EPPC 2015 Conference

from russia with love?

eastern europe between

integration, cooperation, & confrontation

Warsaw, 24-26 April, 2015

IPLI

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the 7 EPPC

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Table of contents 6_

What is EPPC?

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Guest Speakers

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Foreword from IPLI Director Timothy Reno

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Welcome Note from EPPC Conference Chairs

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Keynote Address by Adam Daniel Rotfeld

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The Eastern Partnership and the Crisis in the Ukraine

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EU, NATO, and the OSCE

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The role of the media in the Ukraine conflict

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Workshop Moderators

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Workshops

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Student Presentations

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IPLI Best Paper Award

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EPPC 2015 Organising Team

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Partners and Special Thanks

06_ What is eppc?

The European Public Policy Conference (EPPC) is a unique, fully student-run and organised annual event that occurs in a different European city each year. The first EPPC took place in 2009 in Athens.

Since then, it has since grown into a large international conference organised each year by students from the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin and proudly supported by

the International Policy Leadership Institute (IPLI) based in Paris.

EPPC provides a distinctive interactive platform for future policymakers to engage with prominent political leaders and experts and to learn from their expertise. Since its humble beginnings, EPPC has grown in size, scope and importance, thus becoming a key opportunity for policy students to meet and network

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with other students from top policy schools in Europe and the world.

EPPC also serves as a key forum to share ideas and research on some of the most pressing challenges and issues of the 21st century political arena. The 2015 edition of EPPC addressed various topics relating to Eastern Europe under the title “From Russia with Love? Eastern Europe between Integration, Cooperation,

and Confrontation” and was hosted in Warsaw, Poland, from April 2426, 2015. The conference featured keynotes and workshops on such topics as Integration in Eastern Europe, EU Neighbourhood Policy, and Trade Relations and Security in Eastern Europe. This year’s EPPC was successful in fostering an interactive academic atmosphere for debate of key policy issues of our time.

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10_ Bastian Sendhardt German Political Scientist Bastian Sendhardt has been working for the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Warsaw since 2001. He studied political science and philosophy, and presently specialises in European integration policy, cooperation in the Baltic Sea, and European Neighbourhood Policy. Currently, Mr Sendhardt is working on his PhD at the Bundeswehr University Munich.

He has also previously worked as a research assistant at the Aleskateri Institute of the University of Helsinki.

Vasyl Myroshnychenko Consultant on strategic communications and public affairs Vasyl Myroshnychenko is an equity Partner of CFC Consulting, a Kyivbased strategic communications firm. He is also a co-founder and coordinator of international outreach for the Ukraine Crisis Media Center, an organization aimed at amplifying Ukraine’s international voice and providing objective information about developments in Ukraine, and a board member of the UkrainianBritish City Club, an organisation fostering UK-Ukraine bilateral commercial relations.

Mr Myroshnychenko was a Chevening Scholar and holds an MSc in IPE from LSE, as well as

MA and BA degrees in IR from Kyiv National Shevchenko University. He is a graduate of the Global Village for Future Leaders of Business and Industry programme at Iacocca Institute, Lehigh University (USA) and Swedish Institute Management Program (Sweden). He was also a co-founder of the European Youth Parliament-Ukraine, where he served as President from 2002-2004.

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Antonio Martins da Cruz Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Portugal and Ambassador to NATO

Ambassador da Cruz’s distinguished career began in 1972 during his time in the Portuguese Foreign Service.

Before his tenure as the Portuguese

Minister of Foreign Affairs, he served as Portugal’s Ambassador to NATO, the Western European Union and Spain. He has also chaired the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), one of the world’s largest security organisations. Mr Da Cruz completed his post-graduate studies at the University of Geneva.

Adam Daniel Rotfeld Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland

Prof Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld is a Polish researcher, diplomat, and former Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs. His specialisations include disarmament and European security and cooperation. Since March 2011, he has been teaching as a professor

at the Warsaw University Institute of Interdisciplinary Research (Collegium Artes Liberales). He served as Director of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) between the years of 1991 and 2002 and has lectured at many universities and academic institutions in Europe, the United States, Russia, China and Japan, as well as published over 400 articles.

