NYU OPUS Vol. VIII Issue I | Spring 2017

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies

Sculpture by Christina Ridzel. Photograph by Liutko Lilia

• NYU I STEINHARDT

Department of Applied Psychology

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

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OPUS

online publication of undergraduate studies Volume VIII Issue I | Spring 2017

EDITORS-IN-CHIEF

Julia Acker Ashlie Pankonin

LAYOUT & DESIGN DIRECTOR Shirley Wu PROGRAMMING & COMMUNICATIONS DIRECTOR Julia Imperatore

CONTRIBUTING WRITERS Paige Alenick Hannah Ephraim Krista Morgan Rebekah Myers Angela Page Spears

EDITOR-IN-TRAINING Julius Utama

FACULTY MENTOR Dr. Adina Schick

ASSISTANT LAYOUT & DESIGN DIRECTOR Sophia Wang

SPECIAL THANKS NYU Steinhardt Department of Applied Psychology Dr. Erin Godfrey Judson Simmons Rachel Hettleman

STAFF WRITERS Peter Goldie Aditi Iyer Siddhi Patel Helena Wang Sophia Wang

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Table of Contents 05 Letter from the Editors Staff Articles 08

Managing Mental Health in the Primary Care Sector Peter Goldie

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An Interview with Dr. Joshua Aronson Aditi Iyer

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An Interview with Dr. Elise Cappella Siddhi Patel

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Childhood Emotional Abuse and Borderline Personality Disorder Helena Wang

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Split: A Review and Its Unexpected Merit Sophia Wang

Submissions 23

The Influence of Leadership Style on Individuals' Satisfaction on Small Teams Angela Page Spears and Paige Alenick

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The Impact of Postpartum Depression on the Mother-Child Relationship Hannah Ephraim

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Don't Worry, But Don't Just Be Happy Krista Morgan

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Teachers' Use of Positive and Negative Feedback: Implications for Student Behavior Ashlie Pankonin and Rebekah Myers

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Abstracts Julia Acker | Paige Alenick Jocelin McGovern | Rebekah Myers Ashlie Pankonin | Bethanie Railling Jennifer Schild and Joshua Adler | Angela Page Spears

53 Biographies

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Letter from the Editors New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, was established in 2009. OPUS provides Applied Psychology undergraduate students with a forum for sharing their independent work. This publication is entirely written, edited, and designed

by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the United States.

We are thrilled to present our spring issue at the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Research Conference once again. In the past, OPUS submissions were limited to literature reviews, research proposals, case studies, and empirical papers. For this issue, we extended writing positions to include a wider array of academic pieces, such as film critiques and opinion articles, to make the journal more inclusive and diverse. In addition, this issue features interviews with two professors in the Applied Psychology department, Dr. Joshua Aronson and Dr. Elise Cappella, as well as the abstracts of our students’ independent research projects and honors theses.

The articles featured in this issue reflect our undergraduates’ passion for psychological theory, research, and practice. Several authors coupled their fieldwork experience with classroom knowledge to produce two empirical research studies: one that investigates leadership styles and team members’ satisfaction, and one that examines the influence of teacher feedback on preschool children’s behavior.

Others explored their clinical interests through literature reviews focused on postpartum depression and borderline personality disorder. Continuing with this theme, this issue showcases an opinion piece about managing mental health in the primary care sector, and two writers critically analyzed the portrayal of mental illness in film.

We would like to thank our talented writers for their contributions, as well as Julia Imperatore and Shirley Wu, the OPUS administrative staff, for their hard work and commitment to the journal. We are also grateful to Dr. Erin Godfrey, the interim Director of Undergraduate Studies in Applied Psychology, and Judson Simmons, the OPUS advisor, for their continuous support of OPUS. Finally, we would like to thank Dr. Adina Schick, our faculty mentor, for her guidance and dedication to OPUS, without whom this issue would not be possible.

Best wishes and thank you for reading,

Julia Acker

Ashlie Pankonin 5

Staff Articles

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Managing Mental Health in the Primary Care Sector

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

Managing Mental Health in the Primary Care Sector Peter Goldie Each year, 42.5 million people in America struggle with debilitating mental health issues (Bekiempis, 2014).

