970s were years of strong, double-digit growth and the opposition candidates made the most of the problems of a hot economy. They attacked the Government’s handling of the economy, including the increase in public debt and its dependence on foreign investments. They also claimed that the Government was hiding the true jobless rate and not giving free education, as promised. The PAP fielded university lecturers, trade unionists and professionals, which the opposition could not match. The PAP stressed “actual deeds, not empty promises” and won all 69 seats with 72.4 per cent of the votes cast, and gained its fifth victory. It was an endorsement of the strong team that the PAP was able to attract. Between 1976 and 1980, several new ministers were appointed. They included Mr Goh, Dr Tony Tan, Mr Ong Teng Cheong, Mr S. Dhanabalan, Mr Howe Yoon Chong, Mr Lim Chee Onn and Dr Ahmad Mattar.

“ I am the product of a political system which scours the country for able and committed people to serve. Had I lived elsewhere, I would never have had the chance to make a difference to my country and people.” – Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong in an interview for the PAP 50 book in 2004.

Mr Goh Chok Tong striding into Chai Chee Secondary School to file his nomination papers in 1976, as members of the old guard, such as Mr Lee Kuan Yew, continued to campaign vigorously for votes.

“ We are very conscious of the fact that, if we don’t understate our presence…we will become so overwhelming that, even though we don’t intend to be overbearing, people will think that you are just bearing down on them.” – Secretary-General Goh Chok Tong explaining why the PAP keeps a modest HQ, in an interview for the PAP’s 45th anniversary book.

PARTY HOUSING

M I L E S T O N E 26

The Party headquarters stands amid blocks of flats at New Changi Road, within earshot of a busy market nearby. It shares the same premises as the PAP Community Foundation (PCF), which looks after the Party’s chain of non-profit kindergartens. The logo at the top of the four-storey building is that of PCF, and not the PAP. Inside, there are eight full-time staff. This modest building is in keeping with a deliberate decision by the Party to keep its HQ simple. But in the early years, a small HQ was the result of meagre party finances. In 1955, it had to fork out $8,326.45 to maintain its 10 branches. That year, PAP accounts managed a small surplus of $2,754.83, financed by donations and membership fees. The next year, the surplus slipped to a mere $561.54. The PAP’s first three HQs were small, cramped shophouses. The first was at Neil Road, along a busy street, and teeming with white-shirted men and pig-tailed girls who were campaigning vigorously for the Party. It then moved to South Bridge Road and then Waterloo Street. It shifted again to Orchard Road, before taking on a black-and-white bungalow at Napier Road. It meant more space and a breath of fresh air, but the Party’s usual frugal practice meant that it did not hire a gardener. Instead, once a month, members took turns to cut the grass and sweep the compound. At one point, the Party thought of developing its own building for rental income. But it decided against it to concentrate its energies where it counted most – at the polls and in making policies which improved the lives of Singaporeans.

The Party sited its HQ in a host of modest settings, including a shophouse along Waterloo Street and an old bungalow in Napier Road (top right) before settling on a Housing and Development Board block in Changi (right).

M I L E S T O N E

TENDING THE CHINESE GROUND

When the PAP came into power, many of its supporters were Chinese-speaking, looking towards China for ideas and values. The Party had to build a new sense of belonging among this group and orientate it towards a multi-racial Singapore. The first task it had to tackle was the thorny issue of Nanyang University, which was founded in 1956. The Nanyang University, or Nantah, instructed its students in Chinese, and provided higher education for Chineseeducated children. It started with great fanfare. But by 1978, it became obvious that the graduates could not find good jobs, given their poor command of English. The number of students also dwindled, as parents sent their children to English schools. PAP MPs who were Nantah graduates, such as Minister of State Ch’ng Jit Koon, asked the Government to intervene before the situation became worse. After much discussion, the Government took the difficult step of merging the Nanyang University with the University of Singapore to form the National University of Singapore. The PAP also took firm steps towards integrating the Chinese community itself, which was splintered along dialect lines. A common working language – English – proved to be a unifying force across all races in Singapore. In 1999, the PAP formed the Chinese Liaison Group, made up of Chinesespeaking PAP MPs, to reach out to Chinese community organisations, such as clan associations and literary groups. The dialogues with these groups help to foster better understanding and closer communication between the PAP and the Chinese ground.

“ The merger of Nanyang University and University of Singapore had served Singapore well. Had Singaporeans chosen to have one Chineselanguage and one English-language university, I believe Singapore would have been worse off. Today, there would have been two groups of Chinese Singaporeans living in two separate cultural, linguistic and socio-political worlds.” – Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong speaking to Nantah Alumni at the Worldwide Nantah Reunion Dinner held in Singapore in 1995.

This batch of Nantah students had to make the difficult switch from studying in Chinese to English in 1978, but at the first examinations, a respectable 70 per cent made the grade. This opened the doors to better-paying jobs for many of them.

“ It is better for us to lose Anson than to lose sight of the policies that make Singapore work. Because if we lose sight of our hardheadedness, this place will go down.”

LOSING ANSON

M I L E S T O N E 28

– Mr Goh Chok Tong, PAP’s assistant secretary-general in Oct 1981, pledging that the Government would not go soft on its policies just to win back votes.

PAP’s 13-year complete dominance in parliament ended with the by-election in Anson. In Oct 1981, Mr Devan Nair resigned from his Anson ward to become the president of Singapore. Lawyer Mr J. B. Jeyaretnam of the Workers’ Party contested the seat. He won 51.9 per cent of the votes. It was a wake-up call for the party. After all, the PAP had a good showing in the 1980 General Election – on Dec 23, it swept all 75 seats and won 77.6 per cent of the votes. The economy was doing well. Everyone seemed eager to “Progress with PAP”, as the Party’s slogan put it. The Party itself was confident of winning. One reason for PAP’s defeat in Anson was that many port workers who lived in Port of Singapore Authority (PSA) provided apartment blocks in the ward were told that they had to move out just before the election. PSA needed the land on which the three blocks of flats stood, for expansion of the container port. But they had not yet worked out with the HDB to provide alternative homes. This resulted in much anxiety and frustration. Other residents who had just bought their HDB flats at higher prices were also dissatisfied. Voters were also increasingly concerned with the hard-headed policies of the Government. The PAP learned from the loss. It changed its approach in handling the opposition but continued with hard-headed policies that were for the larger good of the people and country. MPs also worked their ground more.

The defeat at Anson was a shock to the PAP. With Mr Goh Chok Tong at the press conference when the votes were announced was defeated PAP candidate Mr Pang Kim Hin (right).

M I L E S T O N E

LABOUR-PARTY LIAISON

“ The future has to be consciously prepared for, if only to ensure that the next generation of political and trade union leaders do not diverge from the common road that we have travelled thus far.” – NTUC President Devan Nair,

The PAP started as a workers’ party, with many of its founders being unionists themselves. The old PAP leaders and union leaders also had strong ties, which were forged in the heat of battles with the Communists. But by the 1980s, a new team had taken over the reins in the PAP and the labour movement. The Party felt a need for the younger ministers and union leaders to have an avenue to form their own ties and relationships. In Oct 1980, the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) and the PAP set up a liaison committee as a formal link between the two organisations. The first committee included Communications and Acting Culture Minister Ong Teng Cheong, Trade and Industry Minister Goh Chok Tong, as well as NTUC’s SecretaryGeneral Lim Chee Onn, and its President Devan Nair. This high-level commitment underscored the importance of tripartism – where the Government, management and workers work together to ensure strong economic growth for Singapore. The setting up of the National Wages Council in 1972, with representatives from all three sectors, institutionalised the tripartite mechanism for consultation and consensus-building. It has become the central body for deliberating major labour and wage policies and practices. MPs are appointed as advisers to the unions. Labour is represented in Government through MPs who hold elected positions in the unions, and through the NTUC secretary-general who holds the position of a cabinet minister.

whose idea it was to set up the liaison committee, speaking on the symbiotic relationship between the NTUC and the PAP in 1980.

Top left: May Day celebrations are a time for PAP leaders to bond with workers, as this 1990 picture shows (from left) NTUC Secretary-General Ong Teng Cheong, Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, NTUC President Oscar Oliveiro, Mrs Oliveiro and First Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. Behind Mr Oliveiro is Minister of State (Foreign Affairs and Finance) George Yeo. Left: In 1984, the PAP and the NTUC held the first joint May Day Carnival at Chinese Garden, featuring a mobile disco, aerobic dancing and a variety show with local, Hong Kong and Taiwan superstars.

“ For Singapore to be a nation, to be more than merely a collection of people each of whom is seeking to maximise his personal wellbeing and to minimise his obligations to the community and country, we must aspire to goals beyond merely getting more of what we already have.”

CHANGING TIMES, CHANGING CONSTITUTION

M I L E S T O N E 30

– PAP’s First Assistant SecretaryGeneral Tony Tan, then Minister for Trade and Industry, on the Party’s objective of building a nation of Singaporeans in 1982.

By 1982, the PAP was no longer an emerging party, engaged in an anti-colonial struggle. Its original objectives such as ending colonial rule and establishing an independent Malaya no longer applied. So, the Party updated its constitution to reflect its new role – as a national movement dedicated to the service of the nation and the people. In a Party congress on Nov 15, it stated that its new objectives were to safeguard freedom, advance the welfare of the people, and create a just, fair, self-reliant and dynamic society that rewards performance. It also removed a clause that allowed ordinary members to move resolutions, and restricted this power to its cadres, further tightening its control against possible usurpers. The changing times were also reflected in the retirement of the old guard. Many stepped down from the Central Executive Committee, making way for newcomers. To recognise deserving stalwarts, the Party began giving out Party awards – gold medals for 25 years of service or more, silver for 15 years or more, and bronze for 10 years or more.