Dr Rotfeld holds a PhD from Jagiellonian University.

12_ Foreword from IPLI Director

Timothy Reno

D

ear EPPC 2015 Participants,

IPLI

It is a tremendous honor to celebrate the seventh anniversary of the European Public Policy Conference (EPPC) series with you in Warsaw.

Since its foundation, EPPC’s steady growth is a testament to the powerful forces that drive this unique initiative.

These forces are the academic rigor and perseverance of an international cadre of graduate students who determinedly set out every year to construct a public policy conference that analyses the key policy concerns challenging Europe today.

Through its continuing support of EPPC, IPLI hopes to assist in a small way in the development of the intellectual capital of Europe’s leaders of tomorrow.

IPLI extends its deepest thanks to the Institute of Economic Sciences of the Polish Academy of Sciences for hosting this year’s conference. IPLI would also like to thank all of the international panelists who have graciously gathered to be with us to share their wisdom with the next generation of policy makers. Finally, IPLI commends the entire EPPC student organizing committee of the Hertie School of Governance - your hard work and resolution have made this year’s conference possible. Congratulations!

I look forward to a thought-provoking series of presentations and debates over the coming days. On behalf of IPLI, I hope that all participants will continue to support the EPPC tradition long into the future.

Respectfully, Timothy Reno

13_ IPLI would also like to thank all of the international panelists who have graciously gathered to be with us to share their wisdom with the next generation of policy makers.

14_ Welcome Note from

Conference Chairs

Dearest EPPC participants, On behalf of the 2015 organising committee it gives us great pleasure to welcome you to the 7th European Public Policy Conference in Warsaw.

We are particularly excited about the theme of this year’s conference.

The repercussions of the crisis in the Ukraine and the changing geopolitical landscape as Russia expands its sphere of influence have

highlighted the fact that Europe and its eastern neighbours have built strong economic, political and security ties in the 25 years since the USSR began to break up. Navigating this changed landscape has been and continues to be a challenge for all of Europe, especially as it itself works to recover from the recent economic crisis and its consequences. There

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is no doubt that these issues will continue to play an important role in shaping public policy in Europe for the foreseeable future.

In this context we look forward to exciting and stimulating conversations during EPPC 2015. We encourage everyone to participate, to network with your fellow students and to take as much from the conference as

possible. Please feel free to approach us or anyone else on the committee with any questions you may have or just to chat! We have worked very hard on this year’s conference and we humbly hope that you enjoy it!

Best regards from your conference chairs, Marleen Schreier and Timothy Hobden

16_ Keynote Address by Adam Daniel Rotfeld:

Given the current situation in Europe, there is the need to search for a new security order.

Given the current situation in Europe, there is the need to search for a new security order. This applies not only to the events in the Ukraine, but we should also consider the context of recent tragic events in the Mediterranean regarding the migration crisis – Europe is unsure how to respond; however, finding a way to deal with this is essential for both economic and security stability.

The existing order and institutions in Europe have deep historical roots. Traditionally, security orders have been imposed by victorious powers and the best example of this is the United Nations where the UN Charter imposed a new world order. This institutionalized the power of some nations through their presence on the Security Council, which is the body that legitimized the use of force. Increasingly, questions are being asked about why certain countries have permanent

representation but not others.

Existing institutions operate from the concept of what a “state” is. In international law, a state is composed of three elements: population, territory, and effective control. This third element is in fact the one under a question mark in situations like Ukraine and Syria, where the global community is confronted with a number of states that are not able to control their own territory and/or population. This is what we can sometimes refer to as weak or failing states.

What is clear, is that institutions that were created 60-70 years ago are simply not suited to deal with the problems of today – some are even just empty shells. Part of this is explained by the fact that post-WW2 institutions were built for a different purpose – namely to retain the status quo.