Individuals with mental health issues (e.g., depression, anxiety) experience high rates of unemployment, feel less pleasure, and are at a higher risk of experiencing chronic physical illnesses (Leahy, Holland, & Lata, 2012; National Alliance, 2014; Schaub, 2012). Although many psychiatric treatments exist, less than half of patients in need are treated with the most effective methods (Davey, 2014; Pull & Damsa, 2008). Mental health issues are treated predominantly in the primary care sector, which frequently leads patients on ineffective treatment trajectories (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012). Although integrating mental health services into primary care may reduce mental health care costs and can allow for more comprehensive, patient-centered treatment (World Health Organization, 2008a), primary care providers (PCPs) currently lack the education, knowledge (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012), and time to treat mental health issues effectively (World Health Organization, 2008b).

The training that PCPs receive in psychiatry during medical school is shallow and brief, leading them to misdiagnose patients and overprescribe psychotropic medications that pose significant health risks (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012). Furthermore, PCPs rarely follow up with patients because they are overbooked (World Health Organization, 2008b). Thus, the primary care sector leaves many mental health patients with lingering issues that could be treated more effectively by qualified mental health professionals (Pull & Damsa, 2008). Mental health professionals are the only doctors qualified to treat mental health patients, with training that generally extends for multiple years (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012; American Psychiatric Association, 2017).

Psychotherapy, a treatment often recommended by mental health professionals, is key in treating mental health patients—especially those who are treated with medication. Psychotherapy has been demonstrated to improve interpersonal skills and mood (Dakin & Areån, 2013) and allows patients to be closely monitored and process their experiences with treatment. Specifically, cognitive and relaxation therapy, as well as combination treatment (i.e., the use

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of medication in conjunction with psychotherapy), have been efficacious in mitigating debilitating symptoms of anxiety and depression, two of the most common mental health issues afflicting individuals in America (Bowers, 1990; El Alaoui et al., 2016; Pull & Damsa, 2008). Mental health professionals frequently utilize psychotherapy, whereas PCPs tend to recommend medication-only treatment (Davey, 2014). Furthermore, mental health professionals are able to treat mental health patients more effectively because they receive years of intensive training and supervision developing skills to accurately evaluate patients, create effective treatment plans, and closely monitor patient progress (American Psychiatric Association, 2017). For instance, to become licensed, psychiatrists must attend medical school, pass an exam demonstrating their skills, and complete four years of hands-on work in residency (American Psychiatric Association, 2017). Mental health professionals are able, capable, and trained to work with patients to adjust treatments and find one that works; they simply need referrals from PCPs. Many individuals with mental health concerns reach out to PCPs as a first step, likely because it is convenient. Additionally, there is a stigma associated with mental health issues in America, which may incentivise patients to seek services solely through a PCP rather than seeing a mental health specialist (Jean, 2010). Moreover, treatment in primary care may allow patients to avoid additional costs associated with mental health care, such as psychotherapy (Jean, 2010); for less financially stable individuals, this may be a deciding factor.

Conversely, PCPs may also be inclined to treat individuals the cheapest way possible, which is often solely with medication (Nydegger, 2008).

Referrals to mental health specialists would counter the prevalence of medication-only treatment and help reduce chronic mental health issues. However, data suggests that PCPs refer patients less than 40% of the time (Kravitz et al., 2006). PCPs may be reluctant to refer mental health patients for a few reasons. First, there is a clear lack of mental health professionals in America (Nydegger, 2008); PCPs may be wary of this and refrain from referring patients in hopes of avoiding long waitlists that would lengthen the time that an individual is untreated. But by doing so, they inappropri-

Goldie, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 8-10.

-ately take patients’ treatment into their own hands and treat patients in less efficacious ways than mental health professionals would.

Additionally, prescribing medication provides doctors with financial benefits (Smith, 2012); although this is a clear conflict of interest, this likely skews many PCPs’ referral rates downward.