The PAP’s Central Executive Committee before (top right) and after (right) the 1982 Party conference.

M I L E S T O N E

OTHER VOICES

With a better educated electorate and a new team of leaders stepping up, the PAP wanted broader participation in politics. This was part of a new and more consultative governing style by the dominant party. It was also a way of getting more diverse views in parliament. It announced a few key parliamentary innovations. These included the introduction of Non-Constituency MPs (NCMPs) in 1984 and the establishment of Group Representative Constituencies (GRCs) in 1988. The first NCMP was former Barisan leader Dr Lee Siew Choh, who returned to the House under the scheme which gives the “best loser” in a general election a seat. Dr Lee had lost his seat more than 20 years ago, when he ran under the Barisan Sosialis banner. In 1988, he joined the Workers’ Party and was narrowly defeated in Eunos GRC, where the PAP took only 50.9 per cent of the votes. In 1990, the PAP Government also put in place the Nominated MPs (NMPs) scheme, where representatives from interest groups can have their concerns aired in parliament and give inputs to policy. There are currently nine NMPs, the maximum provided for under the Constitution. They represent a wide spectrum of society, including small businesses, sports and workers. NMPs are not linked to any political party and are appointed for a term of 2½ years. Politically, the minorities are assured of proportionate representation in parliament through the GRC system. MPs can be elected under single wards or under GRCs, where a group of MPs run as a team. Each GRC team must have at least one member from a minority race.

“ Although the PAP has done its best to persuade the best to serve the country, there are always Singaporeans who can contribute but who are not able, or prepared, to take part in elections and look after a constituency… Nominated MPs, unlike Opposition MPs, can concentrate on the substance of the debate rather than on form and rhetoric. They do not have to play to the gallery. They can be constructive while dissenting, thus contributing to good government.” – DPM Goh Chok Tong in his speech at the second reading of the Amendment (No 2) to the Constitution to allow for Nominated MPs, on Nov 28, 1989.

The eighth parliament of 1996 saw a diverse slate of Nominated MPs. From left, they were Mr Imram Mohamed from the Association of Muslim Professionals, business leader Stephen Lee, unionist John de Payva, economist Lee Tsao Yan, surgeon Kanwaljit Soin and law professor Walter Woon, who moved the Maintenance of Parents Bill. Dr Lee Siew Choh became the first NCMP in 1988.

“ We aim to make living in Singapore fun. We will build marinas for windsurfing, imaginatively landscaped playgrounds and parks…Singaporeans will have plenty to do, to laugh, to listen, to see, to join in.” – “Singapore, City of Excellence – A Vision of Singapore by 1999”, released by PAP Assistant Secretary-General Goh Chok Tong on the eve of Nomination Day, Dec 12, 1984.

NEW FACES

M I L E S T O N E 32

In 1984, the PAP Government unveiled Vision 1999, an ambitious plan to reach the Swiss standard of living by 1999. It aimed for a higher, more gracious standard of living, one that included a world-class transport system and an arts performance centre by Marina Bay. The PAP took this as its election manifesto for the 1984 General Election, and chose “Together We Progress” as its slogan. It fielded a record 26 new faces, including Brigadier-General Lee Hsien Loong, Mr Wong Kan Seng, Mr Abdullah Tarmugi and Dr Richard Hu. Prior to the election, the Government had introduced some hard policies. These included a proposal to raise the Central Provident Fund withdrawal age from 55 to 60, and the graduate mother scheme, giving priority for school registration to children of graduate mothers. The opposition made the most out of this. Mr Chiam See Tong of the Singapore Democratic Party said that a clean sweep of the seats for the PAP would open a floodgate of “harsh, unpopular, even bad policies”. The PAP stressed that the policies, though unpopular, would benefit the people in the end. The main issues were good leadership and the smooth transfer of power. The PAP won 62.9 per cent of the votes, a fall of 12.6 per cent. Two opposition candidates were voted in – Mr Chiam for Potong Pasir and Mr J. B. Jeyaretnam (Workers’ Party) for Anson. After the election, the PAP adopted a more consultative style of leadership, including televising parliamentary sittings, and setting up a Feedback Unit in 1985.

New PAP candidates slated for the Dec 1984 General Election attended a Party conference in Sep, a three-hour closed-door session at the Singapore Conference Hall. They included (from left) Brigadier General Lee Hsien Loong, Mr Mah Bow Tan, Mrs Yu-Foo Yee Shoon, Dr Koh Lam Son and Dr Dixie Tan.

1985 â€“ 1994

AS WE LEAD

Mr Goh Chok Tong became the second prime minister of Singapore, after his swearing-in on Nov 28, 1990.

RAISING THE NEXT GENERATION Jasmine Ng has worked for 30 years in the PAP Community Foundation (PCF), teaching children basic skills for primary school. She has witnessed the transformation of pre-school education in the heartlands – from oversubscribed classes to computer-aided learning and professionally trained teachers.

JASMINE NG, 49 He was a little boy who couldn’t keep still – no one could understand why. In a class of 40 five-year-olds, we couldn’t afford to pay too much attention to one little guy. But I was determined to ensure he graduated to Primary One. So for two years, I asked his grandmother to come to school. When he was quiet, I taught the class; when he got too agitated, his grandmother came to action. She would placate him, and if she could not, she took him out of class. I was only 19 in 1984, when pre-school education was not as developed. We had little knowledge about different learning abilities and we had more children than there were places. More often than not, we had to shout to be heard. Playtime was as simple as making do with plasticine and hula-hoops. But the kids and teachers had great fun. Even in those days, interacting with children was my passion. I recognised that they were precious and full of surprises. I’ve been with the PCF for 30 years, but my work is in a different world from politics or government – I interact with little kids and parents, ensuring they get help whenever needed.

Back in the day: a kindergarten field trip led by a pre-school teacher.

Before Project Pre-School, PCF centres were furnished simply, with little more than whiteboards and markers to serve as teaching aids.

Some people ask me: why do you stay here for so many years? Why not go to a private pre-school since they are making so much money? It’s true that at PCF, we are cost efficient and affordable. Yet, my passion is for kindergartens humbly located at the void decks of HDB flats. My dream is to make a small difference to small children – to give every one of them, no matter whether their parents are doctors or hawkers – all roughly the same start at Primary One. This is an ideal, and I know that family backgrounds do make a difference – but we work to narrow the gap. One of the most important things we did was Project Pre-School in the mid-1990s, transforming the PCF centres to include music and physical development as part of our curriculum. Part of the Project was changing the infrastructure itself – to include music rooms, which double up as gyms, a computer learning room and a playroom. Because many of the centres were built in void decks, we also decided to air-condition some of the rooms to reduce noise. The other part was the actual teaching. We had our teachers trained in the National Institute of Education, extended teaching hours from two to four hours, and furnished each room with a standard pack of teaching aids – no more hula-hoops! This was the first wave of change – the next was in the early 2000s, when the Government provided funding for teacher training. Today, all pre-school principals have a Diploma in Early Childhood Care and Education and all pre-school teachers have at least a Certificate in it. As the charity arm of the Party, we also raise funds for the centres – today, we have not just kindergartens but also childcare and student care centres. We are proud to say that we have raised the quality of our pre-schools through the achievement of the Singapore Pre-school Accreditation Frameworks by the Early Childhood Development Agency. We now have smaller classes of 20 students with trained teachers, and two adults in each classroom. Of course, there is a pressure for children to do very well nowadays and attend enrichment and tuition classes. People who can’t afford these extra classes will feel stressed. But if you look at education in terms of quality, location and training, I think PCF centres provide these affordably. Today, we even use online technology such as eTeaching and eLearning. The quality of education we provide today is surely higher than the 1980s. But parents today are more demanding, ask more questions and have more requests. My way of working with them is to always share what happened in school, whether it’s scraps, bruises, misbehaviour or good behaviour. Parents get anxious not because things happen but because they are not told what happened. So the teachers and I always make sure to keep in close touch with them.

At its peak, there were about 2,000 to 3,000 students in the centres that I oversaw – eight kindergartens. That’s like a whole school. Today, there are just about 1,000 students because of our declining birth rate, but it’s still enough to keep us busy. My first few batches of students are all grown up – some are professionals, others own their own businesses – I know one who is studying for her PhD in the National University of Singapore. I don’t recognise them any more – it’s their parents that recognise me. They come and tell me about their children, “They are married. They have kids!” Each time I hear that, I feel a small glow inside. I have the firm belief that with the patience and determination we showed the child through his pre-school years, someday, he will bring his little ones back to our pre-school.

Former Minister for Education Teo Chee Hean visiting Yew Tee PCF to check on the upgrading of pre-school education in the heartlands.

The PCF’s mission is to enhance the well-being of the community through education, welfare and community services. Each year, it gives out some $700,000 in book prizes and financial assistance. The Government administers the Kindergarten Financial Assistance Scheme which subsidies low-income families – each year, $20m is disbursed.

M I L E S T O N E

FOUNDATION FOR THE COMMUNITY

“ Singaporeans now expect more in terms of services. What was good enough 10 or even five years ago would not be good enough in the future.” – Foreign Minister S. Dhanabalan, who was Party treasurer, writing in the May 1986 issue of Petir, explaining that PCF would upgrade the Party’s social services.