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Searching for a new security order This then begs the question: do we have the right international relations institutions for the 21st century?

What has to be done to find a way to bring all parties to the table with an intention to respond to basic and fundamental questions of the future? A new security order needs to be adequate to the new threats, the new challenges and the new risks that society is facing. The old situation of bi-polarity between East and West needs to be modified. This is not a move towards uni-polarity, but rather towards multi-polarity and a recognition that states have many legitimate interests. Unipolarity is in fact hegemony and this needs to be eliminated, along with the recognition that while territorial borders must be respected, countries also have a sovereign right to have a sphere of influence.

The current situation with Russia illustrates the challenges that need to

be confronted. Russia has officially declared that it has privileged interests in Crimea. In doing this, Russian made its strategic choice, in essence to reject the set of values which is considered by Europeans as a set of common or European values – considered by some to be universal.

In actual fact, with the exception of some fundamental human rights, there are not many agreed upon universal rights or even European rights.

Practically resolving this situation requires two fundamental elements.

Firstly, there is a need to think about decisions that will eliminate the possibility of war between the West and Russia. Secondly, there is a need to elaborate a peaceful solution in Ukraine, with acceptance by Russia that Ukraine has the right to make its own decision vis-Ă -vis its orientation to Europe...

A new security order needs to be adequate to the new threats, the new challenges and the new risks that society is facing.

18_ The Eastern Partnership and the Crisis in the Ukraine Speech by Bastian Sendhardt For Poland the Eastern Partnership is very important.

Together with Sweden it was the initiator of this partnership.

Ukraine is a direct neighbour of Poland and so plays a key role in its foreign policy.

More recently the Eastern partnership (EaP) has been revisited with the “European choice” of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the subsequent EU response of signing the Accession Agreements.

From Russia’s perspective: best option is to have as close ties with Ukraine as possible, politically, economically, socially/culturally, to keep Ukraine under its influence. A second best option is to destabilise Ukraine (which isn’t hard due to the country’s weak governance institutions and corruption).

Signing the Association Agreement confirmed Ukraine’s choice for the EU but the country’s policy makers are hesitant to implement reforms because of weak institutions, lack of political will, and oligarchic economic structures.

How did this crisis in Ukraine start?

In late 2013 we saw the Euromaidan protests where EU flags were prominently displayed. It is important to understand what the EaP is, how it is connected to the crisis and how the EU can within that framework deal with the crisis and move on a future path with Ukraine.

A week before the last summit of the EaP in November 2013, Ukraine withdrew from the Association Agreement for economic reasons.

This directly led to the Euromaidan protests.

From the EU point of view it is important that it was civil society, pro-European protests that started the chain of events - no politicians were involved at the beginning.

Protests radicalised at the end of the year, and Ukraine started to present demands, namely: 1. Financial compensation for economic/trade sanctions imposed on Ukraine by Russia 2. A trilateral commission with EU, Ukraine, and Russia Both demands were rejected. Officials came to Euromaidan to show support and solidarity and to reiterate that it is Ukraine’s decision whom to cooperate with and to what extent.

It is important to understand the EaP: it consists of a series of policy initiatives based on fundamental values: democracy, rule of law, respect

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for Human rights, market economy, social development and good governance. The more reforms are undertaken to move in this direction, the stronger the support and the two main goals: •

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Access to the large single market (with resultant economic growth and modernization/ int. competitiveness) Full visa liberalization as a longterm goal, leading to labour mobility

The question of accession has not yet been answered for Ukraine, and so there is little motivation for Ukraine to begin these reforms due to both a lack of political will and lack of institutional capacity to implement reforms. Reformation in wartime appears impossible. The Ukrainian government does not control over 400 km of its border with Russia, this is a major problem.

The way ahead?

Momentum and attention from the EU is needed, but if Ukraine doesn’t make any progress in terms of reforms the attention will drift – there are many other pressing European challenges such as Greece, immigration and the migration crisis in the Mediterranean Sea. Civil society needs to keep the pressure on public officials high to push for further democratization.