When treating mental health patients, PCPs often utilize medication-only treatment, prescribing 85% of psychotropic medications nationwide (Goodwin, Gould, Blanco, & Olfson, 2001). This is an alternative to referring patients to mental health specialists and most likely occurs because they want to reap the available financial benefits (Smith, 2012). However, medication-only treatment poses many risks. For example, certain medications can lead to adverse health outcomes or serious side effects such as seizures, cardiovascular problems, and suicidality (National Alliance, 2016; Teixeira, 2009). Additionally, medication-only treatment has shown less efficacy in treating prevalent disorders such as anxiety (Pull & Damsa, 2008) and may lead to negative effects experienced when medication intake is terminated if it is not supplemented with psychotherapy (Pull & Damsa, 2008); but PCPs rarely utilize psychotherapy (Nydegger, 2008). PCPs are also often unfamiliar with the medications they prescribe; their full training in psychiatry typically spans just four to eight weeks (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012; Smith, 2011), which does not compare to the appropriate amount of time (i.e. four or more years) that psychiatrists study mental health treatment (American Psychiatric Association, 2017). Thus, PCPs cannot monitor patient progress appropriately or understand when to change a patient’s dosage or instruct them to stop using the medication (Nydegger, 2008). This is a failure of the primary care system to make patients aware of how they can best be treated.

Clearly, there is a disconnect between facets of the current medical system regarding the treatment of mental health issues. To combat this, many individuals have recently identified themselves as proponents for the integration of mental health treatment into the primary care sector, posing that this would allow for mental health issues to be identified more accurately (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012). However, this integration is not feasible at this point given the drastic changes in training models for PCPs that would need to be implemented (World Health Organization, 2008b). Additionally, time constraints concern PCPs as they are overburdened with patients already; increasing numbers of PCPs in America are necessary to account for the extra time that effective mental health care would

take if implemented (World Health Organization, 2008b). Lastly, licensing is another problem, as mental health clinics and primary care clinics have different staffing requirements for employees.

These requirements are incompatible with most proposed integration models (Houy & Bailit, 2015), indicating that new models must be created or that changes must be made to the medical care system before integration is feasible.

In contemporary America, PCPs remain unqualified to treat mental health patients (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012); allowing them to continue to do so will cause further stagnation in patients’ treatment progress or problematic side effects.

To counter this, we must work to combat the stigma surrounding mental health. By doing so, patients may increasingly seek mental health services from mental health specialists who will be able to recommend and monitor proper treatment instead of PCPs (American Psychiatric Association, 2017). Additionally, it is key that policymakers fight the financial incentives to prescribe medication, as this creates a conflict of interest that is evidently detrimental to mental health across the country. Because the integration of mental health care into primary care is not currently feasible at this point, mental health patients must be treated solely in the mental health sector. This will ensure that diagnoses are accurate, treatment is effective, and patients are closely monitored by experienced, specialized professionals (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2012).

REFERENCES Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality.

(2012). Experts call for integrating mental health into primary care: Research activities. Retrieved from https://archive.ahrq.gov/news/new sletters/research-activities/jan12/0112RA1.html American Psychiatric Association. (2017). What is Psychiatry? Retrieved from http://www.psych iatry.org/patients-families/what-is-psychiatry Bazelon Center. (n.d.). Primary care providers’ role in mental health. Retrieved from http:/ www.bazelon.org/LinkClick.aspx fileticket=CBTKUhxTIvw= Bekiempis, V. (2014). Nearly 1 in 5 Americans suffers from mental illness each year. Newsweek.

Retrieved from http://www.newsweek.com nearly-1-5-americans-suffer-mental-illnesseach-year-230608 Bowers, W. A. (1990). Treatment of depressed in patients: Cognitive therapy plus medication, relaxation plus medication, and medication alone.

The British Journal of Psychiatry, 156(1), 73-78.

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Goldie, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 8-10.

Dakin, E. K., & Areรกn, P. (2013). Patient perspectives on the benefits of psychotherapy for late-life depression. The American Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry, 21(2), 155-163.

Davey, G. L. (2014). Overprescribing drugs to treat mental health problems. Psychology Today.