The PAP established a non-political charitable organisation in May 1986 called the PAP Community Foundation (PCF). It provided a different platform for interaction and outreach, as it runs social, educational and welfare activities for the community. It is now the biggest kindergarten operator in Singapore and runs more than 300 centres, providing affordable and good quality pre-school education. In 1991, the PCF kindergartens were revamped under Project Pre-School to raise the quality of its pre-school education programmes. An Early Childhood Institute was also set up in 1996 to train teachers. The kindergartens have gone through a radical transformation since the PAP started them in the open air in the 1960s. Now, many are air-conditioned, and some have expanded to offer pre-nursery classes and infant care. Computer-aided learning, and other enrichment programmes are also offered. The charity arm also helps poorer families by giving out financial assistance, such as from its Headstart Fund, for children’s tuition and other educational needs. The Headstart Fund was set up in Dec 2003 to help needy children aged four to 10 have a good grounding in early education. The PCF centres provide a good link from the Party to the community, as teachers and supervisors often live near the centres.

In the 1960s, facilities were few and, sometimes, classes were taught in the open. Now, children in PCF kindergartens enjoy air-conditioning as well as computer-aided learning.

“ If the PAP lets down the nation, our people will bear the brunt of it. We must always keep the PAP young, vigorous, and in touch with the people, from one general election to the next.”

KEEPING THE PAP YOUNG

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– Brigadier-General Lee Hsien Loong at the launch of YP21, a platform for young Singaporeans to debate political and social affairs, on Dec 8, 2000.

Youth sections had been part of the Party since 1971, when Acting Organising Secretary Tang See Chim set one up in his Sembawang branch. Its purpose was to politicise the young and mobilise them into a force for nation building. To centralise the effort to reach out to youth, the Youth Wing of the PAP was set up in 1986, with Brigadier-General Lee Hsien Loong as its first chairman. In 1993, Brigadier-General George Yeo, who was its chairman then, renamed it Young PAP or YP to ensure that the PAP remains relevant as a political party and that it continued the process of self-renewal. The next chairman Mr Lim Swee Say launched a host of initiatives including YP21 in year 2000. This was to create more space for young Singaporeans to express ideas, and to promote political awareness among young people. Later, he launched Young PAP Action Groups or Y-Pags in 2002. Under this scheme, any YP member can propose new “action groups”, and once the executive committee endorses it, it can plan and organise activities based on the shared interests of its group members. Since its inception, Young PAP has provided a steady stream of members to parliament including Dr Michael Lim, Mr Sin Boon Ann, Mr Heng Chee How and Dr Ong Seh Hong. It currently has 5,000 members. Dr Vivian Balakrishnan took over as YP chairman in March 2004. He spelt out the primary mission of YP – to find the next generation of leaders and generate new ideas.

PM Lee Hsien Loong joins YP at a party in Zouk to mark the PAP’s 50th anniversary and YP’s 18th birthday on Sep 23, 2004. The PAP is a serious party, but it is not a square party, he said.

M I L E S T O N E

FRESH PERSPECTIVES

On Jan 24, 1988, the PAP organised its first Party convention, to adopt the Party’s national agenda to take Singapore through the 1990s. It was opened by Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, and attended by some 1,600 members. Many were below 35 years old. It was at this convention that the Party pledge recommended by the Youth Wing was adopted. The Party pledge read: “We, the members of the PAP, pledge ourselves to build a strong and united party, to create a vibrant, just and equal society, through achieving excellence by all, so that every citizen, regardless of race, language or religion, can enjoy a full and happy life.” The convention was held at the Singapore Conference Hall, and the PAP leaders joined members in a rousing rendition of the Party song – the Party pledge set to music. The highlight of the convention was the launch of the Agenda for Action, which spelt out the Party’s ideas of how it would achieve its goals for Singapore – to build a better and more secure future for Singaporeans by forging a more united nation, raising economic growth, and promoting art and culture. Singapore had changed radically from when the PAP was first set up, said Mr Lee. In 1969, the GNP was $1,300 per capita. In 1987, it was $15,000. This translated into a better life for Singaporeans – better homes, well-paying jobs, the MRT, clean rivers and more recreational activities. In his closing address to the Party convention, Mr Goh Chok Tong, first deputy prime minister and assistant secretary-general, said that the party leaders’ aspiration was to create a beautiful city, a city of which all Singaporeans can be proud. What the country and the people must aim for now was not quantity, but quality, he said.

“ Each generation brings with it a fresh burst of enthusiasm, energy, vitality. Each generation is fired by its vision of the ideal society in an ideal world. The ideal can never be achieved but because men have ideals, those societies progress.” – Mr Lee Kuan Yew noting that a younger generation of political leaders was stepping forward to lead a new Singapore, and describing his role in the Government as that of a “goalkeeper”.

The first Party convention adopted the Party pledge and spelt out the Party’s vision. The Party released a statement saying that the Government could be popular, but not populist, firm but not high-handed.

“ This is the people’s verdict on the record of the new guard who have been in effective charge since 1984. I believe their consultative style of leadership also won them support. To lose only one seat out of 81 is a very considerable victory.”

NEW VOTERS SAME PARTY

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– Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew on the results of the election.

The 1988 General Election saw a significant change in voter profile, with 206,000 new voters coming onto the electoral roll. It also marked the start of the GRC system. These enlarged wards would see three or more members of parliament working as a team, and would have at least one member who was a Malay, Indian or from any other minority group. It was a way of ensuring that there would be adequate representation for minorities in parliament. The Party fielded 17 new candidates, including Brigadier-General (NS) George Yeo, 33, lawyers Mr Davinder Singh, 31, and Mr K. Shanmugam, 29. It contested under the slogan “More Good Years”. The two main election issues were the elected presidency and the town councils. On the elected presidency, the issue put to the people was whether it wanted to safeguard Singapore’s financial reserves and the integrity of its public services. The PAP also reminded people that their MPs would head the town councils and would make an immediate difference to their local surroundings. On Polling Day, the PAP took all the seats, save one – Mr Chiam See Tong, the secretary-general of the Singapore Democratic Party, retained his seat at Potong Pasir. The PAP won 61.8 per cent of the votes.

A tense time for candidates including new face Mr George Yeo (wearing party badge) at counting centres, as the PAP was contested in 70 out of the 81 seats on Nomination Day. However, the opposition only managed to take one seat on Polling Day.

M I L E S T O N E

DEVOLVING POWER

“ We envisage the Community Development Councils to evolve into local administrations with the authority and responsibilities to decide on various types of services and facilities for their respective districts.” – Mr Wong Kan Seng, minister for home affairs and

In the late 1980s, the Government gave Singaporeans more say in how they wanted their local communities to be run. It began with the passing of the Town Councils Act in June 1988. Under this Act, the Housing and Development Board would hand over the running of housing estates to town councils by 1991. Each ward had a town council, headed by its MP. This involved the local community leaders in decisions on municipal matters. Residents have another reason to choose their MPs carefully at each general election, since it impacts directly on their living environment. To test if the idea of town councils would work, three pilot projects were started in the Ang Mo Kio housing estate in 1986. It ran for more than two years and, at the end of it, MPs and grassroots leaders in charge of the project gave it their full support. Then in 1997, nine Community Development Councils (CDCs) were formed to promote social cohesion and strengthen community bonding in their respective districts. Later, this was consolidated into five. Each is headed by a mayor. Today, CDCs have taken over some of the functions from the Ministry of Community Development, such as the disbursing of public assistance funds. It also works with the Ministry of Manpower to help residents find jobs. But its main purpose remains the “heartware” of community building, and strengthening the ties which bind residents to their homes and local communities.

vice-chairman of People’s Association, in 2001.

PM Goh (far left) initiated the idea of CDCs, to allow the Government to respond better and faster to local needs. He chose two veterans – Dr Ow Chin Hock (centre of photo) and Mr Eugene Yap (left) – to be the first mayors in post-independence Singapore. Dr Ow headed the CDC in Tanjong Pagar, while Mr Yap took care of Marine Parade.

“ From the start, we made it clear to our Party leaders that we want to be treated as equal partners to our male colleagues in the Party, to strengthen its ground support and to ensure that it is attuned to the needs and aspirations of the common people.” – Dr Aline Wong, first chairman of the Women’s Wing, in an interview for the PAP 50 book.

WOMEN AS EQUALS

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The Women’s Wing was inaugurated 35 years after the main Party in 1988. It was a strong revival of women’s roles in the party after some decades of inactivity. In 1956, the Women’s League, the precursor to the present Women’s Wing, was formed by veteran politician Madam Chan Choy Siong. Three years later, during the 1959 election campaign, Mrs Lee Kuan Yew made a radio broadcast underlining the party’s commitment to women’s rights. “Our society is built on the assumption that women are the social, political and economic inferiors of men. This myth has been made the excuse for the exploitation of female labour,” she said, adding, “I appeal to women to vote for the PAP. It is the only party with the idealism, the honesty and ability to carry out its election programme.” The PAP won. Within a year after forming the Government, it passed the landmark Women’s Charter. Mdm Chan retired in 1970. For the next 14 years, there were no women MPs until Dr Aline Wong, sociologist, Dr Dixie Tan, cardiologist, and Mrs Yu-Foo Yee Shoon, unionist, won in 1984. Today there are 10 women MPs, with two bearing offices – Women’s Wing Chairman Mrs Lim Hwee Hua, who is minister of state for finance and transport, and Mrs Yu-Foo, who is minister of state for the Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. Currently, the Women’s Wing has 15,000 members, and each PAP branch has a Women’s Wing committee.

Party Chairman Ong Teng Cheong attended the Women’s Wing inauguration, flanked by Acting Minister for Community Development Seet Ai Mei on his right and WW Chairman Aline Wong on his left.