What could be done?

Recommendations could be as follows: • Split the EaP by differentiating between those who want to integrate into the EU (Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine) and Armenia, Azerbaijan.

• Bilateral cooperation rather than multilateral (Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine on different levels) • Support and strengthen civil society, and recognise that it can be a driving force.

The Ukrainian government does not control over 400 km of its border with Russia, this is a major problem.

20_ EU, NATO, and the OSCE Speech by AntOnio Martins Da Cruz Twelve years ago, in 2003, I was the Foreign Minister of Portugal and in that year the EU adopted the European Security Strategy with the title “A secure Europe in a better world”.

The first sentence of this document states: “Europe has never been so prosperous, so secure nor so free.”

We now have to evaluate how the developments in Europe since 2003 have changed this perception.

Europe has never been so prosperous …

Looking at Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, and even France and Finland, we see them struggling with the consequences of the crisis, increasing unemployment rates and stalling economic growth. After the financial crisis hit the EU many of its economies struggled to escape the downward spiral of a sovereign debt and banking crisis. In this time we have to ask ourselves: What about solidarity and cohesion? We will need at least another four to five years to get back the levels of prosperity of 2008. Internally, nationalist movements become stronger and reject the idea of a strong union; some prime examples include the French Front National (FN) and UK Independence Party (UKIP). Since

2008 every incumbent government in the Eurozone has lost elections with only one exception, Germany. Our politicians need to do more effective crisis management, inside as well as outside of our countries.

Looking at Libya, Syria, Paris, Copenhagen, Tunisia, the threat of terrorism and civil war is undeniable; many refugees are coming to Europe but die on their way crossing the Mediterranean Sea. Not to mention the unstable situation in Kosovo, the Balkans, and Moldova…

Europe has never been so secure…

As mentioned above there are a number of security issues in and outside of Europe. Apart from the current Ukraine crisis, there was the military and diplomatic crisis in South Ossetia in Georgia in 2008.

Despite these burgeoning crises NATO has increasingly withdrawn forces from Europe between 2000 and 2013. EU countries have reduced military spending due to the financial crisis, and the vision of a common defence and foreign policy are still vague ideas within the EU. Today we look at Ukraine and see a rising conflict in Eastern Europe.

Recently the leaders of Ukraine, Russia, Germany and France have worked out the Minsk Deal to end the

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violence in eastern Ukraine, however, it is questionable how long the accords will be respected.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) with 57 participating states has decided to send unarmed observers to Ukraine to help reduce the tensions in the region.

Currently there are 450 observers in 10 cities, which makes the OSCE the only player with reliable data in Ukraine and anyone can access the OSCE reports online.

The future developments for the region are not clear. In the short term, it is very difficult to change the balance of power that we witness

at the moment. Putin is continuing his policy and awaits the change of administration in the US. The EU has to work on its cohesion and deliberate about further eastern expansion in regards to the importance of Russia as an important trade partner. If there would be a referendum in eastern Ukraine the result would most definitely be a yes to secession.

There are so many diverging interests that a best case scenario for all actors seems impossible. Russia will keep up the pressure, the EU will continue to support the government in Kiev and follow the line of the US‌

Today we look at Ukraine and see a rising conflict in Eastern Europe.

22_ The role of the media in the Ukraine conflict Speech by Vasyl Myroshnychenko The role of the media has been crucial to confuse people both in Russia and in the Ukraine.

The Russian media is highly sophisticated; as it is highly manipulative- this is why people in Russia support the invasion and for the most part believe that Ukraine is a failed state and that without Russia it would not last long. A lot of money has been invested in trying to provide live news, as well as information campaigns through the use of social media and through the news. NGOs and think tanks have also been very helpful in spreading information but all of these efforts have not been enough. Academics should get more involved, and more student exchanges should be supported so that young Ukrainians experience the world through their own eyes instead of letting the media influence them.