Retrieved from https://www.psychologytoday.com blog/why-we-worry/201401/overpresc ribing-drugs-treat-mental-health-problems El Alaoui, S., Ljรณtsson, B., Hedman, E., Svanborg, C., Kaldo, V., & Lindefors, N. (2016).

Predicting outcome in internet-based cognitive behaviour therapy for major depression: A large cohort study of adult patients in routine psychiatric care. Plos ONE, 11(9), 1-16.

Goodwin, R., Gould, M. S., Blanco, C., & Olfson, M. (2001). Prescription of psychotropic medications to youths in office-based practice.

Psychiatric Services, 52(8), 1081-1087.

Houy, M., & Bailit M. H. (2015). Barriers to behavioral and physical health integration in Massachusetts. Blue Cross Blue Shield of Massachusetts Foundation. Retrieved from http://www.bailit-health.com/ publications/2015-0612-bhp-bcbsmf-barriers/ bphim.pdf Jean, A. (2010). Integrating primary and mentalhealth care. Retrieved from http://disabledfe minists.com/2010/03/23/integrating-primary-and mental-health-care/ Kravitz R. L., Franks, P., Feldman, M., Meredith, L. S., Hinton, L., Franz, C., Duberstein, P., & Epstein, R.M. (2006). What drives referral from primary care physicians to mental health specialists? A randomized trial using actors portraying depressive symptoms. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 21(6), 584-589.

Leahy, R., Holland, S., Lata, K. (2012). Treatment plans and interventions for depression and anxiety disorders (2nd ed.). New York, NY: The Guildford Press.

National Alliance on Mental Illness (2016).

Bupropion (Wellbutrin). Retrieved from https:// www.nami.org/Learn-More/Treatment/Mental Health-Medications/Bupropion-(Wellbutrin) National Alliance on Mental Illness (2014). Mental illness: NAMI report deplores 80 percent unemployment rate; State rates and ranks listed Model legislation proposed. Retrieved from http://www.nami.org/Press-Media/Press Releases/2014/Mental-Illness-NAMI-Rep ort-Deplores-80-Percent-Une Nydegger, R. (2008). Understanding and treating

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depression: Ways to find hope and help.

Westport, CT: Praeger.

Pull, C. B., & Damsa, C. (2008).

Pharmacotherapy of panic disorder.

Neuropsychiatric Disease and Treatment, 4(4), 779-795.

Schaub, F. (2012). The fear and anxiety solution: A breakthrough process for healing and empowerment with your subconscious mind. Louisville, CO: Sounds True Inc. Smith, B. (2012). Inappropriate prescribing.

Monitor on Psychology, 43(6), 36-40.

Teixeira, M. Z. (2009). Antidepressants, suicidality, and rebound effect: Evidence of similitude? Homeopathy, 98(2), 114-121.

World Health Organization. (2008a). Integrating mental health into primary care: A global perspective. Geneva, Switzerland: WHO Press.

Retrieved from http://www.who.int/ mental_health/policy/services/ integratingmhintoprimarycare/en/ World Health Organization. (2008b).

Integrating mental health services into primary health care. Geneva, Switzerland: WHO Press.

Retrieved from http://www.who.int/ mental_health/policy services/3_MHintoPHC_Infosheet.pdf

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

An Interview with Dr. Joshua Aronson

An Interview with Dr. Joshua Aronson Associate Professor of Applied Psychology New York University Aditi Iyer Dr. Joshua Aronson is a social psychologist whose research investigates stereotyping, standardized test performance, and achievement gaps among culturally disadvantaged youth. Some of his most widely cited research examines stereotype threat, or the risk of acting in accordance with the negative stereotypes associated with one’s social group. Dr Aronson received his undergraduate degree from the University of California, Santa Cruz and his Ph.D. in Social Psychology from Princeton University. In conversation with Dr. Aronson, he shared how he became involved in the field of psychology, his greatest inspirations, and his take on conducting and sustaining psychological interventions.

What drew you to the field of psychology?

Nature and nurture. I was surrounded by psychologists as a child. My parents were both psych majors in college, lured into changing majors by their favorite professor, Abraham Maslow.