M I L E S T O N E

HANDOVER TO NEW PM

Five years after he started training for the job, Mr Goh Chok Tong became the second prime minister of Singapore. It was, as planned, a non-event. Mr Lee Kuan Yew, 67, tendered his resignation on a Monday, after 31 years as prime minister. On Nov 28, 1990, Mr Goh was formally sworn in as prime minister by President Wee Kim Wee at the Istana. His cabinet included Brigadier-General Lee Hsien Loong and Mr Ong Teng Cheong as deputy prime ministers and Dr Tony Tan as education minister. At the Istana, on the night of his swearing-in, Mr Goh said his team was working on new ideas to build Singapore into a nation of distinction. The key areas they would focus on were economic growth, values and culture, and training and education. He also highlighted two key issues for his first term – the Elected President Bill, and Singapore’s shared ideology. Parliament passed the bill and Singapore now has an elected president who safeguards the nation’s financial reserves and the integrity of the public service. The country now also has five “shared values” – community before self; family as the building block of society; community support and respect for the individual; resolving issues through consensus rather than contention; and racial tolerance and harmony.

“ On this occasion, when the new prime minister and his cabinet will be sworn in to begin a new chapter in our history, Singaporeans should be reminded that this political culture is a precious asset that we must safeguard and uphold…Those who are in temporary charge of the lives and fortunes of their fellowSingaporeans have to act as trustees.” – President Wee Kim Wee in his speech swearing in the new prime minister, on Nov 28, 1990.

Top left: Mr Goh Chok Tong took over as prime minister from Mr Lee Kuan Yew with the strong support of his peers. On the day he was sworn in, he set two goals for himself – to ensure that Singapore grows and thrives, and to find a new team of men and women to lead Singapore. Left: In 1991, at his first National Day Parade as prime minister, Mr Goh stepped out to the rapturous cheers of the crowd. 100

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“ A vote for the opposition is a vote against me. If we open the ballot boxes tomorrow night and I discover that I’ve lost 10 to 15 seats, my vote goes down to below 55 per cent, can I honestly say that I’ve got a clear mandate to pursue Edusave, to pursue Medisave, to have an open style of Government? So it’s about your future. It’s not about having some opposition in parliament. It’s which way you want Singapore to go.” – Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong speaking at a rally in Eunos on Aug 30, 1991, just before Polling Day.

GOH WINS MANDATE

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An early election was held on Aug 31, 1991, to get the people’s mandate for the new team. It was Mr Goh’s first election as prime minister, and he fought the election on a platform of building a kinder, gentler society and a more consultative form of Government. In its Party political broadcast, the PAP elaborated on its slogan “Go for more good years”. It promised that 95 per cent of Singaporeans would own their homes. Older estates would upgraded. Each Singaporean will have access to essential health care, with the Medisave, Medishield, and Medifund schemes. The PAP also said that it wanted to involve the people in working out key policies, and to help themselves, their families as well as the less able in their communities. The Party fielded 11 new faces in the election, including Mr Lim Hng Kiang, who went on to head the National Development, Health, and Trade and Industry ministries. The opposition pursued what they called a “by-election strategy” – agreeing to contest less than half the seats available, allowing the PAP to form the Government. People could then feel free to vote an opposition in, so that they could provide a check on the PAP, they argued. Unlike the 1988 General Election, the Government was returned to power on Nomination Day, as 41 seats were uncontested. On Polling Day, the Party lost four seats and received 60.97 per cent of the votes.

Mr Goh’s campaign focused on delivering goods to the people, and nurturing a more open society. With him in the campaign lorry were Mr Lim Chee Onn, Mr Matthias Yao Chih and Mr Othman Haron Eusofe, all members of his GRC.

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NEW PARTY CHIEF

“ The future of Singapore depends on voters here…If they make a wrong choice, then I am out. The consequences are severe. Singapore will have political instability. Their future will be affected right away. Gone.” – Mr Goh Chok Tong on Nomination Day, Dec 10, 1992,

In 1992, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong held a by-election on Dec 19 to keep his promise to Workers’ Party Chief J.B. Jeyaretnam. The lawyer had alleged that the last general election was held early to keep him out, as he was then disqualified. The by-election in Marine Parade GRC was the first by-election fought in a prime minister’s ward – if he lost, the country would have lost its leader. In the end, Mr Jeyaretnam decided not to contest, but the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) did, under the leadership of Dr Chee Soon Juan. In the heat of the hustings, Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew handed over the leadership of the Party to Mr Goh Chok Tong, as a sign of his confidence in Mr Goh. Mr Lee urged the people to give Mr Goh a strong mandate, as it was a critical time for the country – a month earlier both Deputy Prime Ministers Lee Hsien Loong and Ong Teng Cheong had been diagnosed with cancer. The new candidate in the PAP slate was Rear-Admiral Teo Chee Hean. He was the Chief of Navy, but resigned to contest the by-election. Speaking to residents in Marine Parade, SM Lee said: “If you deny the prime minister a strong endorsement by a much lower percentage of votes, then you would have shot yourselves in the foot. Goh Chok Tong needs to hold this by-election and he needs Teo Chee Hean in the cabinet.” In the end, Mr Goh’s team defeated the SDP soundly, with 73 per cent of the votes, and took over the leadership of both the Party and the country with a new mandate.

spelling out the key issue of the by-election.

Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew, seen on the left sharing an umbrella with Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong during a wet by-election rally, handed over the Party leadership to Mr Goh as a sign of confidence.

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“ There is a local proverb which says: ‘If the sky is falling, can one person hold it up with one finger?’ If ever the elected president disagrees with the Government on a serious issue, he will be under enormous pressure. He will need to stand up against the whole weight of the Government machinery.” – Mr Ong Teng Cheong in his second television broadcast on Aug 26, 1993, in which he stressed that an elected president must have strong backing from the people to exercise his veto powers over the Government.

PRESIDENT ELECTED

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Mr Ong Teng Cheong, PAP chairman and unionist, resigned from the Party to become the first elected president on Aug 23, 1993. The Constitution had been amended so that the president, a non-partisan seat of power, now wielded a “second key” to the nation’s financial reserves, a large part of which consists of workers’ savings in the Central Provident Fund. This second key was to prevent any erosion of the country’s wealth, ensuring that the reserves, painstakingly built up, will not be squandered by the Government of the day, whichever party it belonged to. The fact that this measure was voted in by a PAP-dominated parliament showed the Party’s willingness to put in place long-term measures, including curbs on its own power, to ensure high standards of integrity. The Elected President Bill came into effect in Nov 1991. President Wee Kim Wee, who was president at the time, exercised the powers of the elected president until his term ended in Sep 1993. Since then, Singaporeans go to the polls to vote for their president every six years. The first presidential campaign was a low-key one, pitting Mr Ong against retired civil servant Mr Chua Kim Yeow. Mr Ong became president with 59 per cent of the votes.

Taking over as Singapore first elected president was Mr Ong Teng Cheong, who had served as MP since 1972.

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1995 â€“ 2004

OUR WINNING MOMENTS

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Victory parade for Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and fellow MPs in Marine Parade in the 1997 General Election.

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A WOMAN’S TOUCH On the larger front, it may seem like rosy decade as the Party won back the votes and 1997. But in Kaki Bukit, part of the Aljunied work, Normah was feeling uneasy as the 2006 General Election drew near – it was the third time that the ward was uncontested.

NORMAH AHMAD, 62 I joined the PAP in Kaki Bukit when it was a new branch in 1980. I was 32, single and quite free, so I decided to volunteer at the Meetthe-People sessions (MPS). I was one of the few people who could type – and it was on a real typewriter in those days. At the time, there were very few women in the branch. Aside from MPS, we did outreach, walked the ground and talked to our neighbours. Women, I feel, have a different political influence compared to men, but no less significant. When the estate was formed, there were many young voters. It was the crowd I grew up with – those were the days of tough elections and narrow wins – we had Francis Seow and Lee Siew Choh against the PAP. These were fiery speakers, and we had to work the ground very hard the whole year round. During elections, it was very intense – all of us took leave. Within the Women’s Wing there were a lot of housewives too. We walked the ground, distributed the pamphlets, and just talked to our neighbours about the candidate and the Party. It was something natural, because we watched others do it, so when it came to us, we could do it ourselves. It was after the midnight when we got back to the branch. We won those elections, but they were narrow wins. In 1988, the Workers’ Party team contested Eunos GRC – they got 49.11 per cent of valid votes. In 1991, Lee Siew Choh stood again stood in Eunos GRC – they got 47.6 per cent.

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Normah Ahmad, former PAP Women’s Wing Chairman in Kaki Bukit, accompanying Party members on a walkabout in the early 1980s.

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So every vote was precious to us. I didn’t do much – I looked after the simple logistics, the food and beverages for the helpers, and made sure that paperwork was done right. But I learnt the operations, I knew how hard it was, and most of all, I felt as if I played a part in the Party. Each of us took the battle personally. Then for three elections straight, we had walkovers. We didn’t take leave. We helped those wards which were contested. We were relaxed, I was relieved that we didn’t have to get involved. The first time we had a walkover, it felt good to take a break. The second time, I got a bit worried because things were changing, and we were not really feeling the ground. The third time, I thought: “This is not good.” The 1990s and 2000s were times of great crises for Singapore. I remember the 1997 financial crisis, and then in 2003 was SARS. All these brought the country together and we were progressing well economically. On the ground, however, things were different. The people who lived here in the 1980s had grown older or moved out and new people came in. By the time 2011 came around, a whole new generation of voters – and Party activists – had grown up. In Kaki Bukit, our last election was in 1991, so for nearly 20 years, we had been untested. Normah with former MP for Kaki Bukit, Mr Chew Heng Ching, and former Minister for Labour Dr Lee Boon Yang during a community event.