One of the main challenges that the media poses in terms of the development of the conflict is that 80% of media in the Ukraine is in Russian, which leaves the doors wide open for Russians to manipulate information. When a story comes out, usually there are two or three different theories about the same story, people don’t know whom to believe and so, it becomes a matter of opinion and not of facts. The Ukrainian government is working very hard but they have inherited a highly corrupted system and while resources, time and energy is spent on defense, no significant improvements will come anytime soon‌

23_ One of the main challenges that the media poses in terms of the development of the conflict is that 80% of media in the Ukraine is in Russian, which leaves the doors wide open for Russians to manipulate information.

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Workshop Moderators

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Wolfgang Richter Senior Associate at SWP Colonel (GS) Wolfgang Richter joined the Bundeswehr back in 1968 and has held various leading positions within the German Heer and international organisations. He held the rank of colonel last when on active duty.

From 1987 to 1989 he worked in the Supreme Headquarters of Allied Powers in Europe (SHAPE) and was a member of the German delegation to the negotiations in Vienna on the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty.

From 1995 to 1999 he worked as leading German military representative with the UN on global

disarmament in the UNDC working group on Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Combatants in Internal Conflicts.

From 2005 to 2009 he was leader of the military part of the permanent German delegation to the OSCE in Vienna. His work for the SWP focuses on security policy, small and light arms and the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty.

Prof Dr Juris Rozenvalds Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Latvia

Prof Dr Juris Rozenvalds has been Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Latvia since 2009. In his extensive research on democratization of the Baltic countries and Latvia, Mr Rozenvalds brings under scrutiny the issues of ethnic integration as both historian and political scientist. In other research, he

notes the varying degrees of success in integrating Russian-speaking groups across the Baltic States. This makes his work of a high relevance to the discussion on what are the future prospects of resolving the growing tensions in Ukraine and other Eastern European countries with large groups of Russian-speaking population.

26_ Nicolas de Pedro Research Fellow at CIDOB Nicolás de Pedro is a research fellow at CIDOB (Barcelona Centre for International Affairs) where he is in charge of the post-Soviet space (Central Asia, Russia) and India. He is a visiting professor at the Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and associate professor at the Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals (IBEI). Nicolás has carried out fieldwork and travelled extensively throughout the Central Asian region and Xinjiang (China), including two years in Kazakhstan (2005-2007). Furthermore, he has participated in international Electoral Observation Missions of the OSCE in Kyrgyzstan (2009, 2010),

Russia (2011), Tajikistan (2010) and Ukraine (2010, 2014). During the last ten years he has worked as an adviser or external evaluator of several EUfunded projects in Central Asia. He has given lectures on Central Asian issues in Almaty, Astana, Bishkek, Brussels, Istanbul, Kolkata, Moscow, Stockholm, Tashkent and Tokyo. He is author of numerous publications on Central Asian politics and he is a frequent contributor in the Spanish media.

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Dr Heidi Maurer Assistant Professor for European Studies, Maastricht University

Dr. Heidi Maurer is assistant professor in European Studies at the Department of Politics, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Maastricht University. She holds a Doctorate from the University of Vienna (Political Science) and a postgraduate certificate in European integration from the Institute of Advanced Studies (IHS) in Vienna.

In 2012/13 she was the Austrian Marshall Plan Foundation Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations

(CTR) at the School for Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University in Washington DC. Dr. Maurer´s research interests focus on EU foreign policy-making, European diplomacy, and the European Neighbourhood Policy.

Since joining Maastricht University, Dr. Maurer also engages actively in research about alternative teaching methods and in particular ProblemBased Learning.

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Workshops

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Security Architecture in Europe led by Wolfgang Richter After the Berlin Wall came down in 1989 the division of a continent in two blocks finally came to an end and with it the cold war, the Warsaw Pact dissolved and Soviet forces returned home.

NATO stayed intact and had its first mission in 1991 in Yugoslavia after its initial purpose had become obsolete.

Today, however, tensions rise again.

The crisis in Ukraine is a poignant reminder to the public that in the 21st century violent conflict in

Europe does not belong to the past.