Whatever drew my parents to Maslow drew me to psychology as well. There's a sense among all my siblings that we were genetically selected and then environmentally shaped to be concerned with social justice—all of us went into careers aimed at helping other people. Still, my first impulse as an adolescent and aspiring college student was to run in the opposite direction of my parents. But everything fell into place for me when I took a graduate course in experimental social psychology. Thinking about and designing social experiments just came so naturally to me. I started finding myself designing experiments in the shower or riding my bike, or lying in bed. Later I volunteered at Stanford University working in the lab of Philip Zimbardo and Lee Ross. I got a little office in the basement that had been used as a prison cell in the famous Stanford Prison Experiment. At night I would pull out a futon and sleep in my little Stanford Prison cell. It was creepy but I also felt like I was steeping myself in psychology history. The next year I went off to grad school.

Who was the greatest inspiration for your career?

I have been inspired by so many different people over my career and still am. Of course my

Can Meditation Help Our Schools? An Interview with Psychologist Joshua Aronson. NYU Steinhardt.

dad is number one for me. He gave me a lot of advice and showed me a version of the good life that has been like a beacon to me. Both of us suffered from the same math disorder, a difficulty with numbers, that convinced him in grad school that he would never make it as a scientific psychologist. When I later had the same struggle with statistics , he simply passed on what his advisor, the redoubtable Leon Festinger, told him 30 years earlier in response to my father's confession of his own inability to master statistics: "Big deal. So you'll hire a statistician."

That was a great relief and something I like to pass on to my students. You don't have to be great at everything, just be sure you're really good at something and really good at collaborating with others.

What do you consider your greatest research contribution?

I don't know about greatest, but I'm really proud of a couple things that have turned out to be very influential in psychology, law, and education. One was designing, writing up, and publishing the original experiments on "stereotype threat" with my mentor, Claude Steele. These experiments showed that activating stereotypes could make people perform worse on tests. Another was a now classic study demonstrating the generality and universality of stereotype threat—that even brilliant white males can experience stereotype threat. Developing

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Ayer, A. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 11-12.

You don't have to be great at everything, just be sure you're really good at something and really good at collaborating with others.

the first "growth mindset" intervention, which showed that teaching students about neuroplasticity and the ability to get smarter can improve their grades, test scores, and enjoyment of academics. Those were pretty important findings and probably the most significant of my career. People still want me to talk about stuff that I did a long time ago and they use growth mindset in most schools now. Yet, I'm even more excited about what I'm currently doing, which is working with children of all ages, helping them become smarter, happier, nicer people with interventions involving meditation and growth mindsets.

What qualities do you believe interventions need to be effective?

That is a big broad question, but I'm coming to the conclusion that interventions that do not involve ongoing relationships with people, in a social network, are likely to not be worth much. I would say in a general sense that you can give people skills, you can give them money, you can give them important experiences, you can try to boost their brain power and grit and growth mindset and so on, but in the end, if what you’ve given them does not enable them to connect with others in a meaningful interdependent

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way, the intervention is likely to fade over time. No one succeeds on their own. Yet, our interventions are often premised on the inoculation model, where you give a child a vaccine, vitamins, daycare, or grit, thinking that this will be enough. People need other people to succeed. Our interventions need to take this fact seriously.

How has your research informed practice?

It's hard to find a school that hasn't tried the growth mindset intervention. That stuff went viral after Carol Dweck wrote a book called Mindset: The New Psychology of Success, which promoted all the work we did on boosting learning and performance. I would hear all about it from my kids’ teachers in school, which was funny because they had no idea that it was my work, just that it was really important. That has been kind of surreal. Stereotype threat has informed the design and administration of high stakes tests in some places, and it has also informed the admissions decisions at universities and other places people are selected on the basis of test scores. I think there's lots of human resources work around stereotype threat as well. And it invariably gets talked about whenever affirmative action is under attack.

I'm really proud of a couple of things that have turned out to be very influential in psychology, law, and education.