A lot has been written and discussed about Aljunied and the significance of GE 2011. Perhaps it was true that wherever the WP’s ‘A Team’ was, it would have had an impact. Perhaps it is true that Aljunied was proxy for Singapore’s wish for opposition. After 2011, I stepped down as chairman of the Women’s Wing in Kaki Bukit. I was nearly 60, it was time for new blood. This is a new climate. In the past, we did not talk or argue so much. Nowadays, we want to be “resident-centric”, which is good. Day to day, people want to be involved and have a say. Well, people should have views – they cannot just sit around and let others decide. No one can disagree with that. Nowadays, people are also a lot more intellectual – when they debate, they feel that their own ideas are right. But in the long run, we have to decide, or to meet half way. One person can talk, another person can disagree, but in the end, we have to stop talking and decide what to do. In 1997, I was hoping that we would be contested because it was a time of crisis for Singapore and we all came together. That brought out the vote for the PAP. But it’s been many good years since then. People tend to forget. Today in Kaki Bukit, we are trying lots of new experiments. For example, on National Day, we don’t have ticketed dinners anymore. Instead, it is an open buffet where all residents are welcome. The residents get the same goodie bag as the people who go to the Parade – that’s something precious to the many who’ve never been. We continue with our community programmes, the social assistance and so on. Will this make a difference to residents? Yes, I think it has and it will. But will it make a difference to them as voters? Realistically, it will be a very tough fight to dislodge WP. But I am still here, and it is encouraging that more young people are stepping up to join us. We keep up the fight. Once in five years, people are voters, but for the rest of the time, they are my friends and my neighbours – what I do is to help them to make their lives a little bit better. This is the meaning of everything I have done for the past 30 years.

The PAP Women’s Wing conducted a study trip to China in 2004.

Normah Ahmad was the Women’s Wing Chairman in Kaki Bukit from 1985 to 2011. In her 30 years with the PAP, she has worked with three MPs and helped out at more than 1,000 MPS.

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PAP WINS BACK THE VOTES

Cheng San was a “quiet mountain” that roared into life during the 1997 General Election. In the hot seat was Education Minister Lee Yock Suan, who led a five-man team against the Workers’ Party, headed by lawyer Mr Tang Liang Hong. Mr Tang’s campaigning line was that the Chinese-educated had been marginalised and left out in Singapore’s economic success. He claimed that the PAP was championing the cause of Christians, and said that it would not build any more mosques in the GRC should the opposition win. Heavyweight ministers, including Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew refuted his claims, branding him “a liar” and a “Chinese chauvinist”. On its part, the PAP team outlined its clear plans for the ward, including the Punggol 21 project of futuristic housing estates, and the North East MRT line. Cheng San residents returned the PAP to power with a 54.7 per cent margin. Across the island, the PAP campaigned on the slogan: “Singapore 21 – Make It Our Best Home”, reminding voters that it was the PAP Government who backed the billion-dollar HDB flats-upgrading programme. Wards which strongly supported the PAP were also promised priority in getting upgraded. The PAP took 81 out of 83 seats and 65 per cent of votes, reversing its vote slides since 1980.

“ The team that you are voting for will lead you into the 21st century…We have the resources, the people, the ideas to make Singapore the best home for Singaporeans. We have the energy, the will, the conviction to realise this dream. What we must now do is to forge a social compact with the people to build this Best Home.” – Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, revealing the Party’s slogan to fight the elections at a Party conference in Nov 1996, with its key tenets to create wealth, share success, and to invest in the young and care for the old.

Top left: Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong campaigned on behalf of the PAP at the hotly contested Cheng San GRC. The PAP battled against the Workers’ Party, who fielded lawyers Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam and Mr Tang Liang Hong. Left: Led by Education Minister Lee Yock Suan, the PAP team emerged victorious in Cheng San.

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“ The victory was decisive but we accept it with humility… You have placed your trust in us. We will not fail you.” – Mr Goh Chok Tong, at the

RESOUNDING WIN

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1 am press conference after results were announced, when it was revealed that all four GRCs had convincing victories, with 76.9 per cent of the votes.

The 2001 General Election was Mr Goh Chok Tong’s last as the prime minister. He told voters that he was a candidate in every contested constituency. A vote for the PAP would be a vote for him. In the midst of a recession, high unemployment and a weak economy, voters threw in their lot with him. They made this election the best of the three that he has led the PAP as secretary-general. The PAP won 75.3 per cent of the vote, the third-highest score among elections it contested in its history, giving it 82 out of 84 seats in the parliament. It beat the first political coalition from the opposition – the four-party Singapore Democratic Alliance consisting of Singapore People’s Party (SPP), National Solidarity Party (NSP), Singapore Justice Party (SJP) and Singapore Malay National Organisation (PKMS). The top scorer for GRCs was in Jurong, led by Minister Lim Boon Heng who had faced a strong challenge by Dr Chee Soon Juan, who hectored and shouted at Prime Minister Goh during a campaign walkabout there. The PAP polled 79.8 per cent of the votes. Dr Tan Cheng Bock, the oldest backbencher at 61, also won handsomely, with 88 per cent of the votes in his Ayer Rajah ward. In the campaign, Mr Goh said he wanted a strong mandate for two important tasks – restoring the flagging economy and passing the baton onto the next generation of leaders. The PAP extended its search for the electoral candidates to include single women for the first time. It fielded 10 women. All got into parliament.

Top right: Minister Lim Boon Heng (standing) headed the Jurong GRC team, which included new faces such as Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam (seated fourth from left). Right: It was Mr Lim’s 6th election, and he led his team to win by the biggest margin of 79.8 per cent among the GRCs.

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BUILDING A SAFER SINGAPORE

Singaporeans woke up one morning in Jan 2002 to find that 15 men whom they thought were friends and neighbours had been arrested. These men were Singaporeans, living in HDB flats, working as drivers and technicians. But they had planned to bomb targets in Changi and Yishun, which held American and pro-American interests here. The Government revealed that these men were part of Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), a terrorist network which wanted to stir up racial strife between Singapore and Malaysia. Their ultimate plan – turn both countries into a part of an Islamic Caliphate in Southeast Asia. Security was tightened across the island. The Government also tackled sensitive feelings on the ground, setting up Inter Racial Confidence Circles (IRCCs), which became a small but important part of living in multi-racial Singapore. The IRCCs encouraged people of different races to interact more with one another, and deepened their understanding of other races and cultures. On Jan 9, 2003, the Ministry of Home Affairs released a “White Paper on the JI Arrests and the Threat of Terrorism”. This was to give Singaporeans a clear understanding of the terrorist threat confronting them, and what could be done. By then, 31 people had been detained. While building up trust on the ground, the PAP government also tightened its security policies. Party Chairman Dr Tony Tan relinquished his Defence Ministry post and became coordinating minister for security and defence, in addition to being deputy prime minister. The Government later formed the National Security Coordination Secretariat (NSCS) in the Prime Minister’s Office. This is headed by a permanent secretary and is the heart of a new national security architecture. It will be responsible for national security planning, as well as the coordination of policy and intelligence issues.

“ The security issues which Singapore will have to face in the coming years will be more complex and more difficult to manage than in past years. To guard against such threats to our security, we need a total government response, indeed a national response, rather than relying on any one ministry to overcome the threat.” – Dr Tony Tan on Apr 30, 2003, on the his newly-created cabinet post.

Anti-terrorism measures take the form of enhanced levels of security and defence, with Home Affairs Minister Wong Kan Seng and Coordinating Minister for Security and Defence Tony Tan playing key roles. Grassroots organisations also organised activities to promote inter-racial understanding.

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“ To upgrade Singapore into a knowledge economy, we need to nurture a spirit of entrepreneurship and creativity. Singaporeans need to venture beyond their comfort zones, accept risks and carve niches for themselves.” – Brigadier-General Lee Hsien Loong in his Economic Review Committee report, released on Feb 6, 2003.

REPOSITIONING SINGAPORE

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As the Singapore economy matured, the PAP Government expected the country’s growth to slow down. But the transition was made more difficult with the Asian crisis which set the whole region back. Then, the US economy slid into recession. On top of that, the US terrorist attacks on Sep 11 and the discovery of Al-Qaeda-linked terrorist groups in Southeast Asia signalled a new and troubling long-term problem. In the midst of these troubled times, the Government set up the Economic Review Committee (ERC), headed by Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong. The ERC came out with immediate measures to deal with current uncertainties and longer-term strategies to restructure the economy. It set out to turn Singapore into a creative and entrepreneurial nation. Singapore’s size and open economy makes it vulnerable, but also gives it a nimbleness that larger countries cannot match. However, this demands responsive, able and forward-looking leadership. To build a broad consensus, PAP leaders consulted Singaporeans as widely as possible. Major reforms were introduced with social support provided to those hit by the changes. To strengthen the social compact, the Remaking Singapore Committee was set up in Feb 2002 to review social, political and cultural policies and practices. Chaired by the Minister of State for National Development Vivian Balakrishnan, the committee gathered views from thousands of people. In his first National Day Rally in Aug 2004, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced a revamp of the education system to “teach less, so that our children can learn more”, and introduced a five-day workweek for civil servants.

Top right: The ERC conducted a massive public consultation exercise looking at issues such as taxation, wages, promoting entrepreneurship and helping Singaporeans to take advantage of new opportunities. Right: The Remaking Singapore Committee was then set up to complement the ERC, focusing on the political, social and cultural aspects of Singapore as a nation. 120

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REFRESHING PAP

At each generational change, PAP gives its younger ministers and MPs the task of reaching out to young Singaporeans. In 2002, Secretary-General Goh Chok Tong noted that by 2007, 60 per cent of the population would have been born after 1965, “with no direct knowledge of the poverty, pain and struggle of our initial years”. With that in mind, he set up the Refreshing PAP Committee, led by Rear-Admiral (NS) Teo Chee Hean. It was tasked to look for ways to reinvigorate, revitalise and refresh the Party. The team, which consulted activists widely, brought in changes to make the Party more responsive to their needs. The Party will be more “ground-up” and less “top-down” in its activities and the way feedback and ideas are discussed. The changes included electing members to the District Committees and the HQ Executive Committee, setting up a PAP Policy Forum to provide a national platform for Party members to express their views, and refreshing both the Women’s Wing and Young PAP. Amid all the changes, the Party’s core values remain the same – multi-racialism, meritocracy, self-reliance and a clean and honest Government. As Mr Mah Bow Tan, deputy chairman of the Refreshing PAP Committee, said: “Even as we change, we still affirm the core values of the Party, and the principal objective of the Party, which is to build a fair and just society.”

