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5.2. Cost of Migration
In contrast to other individuals interviewed, the GNs were also aware of the community level issues that were driving either men or women to migrate, especially in communities that are branded as ‘problem’ communities due to high levels of crime and the proliferation of drugs and alcohol consumption. In such communities, both in Kandy and Colombo city limits, people’s vulnerabilities were heightened.
‘‘With the recent drought in the area, opportunities for wage labour dried up as well. Also, young people now don’t want to engage in casual labour and because of this, women have to make a decision to migrate. And when they do migrate, then a new set of problems set in, with the men leaving the work they were doing and then new family problems crop up. These family issues are not ones that even we can resolve that easily.’’ - Kurunegala, Grama Niladhari.
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The interviews conducted in Colombo’s low income urban settlements reinforced the importance of taking into consideration these local contexts. Threats of displacement, to make way for major urban development programmes or having been relocated to new low-income housing, have intensified people’s push to look for work overseas, since the related cost of resettlement, despite government support, was considerably high.
The exception to these common reasons was found among the young students studying the Japanese language. While the students were learning the language with the hope of migrating to Japan, there was no major push factor such as financial need that had led to their choice of the country. Rather, Japan was seen as an attractive option, with many opportunities to offer. With the exception of one entrepreneurial youth whose aim was to start his own business of importing spare parts for automotives, none of the others appeared to be led by financial need or poverty. The cost of migration and its impact on people’s decision making is a key issue highlighted in the findings. For many, the related cost determines one’s country of destination. Among prospective migrant workers, there was a strong association between the cost of migration and the country of preference. Among the men, although there was a preference for countries such as Japan and Malaysia it was clear that the cost was considered too high and that the Middle East could offer less costly work options.
For men, the cost of migration varied depending on who was purchasing the ticket and sponsoring them. Hence, it ranged from at a minimum of SLR8,000 (cost of medical) to a maximum of SLR150,000 to be paid as fees to the recruitment agency. For countries such as Japan, the cost of migration was perceived to be close to a million Sri Lankan rupees. In order to finance these movements overseas, men rely on their family members and relatives, especially the wife or mother to pawn their jewellery. They also sell their own assets such as three wheelers to raise the required amount. This leads to incurring a debt prior to migrating.
In contrast, for women, the related cost of travelling as domestic workers to the Middle East is negligible as the promised payment allows for many of the related costs to be covered. These include the medical and related transportation expenses, insurance coverage at the SLBFE and where applicable, the cost of training. But a determining factor for women is the promise of a large sum of money upfront if she were to work as a domestic worker in the Middle East. This payment works as a strong incentive for women especially where the women have microcredit debts to pay off. But many appeared to have not received the promised amount.