The question is, in how far is the European security architecture prepared to deal with conflicts at its periphery vis-à-vis Russia? Is cooperation possible or are we falling back into patterns of the past?

Ethnic Reconciliation and European Neighbourhood Policy led by Juris Rozenvalds After the dissolution of the Soviet Union large numbers of Russian citizens rooted all across the “Near Abroad” found themselves as a minority in a new country, detached and attacked by the growing nationalist movements.

This in turn led to the consolidation and reinforcement of the identity of Russian diaspora, creating strong resentment to integration. Identifying differences, while acknowledging similarities remains an issue till this day for both sides– native population

and Russian communities abroad.

Success in reconciling the differences has varied greatly from peaceful integration in the Baltics to the civil war in Ukraine and state partition in Moldova.

30_ European and Russian Self-Perception led by Nicolas de Pedro De Pedro explained in his workshop that the European self-perception in the 1990s was one that saw Europe as a prosperous, free, and united entity.

The main means to establish the European Union was and still is trade. The Russian self-perception in the 1990s, however, was dominantly negative. It was a period of shock, crime and uncertainty about the future. Nowadays, president Putin sees his story as a contrast to that time and leverages Russian public opinion at a propitious moment,

using three pillars: political stability, economic prosperity and national pride. Russian pride stems from its rise to become an empire in the 16th century, creating a space of Russian influence, if not hegemony. There is a common feeling in Russia of being betrayed by the West; Russia is a great power and should be treated as such.

31_ Neighbourhood Policy: Europe – A continent of neighbours or a continent of strangers? led by Heidi Maurer As part of its Neighbourhood Policy, the European Union seeks to promote political association and economic integration.

In Eastern Europe, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus have adopted European Neighbourhood action plans. These countries are also part of the EU’s multilateral “Eastern Partnership”. With the recent

developments in Eastern Europe in mind, we need to analyse how effective this policy is, and whether reform of this Eastern Partnership is needed.

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Student Presentations

• Chances for Peace-building in Ukraine: Conflict Analysis, Policy Recommendation and Project Ideas for Peace-building in Ukraine Cody Koebnick & Alexander Sacharow • What’s in a Name? The Kremlin’s Linguistic Tactics to Gain Support f or It’s Aggressions Against Ukraine Jillian Beytin • The last dictatorship of Europe: walking on the knife blade Alesia Rudnik • Future of NATO in (Eastern) Europe Rajat Rai Handa

• Overview of the EU and Russia’s Foreign Policy Anna Ermakova • History of Eastern European cooperation in the case of the free trade areas such as BAFTA and CEFTA - A way for GUAM to follow?

Jan Charvát • The impact of economic diplomacy over economic security Corneliu Munteanu • Did the European position change due to the downing of flight MH17?

Milou Killaars • EU Integration and Social Policy in Poland and PostCommunist EU States Izabela Chmielewska

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• Eastern Partnership Politics in the Caucasus Elmar Stracke

• Three cultural barriers to integration in Eastern Europe Diego Dossena

• History is Doomed for Repetition: Weak Security Guarantees for European Neighborhood Policy Members Katie Levesque

• Awakening from EU Fatigue ?

Perceptions of Legitimacy of the EU in Visegrad Countries and the Role of the Ukraine Crisis Max Steuer

• Supporting a troubled relative: The EU and Russia Himanshu Sharma

• Youth Perceptions of Democratization, Integration, & EU Enlargement: An International Comparison of Countries in South East Europe Haley Reimbold

• Eastern Partnership as disintegrative force for European integration Dmitriy Miryan

• External Voting for Expats and its Impact on Deeper Integration Bonnie Bethea • Trickle down Democracy: A case for Eastern European Countries Sebastian Martinez

34_ IPLI Best Paper Award At the conclusion of this year’s EPPC, IPLI was pleased to present the fourth annual IPLI Best Paper Award. This award recognizes the best academic paper submitted for the EPPC conference. In doing so, the award highlights the exceptional work of an up and coming public policy professional. This year’s award was presented to Max Steuer, an MA candidate at the Department of International Relations and European Studies, Central European University, Budapest. Mr. Steuer’s paper was entitled: “Awakening from EU Fatigue?