“ Party activities and programmes will be driven by the interests of the members and be more relevant to them. The Party will be better able to draw on the energy, enthusiasm and ideas of members and to draw in new members, especially the younger ones, to help energise the Party, and position it for the future.” – Refreshing PAP Chairman Teo Chee Hean at the Party Convention on Nov 9, 2003, where the recommendations of the Refreshing PAP Committee were announced.

Younger leaders, led by Rear-Admiral (NS) Teo Chee Hean and Mr Mah Bow Tan, held extensive dialogues with activists at the districts and branches to hear their views on how to refresh the Party. At the Party Convention on Nov 9, 2003, the recommendations unveiled included making the PAP more ground-up and less top-down in its approach to Party matters and policies.

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“ Fighting SARS is like fighting a war. To win, confidence is key. To gain confidence, the enemy has to be humbled. The daily press conference should rally public support and build confidence. They must not become funeral wakes.” – Health Minister Khaw Boon Wan in an interview for the PAP 50 book.

NEW TEAM FIGHTS OFF SARS

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It was the fight for their lives, and under a new team of leaders, Singaporeans answered the call. From Mar 2003, the country stood together as they battled the Severe Atypical Respiratory Syndrome or SARS, an infectious virus which spread through droplets and was carried by humans. Singapore was one of the hardest hit countries during the global outbreak, which took 31 lives here. The disease was fought on all fronts – a total defence strategy. On Apr 7, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong formed the Ministerial Committee on SARS, headed by Home Affairs Minister Wong Kan Seng, to take a comprehensive look at the impact of SARS on every aspect of the economy and society. Mr Goh also set up a SARS Combat Unit, headed by then Senior Minister of State Khaw Boon Wan, to prevent infection in hospitals from spreading. The unit was made up of three ministers of state who were doctors – Dr Balaji Sadasivan, Dr Ng Eng Hen and Dr Vivian Balakrishnan. Mr Goh boosted the morale of the people by writing an open letter to Singaporeans on Apr 22. In it, he spelt out the need for personal responsibility and filled it with practical advice and heartfelt condolences for the bereaved. It gave Singaporeans renewed courage and clear direction. They trusted their leaders and accepted tough measures such as home quarantines, compulsory temperature checks and strict hospital rules. Singapore’s determination and effective measures won praise across the world, including accolades from the World Health Organisation. The new team also proved their mettle on the economic front – adjusting CPF rates and tax changes to make Singapore more attractive to investors. By mid-2004, its growth rate was 9.1 per cent in its second quarter.

Top right: The Ministerial Committee on SARS, headed by Home Affairs Minister Wong Kan Seng, included ministers Lee Boon Yang, Mah Bow Tan, Lim Hng Kiang, Teo Chee Hean, Lim Swee Say and the junior ministers Tharman Shanmugaratnam, Khaw Boon Wan, Balaji Sadasivan, Vivian Balakrishnan and Ng Eng Hen. Right: Everyone from the top – such as PM Goh having his temperature checked – to PAP MPs and activists played a crucial role. 124

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REACHING OUT

“ When I took over as prime minister, I promised to keep Singapore going, have a kinder and gentler style of Government, open up more political and civil space, and build the Best Home. This is a process and not a fixed state. I think the process is growing strongly.” – Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong as he kicked off the Party’s 50th year celebrations in Apr 2004.

As the PAP turned 50, it turned its focus on the non-tangible aspects of life – such as charity work and a renewed sense of mission. It was a time for the Party to revitalise itself with new ideas and younger members, while keeping to its core values. Secretary-General Goh Chok Tong launched the PAP 50th Anniversary Charity Fund Drive under the PAP Community Foundation, which raised more than $400,000. Part of the money went to a Headstart Fund, to help needy children aged between four and 10. In its first year, it will help about 800 children. The Party also started a policy forum for members to come up with fresh ideas for the next phase of Singapore’s development. The policy forum gives Party members a broad view of national issues, deepens their understanding of the nature and complexities of running Singapore and encourages discussion and new ideas. Petir, the Party organ, was also revamped to make it more political in content, so members could write articles to debate on issues of the day. It is a continuation of the open and consultative style of the Party, a new phase which started 10 years ago.

At the launch of the 50th anniversary celebrations in Apr, the large placards underlined that the PAP still worked for the interest of the people of Singapore.

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“ Join me to write this next chapter of the Singapore story. Work with me to make Singapore a home we love, a community we belong to and a country we are proud to call our own.”

GENERATIONAL CHANGE

M I L E S T O N E 50

– Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong at his swearing-in speech on Aug 12, 2004.

On Aug 12, 2004, Mr Lee Hsien Loong took over as Singapore’s third prime minister, at a time when the economy was recovering strongly. The carefully planned and smooth leadership transition has become a hallmark of the PAP Government. In his National Day speech in 2003, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong had named Mr Lee as his chosen successor. From soundings he had taken of his cabinet colleagues and MPs, he was also their choice, said Mr Goh. To put in place a more formal system to select the next PM, Mr Goh introduced a three-step process which involved, first, the younger ministers, second, the Party caucus, and lastly, the Central Executive Committee (CEC). On May 22, the younger ministers gathered to choose their next PM. Their unanimous choice was Mr Lee. On May 28, the Party caucus met and gave their full support to their choice. A day later, the CEC approved and endorsed it. During the Party caucus meeting, Mr Goh explained to MPs the reason for the process: “The confidence of MPs is important. I want to put in place a process so that, in future, if there is a contest, there’s a process to follow.” The political transition is not just a change of leaders. It is a generational change for Singapore, a shift to the post-independence generation in a post-Cold War world. Mr Lee takes over a changed Singapore with different challenges. In the swearing-in ceremony, he pledged to be a PM for all Singaporeans and to build an open and inclusive society.

Mr Lee Hsien Loong took over as prime minister from Mr Goh Chok Tong in a simple evening ceremony at the Istana attended by Singaporeans from all walks of life. A new cabinet was also sworn in.

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2005 â€“ 2014

A NEW FUTURE

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PAP candidates led by Manpower Minister Gan Kim Yong (centre), celebrating their win in the Choa Chu Kang GRC on May 8 in the 2011 General Election.

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THE NEW NORMAL Jaga knows what it’s like to be at the end of your tether. He knows the frustration of asking for help from strangers and of confusing government schemes. It was time, he thought, for a change. So he signed up to join the PAP.

JAGATHISHWARAN S/O RAJO, 27 I was always interested in politics, even when I was in junior college. But all the ideas I tossed about in school suddenly became very real to me in 2008, when my family went through a tough patch. If ever there was a young person that was unhappy with government policies, it was me. Both my parents were athletic, but my mom was a diabetic and she did not manage it well. She lost both her legs eventually. They did not have very good jobs – my father was a security guard and my mom worked in a factory, so when she became disabled, it took a toll on all of us. I was still at university – I would cook for everyone at home, then rush off to school and come back to clean the house. My sister was working to support the family and my father was already retired. But it was also a time when I saw that there were people who were willing to help. There was some financial help from government schemes – not much, it is true, and quite hard to get – we got a few hundred dollars from ComCare. We also got help from family and friends. Most importantly, our four-room flat was fully paid up. It had cost us $120,000. That helped a lot – having a roof over our heads that we could count on. The family stuck together through the tough times. It could very well have gone differently.

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From there, I began to see the bigger picture – how housing policy is linked to jobs, disability and welfare. It’s not just a form you fill up when you are in trouble. You can’t satisfy all the needs of everyone – we can’t have a policy that is crafted well enough to take care of everything. So when you hear “It’s not perfect, but we try”, I know what it means. I lived through it. It’s not perfect – and that’s why we need the arms and legs of the party. We need people to help people. So I began to volunteer in the Indian Activity Executive Committee and Youth Executive Committee and then the Citizens’ Consultative Committee, and soon I was involved in the PAP branch because it was just under my flat. The people in the branch soon became my extended family. I told the members there, “Zhenghua is my second home – my first home is upstairs!” The first year I joined Zhenghua, I invited the activists to my home for Deepavali. People know that what I say counts, because I tell them: “If you are ever in trouble, look for me upstairs, my home is right here.” There are a few people who have come, just to say hello, thankfully not because they are in serious trouble. Sometimes it is a simple matter of just explaining schemes such as the Pioneer Generation Package or Community Health Assistance Scheme. Other times, it can be some very intractable problems. Jagathishwaran with his Young PAP comrades. Jaga is also the Holland-Bukit Timah region chairman in the Young PAP executive committee.

Some people come with what appear to be unreasonable demands. But most of the time, I am the last resort – when they have reached a low in their lives. So I remember what I went through with my family and do my best to help. Sometimes people come into MPS shouting and angry, but after they calm down, we work through a solution together. As a community, we are pretty resilient. I was a Political Science Major, and in my class I was one of the very few who spoke up for the government. It has become glamorous nowadays to be antigovernment, anti-PAP and anti-establishment. My honours year thesis title was “End of PAP dominance?” We do have to think about whether the days of very high percentage of votes are over. After all, in developed countries, it is very rare now to get a majority. So this is may be the new normal – more debate, more contest, but also more new ideas. When people ask me, “You are from PAP, do you have to post online under another name?” But I’ve always posted under my own name. Sure, people criticise, they may be sharp in their words, but if they know there is a real person behind that Facebook post, they engage differently. In any case, I’m not one for online conversations, I prefer to talk face-to-face. The connection must be real. Are more young people interested in politics nowadays? I think we are, and I think because there is so much online, in social media, it has become even more important for us to take it seriously. We call it the “new normal”, but in the history of PAP, we see that it is normal for young people to care for their country, and indeed to play a large role in the party. When the PAP started in the 1950s, its leaders were a bunch of young men who dared to dream and work for a better life. They built a new country and a new home. Today, the PAP still has its young men, but we have one advantage – we stand on the shoulders of those young men who have come before.

Jaga graduated from NUS with a Bachelors (Honours) in Political Science and works as Industrial Relations Officer in NTUC. He is a regular MPS volunteer at Zhenghua Division and is also the Young PAP Chairman for PAP Zhenghua Branch.

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AT HOME IN A GLOBAL CITY

Celebrating its 40th year of independence, Singapore set up its ambition to be a vibrant global city. The effort started with the rejuvenation of the heartlands with HDB blocks renewed and transformed by the different upgrading programmes. Along the central shopping belt of Orchard Road to the arts and schools district of Bras Basah and Bugis, there was more activity and street life. The Marina Bay Area, the waterfront in the heart of the city, was the centrepiece of the redevelopment effort. A business and financial centre was located on Marina South, while the Integrated Resort (Marina Bay Sands) was built next to it. These developments were set to attract tourists and create thousands of new jobs in the years to come. Today, after a decade-long effort, the Bayfront has become the new signature image for Singapore, with the creation of the Gardens by the Bay and the Marina Barrage. Together with a dense network of bridges, walkways, promenades, they have transformed the area into a venue for walks, jogs and mass sporting events. The surrounding waters – used for boating, sailing and dragon boat races – are a constant buzz of activity.

“We shouldn’t compete for the biggest, tallest, fanciest, most opulent because we don’t have oil and gas. But we must capitalise on our strengths. And what are they? Our multicultural heritage, our clean and safe environment, our disciplined and energetic people, a cosmopolitan and open society, and then we can make Singapore a vibrant global city, not just for tourists but for our own people to create an outstanding living environment for all Singaporeans years.” – Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in his 2005 National Day Rally.

Top left: The Pinnacle@Duxton, a residential project featuring the world’s two longest sky gardens, was launched in 2009. Left: More than 2,000 runners took off at the starting point at the Marina Barrage for the biennial Sundown Ultramarathon in Sep 2013.

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“During these nine days of campaigning, many issues have been raised, many passions aroused. Now that the elections are over, we should come together again as one people. Our unity and cohesion has been one of Singapore’s key strengths and we must continue to make it so.” – Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in his remarks to the media after GE 2006 results were announced.

TENTH TERM IN POWER

M I L E S T O N E 52

The PAP won the 2006 General Election with 82 out of 84 seats and was returned to power for the 10th time since independence. It was Lee Hsien Loong’s first election as prime minister and the Party campaigned under the slogan “Staying Together, Moving Ahead”, with a vision of opportunities for the young, active ageing and affordable healthcare. The PAP garnered 66.6 per cent of the popular vote, an 8.7 percentage point decrease from 2001. Only 47 seats were contested, so the PAP retained 37 seats by walkover on Nomination Day. Besides issues such as cost of living, the PAP recognised that Singaporeans wanted an alternative voice in Parliament. As such, Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong, who was assigned the task to win back the two opposition wards, suggested that if the PAP candidates there were to win, the whip in Parliament could be lifted for both of them. However, opposition veterans Low Thia Khiang (Workers’ Party) and Chiam See Tong (Singapore Democratic Alliance) held off challenges to their wards in Hougang and Potong Pasir respectively. The WP also mounted a strong challenge in Aljunied GRC. However, its candidate, James Gomez, came under a cloud of controversy even before Nomination Day, over the minority-race candidate application form. The issue dogged Mr Gomez throughout the campaign. In the end, the WP team polled 43.9 per cent of the vote in Aljunied, losing to the PAP team led by Foreign Minister George Yeo.

After filing his nomination papers for the 2006 General Election, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his PAP team was greeted enthusiastically by supporters at Pei Chun Public School.

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NEW MEDIA, OLD POLITICS

“The identity is not important. It is the message that is important.” – MP Baey Yam Keng in Feb 2007 on how PAP activists should not be “too obvious” in putting forth their views on cyberspace, lest it comes across as “propaganda”.

The 2006 General Election demonstrated new media’s significant influence in shaping public perceptions. In forums, online videos and blogs, issues of the day were discussed with great fervour, with views ranging from the insightful to the incendiary. Mindful of the medium’s growing reach, the PAP set up the new media committee to engage online communities and to rebut factually incorrect views. Mr Lui Tuck Yew, later Transport Minister, said at a PAP conference in Dec 2006 that younger activists should “moderate the vitriol and balance the skewed comments” by making their views heard. These efforts came not a minute too soon. When the worst episode of haze struck Singapore in Jun 2013, sociopolitical website The Real Singapore falsely attributed an article, titled “PAP MP Irene Ng: We should not play the blame game over the haze problem”, to the Tampines GRC MP. She filed a police report and the article was taken down. In the same volatile period, allegations such as the false reporting of the Pollutant Standards Index and the withholding of the N95 masks from Singaporeans also appeared online. The government rebutted the misinformation on its website Cut Through The Haze. As public debate takes on an increasingly contentious tone, and the political salience of the online space grows, the PAP will have to work harder to adapt to a new political culture and global norms of cyberspace. In Singapore, this will mean new forms of political engagement and meeting the expectations of a sophisticated electorate about timeliness, access and content of online interactions.

Top left: In the lead-up to the 2011 General Election, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong conducted an hour-long chat on the PAP Facebook page on issues like transport and jobs. Left: Together with Dr Amy Khor, he also tried out the new Reaching Everyone for Active Citizenry @Home (REACH) Facebook profile at the launch of REACH’s roving interactive exhibition at the Toa Payoh HDB Hub. 140

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“The Workfare Income Supplement scheme is a major policy change. For the first time, the state will be supplementing the market wages that low-wage workers receive.”

FAIR WAGES

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– Second Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam during his Budget speech announcing the WIS in 2007.

The Workfare Income Supplement (WIS) was introduced in 2007 as a way to boost the income of low-wage workers. In the previous year, the Government had tested a one-off Workfare bonus for workers aged 40 and above. Now it was ready for a permanent scheme. Second Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam called the programme a major policy change, as it was the first time “the state will be supplementing the market wages that low-wage workers receive”. The funding was only given to those who have worked at least three months in any six-month period in the calendar year. Workers above 35, earning $1,500 or less a month, qualified, with the largest subsidies going to full-time workers aged above 45 and making $1,000 or less. They received up to $1,200 a year. Some 438,000 people stood to benefit from the $400-million programme. A year later, however, it was found that more than 100,000 eligible people did not apply for the money. Only about 54,000 out of the 160,000 who received the one-off Workfare bonus in 2006 signed up for the later scheme. PAP activists actively reached out to potential beneficiaries. The Government also printed a booklet on the WIS which was distributed. CPF officials gave talks on the benefits of putting aside more for future use. Through these efforts, more joined. In Mar, 262,000 workers received payouts, a 12 per cent increase from the 233,000 who benefited in Jan. In May, the number went up further to 300,000, with each person receiving an average of $1,000.

300,000 low-wage workers benefited from the $400-million Workfare Income Supplement in 2007, with each person receiving an average of $1,000 a year.

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IDEAS AND INNOVATION

At Budget 2009, the Government took the unprecedented step of seeking the President’s approval to draw on $4.9 billion of reserves. This was in the wake of the US loan crisis and recession. This soon turned into a global financial crisis, and Singapore was not spared. In a daring policy innovation, the Government set up the Jobs Credit Scheme, which subsidised 12 per cent of workers’ wages, up to $2,500 a month, defraying employers’ operations costs and saving Singaporeans from retrenchment. Another policy was the Special Risk-Sharing Initiative, designed to get banks to lend to small- and medium-sized enterprises. In the end, the actual amount taken from the reserves added up to $4 billion. A strong economic performance in 2011 enabled the Government to put the money back into the reserves. Productivity became the new buzzword as Singapore sought new ways to get around the manpower crunch and to wean the economy off the reliance on foreign workers. Measures such as innovation through research and development and automation were identified as steps to boost productivity. Firms however lacked the incentives to push these reforms through. At the 2010 Budget, Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam introduced the Productivity and Innovation Credit, which offered extra tax benefits for companies that took steps to boost productivity and innovation. The claims could be made for up to six areas ranging from automation investment to research and training, and a business’ taxable income could be reduced by up to $750,000 in any one area. The Government also gradually increased foreign worker levies over the next three years.

“Our challenge is to make innovation and productivity improvements second nature to both companies and employees, and in every sector.” – Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam in his 2010 Budget speech.

In 2010, STATS ChipPAC embraced increased productivity and innovation by unveiling the world’s first 300mm production line for embedded wafer-level ball grid array technology.

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“This is not just political fashion. It is an evolution which the Government has consistently and progressively fostered.”