Perceptions of Legitimacy of the EU in Visegrad Countries and the Role of the Ukraine Crisis.”

ABSTRACT This paper draws on aggregate survey data capturing the perceptions of legitimacy of the EU in the Visegrad countries in order to identify how the EU is perceived by citizens of these post-communist member states ten years after Eastern enlargement.

It identifies elements of an ‘EU fatigue’ in these countries, based on citizens’ indifference towards the EU. Then, it goes on by asking how the media, the key channel of information on and interpretation of the position and impact of the EU, portrayed the EU in crisis and thus provided a potential for boosting or diminishing the perceptions of EU legitimacy. Via analysis of media reports in two key newspapers in the Czech Republic, Hungary and

Slovakia, this paper examines how the reactions of the EU on the Ukraine crisis moved gradually to the centre of the media portrayal of the EU in crisis. The paper concludes with discussing how these conditions create a link between the success of the EU’s actions in resolving the Ukraine crisis and the deepening EU fatigue versus awakening from it through perceptions of EU legitimacy and its public support in Visegrad countries.

35_ Mr. Steuer’s paper was entitled: “Awakening from EU Fatigue? Perceptions of Legitimacy of the EU in Visegrad Countries and the Role of the Ukraine Crisis.”

36_ EPPC 2015

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38_ Conference Chairs

Timothy Hobden, South Africa Originally from South Africa, co-chair Timothy survived several years in development consulting in Africa before moving to Berlin to return to student life. He is particularly interested in marketbased solutions to poverty and the relationship between governments and the private sector.

Marleen Schreier, Germany As co-chair, Marleen organises team meetings, delegates and coordinates between different EPPC departments, administers the conference’s website, and helps out wherever needed.

Her interests include foreign policy, diplomacy, and public affairs.

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Logistics Committee

Andreina Algarin Tovar, Venezxuela Andreina completed her bachelors on International Development Studies in Canada. Her academic interest in Human Rights, Public Management and development led her to study Public Policy at the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin.

Thierry Raucaud, France Thierry holds a Master in Intercultural Exchanges and has studied public affairs at Sciences Po in Paris and the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin. With over ten years of experience in education policy and cooperation between France and the UK, he recently completed a thesis to point to the many impacts of education systems on entrepreneurship rates across OECD countries.

Diego Fernandez Fernandez, Spain Diego helps take care of all the details regarding the venue, accommodation, and transportation. He is Spanish and loves brunch and street food.

Thorsten Roobeek, Netherlands As part of the Logistics team, Thorsten tries to make your stay as pleasant as possible. Making sure that you eat and drink enough is his credo. Besides food, Thorsten is also interested in the energy and sustainability sector.

Anya Suprunenko, Ukraine Anya is a “Future of Europe” scholar at the Hertie School of Governance. She has been an active member of the civic society of Ukraine for the last 5 years.

From 2012-2013, she served as president of the international youth NGO “European Youth Parliament Ukraine” and is an alumnus of a number of youth associations in Ukraine.

40_ Academics Committee

Laura Franken, Germany Laura is an MPP candidate at Hertie, and part of the Academics team. When she needs a break from studying, she enjoys reading Donald Duck cartoons every once in a while.

Johan Juul Jensen, Denmark Johan organised the review of applications and articles submitted.

Johan’s academic interests are international development, social innovation, human rights and entrepreneurship. In his spare time he heads Play It On, an organisation that works with sports as a tool for development and intercultural understanding.

Matthias Weierer, Germany With the Academics team, Matthias is responsible for the programme of the EPPC. So if you don’t like the conference contributions, Matthias will be punished with abstinence from pretzels, beer and jokes about northern Germany until his hair turns grey. For a true Bavarian such as Matthias, this is the maximum penalty.