A DIVERSE PARLIAMENT

M I L E S T O N E 56

– Home Affairs Minister Wong Kan Seng

Amendments to Singapore’s Constitution, first mooted in 2009, were passed in Apr 2010 to allow for more parliamentarians who were not from the ruling Party. The changes required at least nine opposition Members of Parliament in the House. If not enough opposition MPs are elected, the seats will be taken by Non-Constituency MPs (NCMP) – losing opposition candidates with the highest percentage of votes. The Nominated MP system was also made permanent, with nine such appointments to be made for every term. These changes reflected the aspirations of Singaporeans for more diverse voices in Parliament and greater participation in public life. At the same time, they want to enjoy stability, security and communal harmony which must be preserved. Mooting the amendments in Parliament in 2009, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said it would generate more robust debate and improve policy formulation. It will also keep Parliament in sync with the concerns and aspirations of Singaporeans, and strengthen the role of Parliament as the key democratic institution where important national issues were deliberated and decided. But changes must be made carefully so as not to jettison the lessons that Singapore had learnt “at great cost through our political history and experience over the last half century “ as to what really works for Singapore. Ironically, opposition to this scheme came from the opposition itself, with the Workers’ Party refusing to endorse the NCMP scheme. The amendments were passed 74-1, with the lone dissenting vote coming from the WP.

On 26 Apr, 2010, Parliament allowed for the maximum number of NCMPs to be increased from six to nine, and made the NMP system permanent.

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A NEW POLITICAL LANDSCAPE

In the year leading up to the 2011 elections, Singapore experienced strong growth of 14.7 per cent, outperforming many countries which were still reeling from the subprime crisis. But this growth came with social costs, including a large inflow of foreigners, which in turn put strains on transport, healthcare and housing. Although the PAP was returned to power, taking more 90 per cent of the seats up for grabs, its share of votes fell to 60.1 per cent. This was the lowest vote since independence. It was also the first time PAP lost a Group Representative Constituency (GRC) with WP taking Aljunied. In all, six WP candidates were elected, the highest number of opposition Members of Parliament in the House. Together with three Non-Constituency MPs, there were nine opposition MPs in Parliament. When PAP’s five-men team lost, both Foreign Minister George Yeo and Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office Lim Hwee Hua lost their seats. Shortly after the election, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew and Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong stepped down from the cabinet. Together, they had served a combined 78 years as ministers. The PAP’s Sitoh Yih Pin took back single-ward Potong Pasir, which had been held by Singapore People’s Party’s Chiam See Tong for 27 years. Analysts dubbed the post-2011 political landscape the “new normal”, characterised by a more vocal citizenry that took to social media to voice their views. After decades of stability and growth, issues such as checks and balances, political diversity as well as freedom of speech, started to make their appearance on the political stage alongside more traditional bread-and-butter issues.

“We understand in the PAP that this election is a watershed election, and we have to adapt to this new situation and (find) policies and approaches which will work with this new electorate.” – Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong speaking to the media at 3.20 am after the final ballots were counted.

Top left: Despite vigorous outreach campaigns in the lead-up to GE 2011, such as walkabouts at coffee shops, the PAP candidates for Aljunied GRC, led by Foreign Minister George Yeo, lost the ward to the Workers’ Party team led by Mr Low Thia Khiang. Left: After 10 hard-fought years, PAP’s candidate Mr Sitoh Yih Pin finally won Singapore’s longest surviving opposition ward, Potong Pasir, by a mere 114 votes from the Singapore People’s Party. 148

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“It bodes well for women in politics. It is an affirmation of the meritocratic principles that Singapore has been built on. I hope that more women who are interested to serve and join politics will be encouraged to step forward.” – Dr Amy Khor, who was promoted to senior minister of state, Ministry of Health and Ministry of Manpower and deputy Government whip

FOURTH GENERATION OF LEADERS

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The months after 2011 General Election saw the retirement of former prime ministers Lee Kuan Yew and Goh Chok Tong as well as other veteran ministers such as Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng. Stepping up were some of the cabinet’s youngest members – Chan Chun Sing, Tan Chuan-Jin and Lawrence Wong. Aged between 39 to 43, they took the helm at three ministries as senior minister of state and acting ministers. Heng Swee Keat, the former managing director of the Monetary Authority of Singapore, became education minister. In 2013, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong promoted four women Members of Parliament and established a record number of women office holders. The changes meant that six of the 32 office holders were women. Those who were promoted were Mrs Josephine Teo, to Senior Minister of State for Finance as well as Transport, Dr Amy Khor, to Senior Minister of State for Health as well as Manpower, and Ms Sim Ann, to Minister of State for Education as well as Communications and Information. Ms Low Yen Ling was appointed Parliamentary Secretary for Social and Family Development They joined Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office Grace Fu and Senior Minister of State for Law and Education Indranee Rajah in the cabinet. This was the third set of leadership changes since 2011, and put in place the key team for the next lap of Singapore’s development. Together, these office holders form the core of Singapore’s fourth generation of leaders.

Top right: The new cabinet in 2011 included Mr Heng Swee Heat (back row, left) and Mr Chan Chun Sing (back row, right). Right: Ten PAP women MPs at a fire drill. In 2013, four women MPs were promoted to office holders, joining two others.

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CONVERSATIONS WITH SINGAPOREANS

It was a time of listening and big ideas. In 2012, Singapore embarked on a nation-wide public consultation exercise for people from all walks of life to come together and discuss the future they want. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, in announcing Our Singapore Conversation (OSC) at his 2012 National Day Rally, said the year-long effort was to “define what sort of country we want and how we can achieve it”. Over the next 12 months, some 50,000 Singaporeans came forward to give their views on broad themes that were later narrowed down to a few key issues. There were more than 30 dialogues, each involving 50 to 150 participants. Education Minister Heng Swee Keat, who oversaw the OSC, led some of these sessions where topics such as the nation’s values, policies and future challenges were discussed. The dialogues were held in different languages, including dialects. The result of this conversation was revealed at the 2013 National Day Rally, where Mr Lee announced key policy changes. In housing, the $20,000 Special Housing Grant for buyers of two- and three-room flats will also be available for those buying four-room flats. In education, the Primary School Leaving Examination, or PSLE grading system will be changed from the current aggregate score to broader grade bands similar to those in the ‘O’ Levels and ‘A’ Levels. The most sizable change was in healthcare, where Medishield will be extended to everyone, including those with pre-existing conditions. The OSC findings were to have wide-ranging repercussions, informing three strategic shifts in the Government policies the following year.

“It’s not a culling session. I don’t think we should start Our Singapore Conversation on the basis of looking for sacred cows to slay…I don’t think that would be a constructive exercise…We may reaffirm that what is being done today is good and still relevant. We may recalibrate what we do. We may refresh and innovate into something very different.” – Education Minister Heng Swee Keat, on Our Singapore Conversation.

Top left: The Our Singapore Conversation encompassed multiple citizen dialogue sessions, including meetings held at the National Volunteer and Philanthropy Centre. Left: At Ang Mo Kio Public Library, the conversation was led by the Malay Activity Executive Committee. These dialogues allowed Singaporeans to voice out the kind of future they desired.

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“ At the heart of the Singapore Story is our belief in Singapore, belief that we can turn vulnerability and despair into confidence and hope…Let this belief and spirit burn bright in each one of us and guide us forward for the next 50 years and more. Together, let us be the pioneers of our generation.” – Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, National Day Rally, 2014.

OUR NEW WAY FORWARD

M I L E S T O N E 60

As Singapore stands on the cusp of its 50th year, the Party that won the first general election proved that it still had bold ideas and youthful idealism. Informed by the OSC, the Government made three important policy shifts. First, it pledged to do more to give all a share in the country’s success. Second, it promised to strengthen social safety nets by providing essential social services. Third, it will do more to keep paths upwards open to all, keeping society open. An $8-billion Pioneer Generation package was introduced to recognise the efforts of Singapore’s pioneers. It will benefit around 450,000 seniors’ healthcare needs for the rest of their lives. In healthcare, MediShield Life – a universal medical insurance scheme without age limits, was introduced, with $4 billion for premium subsidies. In education, new rules were introduced for Primary One admission, and enhancements made to ITE and polytechnic education. In line with the needs of an ageing Singapore, the PAP started a new wing called the PAP Seniors Group or PAP.SG to enhance its outreach. The charity arm PCF will launch its first senior care centre in Simei and will open 10 to 15 such centres over the next five years. PCF has evolved as the needs of the people of Singapore change. So too will the PAP. In 1954 it was a fight against communism to ensure the very survival of the country. Today, Singapore faces no less crucial problems. The Party needs to move forward together with the people of Singapore, for a brighter future for all.

Children waving their banners for Singapore at the second National Education show for National Day Parade 2014 held at the Float at Marina Bay.

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Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and fellow candidates at a PAP lunchtime rally held at Boat Quay on May 3 during the 2011 General Election.

PAP 60: FORWARD TOGETHER Our Six Decades of Serving the People This book is produced by the PAP 60th Anniversary Celebrations Organising Committee Published by the People’s Action Party Blk 57B, New Upper Changi Road, #01-1402, PCF Building, Singapore 463057 Copyright © 2014 People’s Action Party National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Leong, Ching, author. PAP60 forward together: our six decades of serving the people / produced by the PAP 60th Anniversary Celebrations Organising Committee; Leong, Ching, author. – Singapore : People’s Action Party, 2014 pages cm ISBN: 978-981-09-2651-9 (paperback) 978-981-09-2650-2 (hardcover) 1. People’s Action Party (Singapore) – History. 2. Political parties – Singapore – History. I. Title. II. People’s Action Party (Singapore), book producer, publisher. JQ1063.A979 324.25957 – dc23 OCN892468652 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without the written permission of the publisher. Archive photos courtesy of Singapore Press Holdings and National Archives of Singapore. Designed and produced by Epigram Printed in Singapore

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong speaking at a PAP rally in Yio Chu Kang Stadium on Apr 29 during the 2011 General Election.

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong arriving at the Suntec Convention Hall to deliver his May Day Rally speech in 2006.