Pasha Guranda, Moldova Pavel is an MPP student at the Hertie School of Governance and a member of the EPPC Academic team, where he is responsible for organizing the workshop “Ethnic Reconciliation and European Neighbourhood Policy.”

Pavel grew up in the Transnistrian region of Moldova with a very confused cultural identity. On-going political turmoil in his home country determined his interest in political science and public policy.

Daniel Limburg, Germany Daniel, along with the rest of the Academics team, is responsible for getting speakers for you on board.

While not e-mailing highprofile speakers for EPPC he loves bouldering and climbing in Berlin.

Max E. Mannweiler, Germany This year, Max organised one of EPPC’s Workshops. German by origin, organizing anything gives him almost as much pleasure as his favourite leisure activity: Drinking an ice-cold beer after a decent tennis session. Academically, he focuses on transatlantic relations and European Integration.

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Communications Committee

Christopher Cosler, Germany Christopher both manages EPPC’s social media and works on the Academics team. He is one of the few Germans who sometimes actually use Twitter, and so will be the one keeping you informed with tweets during the conference.

Isabelle Miller, USA Isabelle heads EPPC’s tiny Communications team, which mostly means she is responsible for designing and putting together conference media. She is originally American/Thai and likes to picnic in her spare time.

Finance Committee

Paulo Kalkhake, Germany Paulo, the entire fundraising committee, is of German-Brazilian roots and studied at the JohannesGutenberg University in Mainz.

He holds a BScin International Economics and Public Policy.

Paulo has experience in business consultancy and public affairs and is particularly interested in trade and labour policy. He is looking forward to an inspiring conference and to discussing the pressing economic challenges in Eastern Europe.

Theo Sands, United Kingdom Theo is in charge of finance for EPPC, meaning he gets to say where the money goes. He is originally from London, and spends his spare time passionately supporting Arsenal Football Club from afar and butchering the German language. He likes arguing about the relationship between economic development and political stability.

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PARTNERS IPLI

Founded in Paris in 2011, the International Policy and Leadership Institute (IPLI) is an organization that is focused primarily on the study of Human Security issues in Europe, the EuroMediterranean region and Africa. IPLI cooperates with academic institutions and think tanks with established programs in public policy and international relations. IPLI supports academic and applied research and aims to unite the policy-makers of today and tomorrow to encourage transmission of expertise from one generation to the next. For more information, please visit www.ipli.eu

The Institute of Economic Sciences of the Polish Academy of Sciences (INE PAN) was founded in 1980. Its mission includes: 1) conducting scientific research in the field of economic theory and analysis, 2) development of scientific personnel, 3) universalizing economical knowledge, and 4) popularization of Polish economic thought abroad. The Institute conducts research in the following fields of Economic Theory, Economic Policy, forecasts and strategic studies concerning the Polish economy, analysis of the world economy and European integration regarding their influence on the development of the Polish economy. On behalf of various government and non-government institutions, the Institute conducts surveys concerning e.g. structural changes in the Polish economy, methods and instruments of economic growth, and strategy of Poland’s participation in the EU. For more information, please visit www.inepan.waw.pl/en

SPECIAL THANKS

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The Hertie School of Governance prepares exceptional students for leadership positions in government, business, and civil society. The School also offers experienced professionals the opportunity to deepen their skills in the field of public management. A renowned international faculty with expertise in economics, business, law, political and social science take an interdisciplinary, policy-oriented approach to the School’s teaching and research agenda. The Hertie School is an international centre, with a variety of first-rate academic projects and a diverse student body. The School actively engages in public debate with its range of events bringing together experts from theory and practice. The School was founded in 2003 as a project of the Hertie Foundation which remains the major partner. For more information, please visit www.hertie-school.org

INSTITUT D’ÉTUDES POLITIQUES DE PARIS

PHOTOGRAPHY BY MINHVU STÉPHANE: WWW.MINHVUPHOTOGRAPHER.COM

CONCEPT AND DESIGN BY ANATOL URSU WWW.OLYWEBART.COM

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