An Interview with Dr. Elise Capella

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

An Interview with Dr. Elise Cappella Associate Professor of Applied Psychology New York University Siddhi Patel Dr. Elise Cappella is a clinical and community psychologist whose research combines child education and psychology. She received her undergraduate degree at Yale University and her Ph.D. in Psychology from the University of California, Berkeley. Dr. Capella’s research strives to identify factors that stimulate and hinder the socio-emotional and academic success of children from low-income backgrounds. Dr. Cappella has worked with colleagues at the Chicago Institute for Juvenile Research in order to implement and evaluate a mental health model that focuses on the process of learning for lowincome children. Dr. Cappella also studies the social relationships among children in school in an effort to develop peer leaders and create supportive school environments that foster learning and development. In an interview with Dr. Cappella, she described why she pursued a Ph.D. in Psychology, her greatest accomplishments, and what she has learned in her career.

Who inspired you to pursue psychology?

I worked four years prior to attending graduate school. Three of the four years I worked in the research division of the company that makes Sesame Street. My division worked with children all over the country. They also put together panels of scholars that would guide them when they needed more information for the development of new products. Dr. Dan Anderson, an expert in educational television and child development, asked me what I wanted to do in the future, and I said I wasn’t sure. He then urged me to go to graduate school and I realized that in order to do higher levels of work I would have to go back to school.

What is the most rewarding aspect of your career?

I get a lot of satisfaction from visiting a school or an agency that I have worked with before and seeing them continue to do the work we started together. I feel most content when I see a teacher in a school use peer-assisted learning techniques from an intervention, when I see an after school leader group students together to maximize integration across the diversity in the program, or when I see a mental health practitioner go into classrooms and partner with teachers rather than students to support the classroom climate and children with behavioral difficulties.

NYU Steinhardt Faculty Page.

What qualities make for successful interventions?

Effective interventions are co-developed with members of the community and capitalize on resources and strengths within communities. Also critical are strong theories and principles that act as the foundation of the intervention and remain constant across implementation contexts.

I believe incremental change is important, and incremental knowledge building is how science moves forward.

An Interview with Dr. Cappella | 13

Patel, S. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 13-14.

What words of wisdom do you have for students wanting to work in psychology?

I’ve learned that it is a marathon and not a sprint. I believe incremental change is important, and incremental knowledge building is how science moves forward. I encourage students to take their time and observe the world, to work and gain experience, rather than rushing back to school. This will be more rewarding and advantageous in the long run. I also recommend that students find good, kind, and smart people to spend time with and learn from, regardless of what they are studying, because it is those people that will inspire them and help them grow. sexually objectifying point of view (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski et al., 2011). Media’s vast reach ensures that women and girls of all ages, socio-cultural backgrounds, and geographical locations are affected by these images (Augustus-Horvath & Tylka, 2009; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Szymanski et al., 2011).

The sexual objectification of women extends into all corners of culture and society in the U.S. Dr. Capella’s reading recommendations for students: Dr. Cappella encourages students to read Andrew Solomon, who mostly writes about clinical problems, and Paul Tough, who has written about children’s social-emotional development. She also urges students to read The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down by Anne Fadiman, which examines the clash between the medical world and culture; Thinking Fast and Slow by Daniel Kahneman, about cognitive biases in thinking; and Beyond the Beautiful Forevers by Katherine Boo, which describes a community of people living in a poor settlement in India.

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Find good, kind, and smart people to spend time with and learn from.

Childhood Emotional Abuse and BPD

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

Childhood Emotional Abuse and Borderline Personality Disorder Helena Wang Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is a severe mental illness affecting about 31 million Americans (Lenzenweger, 2008). Although its prevalence is not particularly high, BPD is associated with the highest rate of suicidal attempts and psychiatric hospitalizations among all personality disorders (Lenzenweger, 2008).

Since the early 1990’s, researchers have been extensively studying the causes, development, and treatment of BPD, and a large amount of studies have provided strong evidence indicating a positive relation between childhood abuse and BPD symptoms in adulthood.

Those diagnosed with BPD have reported significantly more instances of childhood sexual abuse, physical abuse, and violence exposure compared to both nonclinical populations and patients diagnosed with other personality disorders (Afifi et al., 2011; Battle et al., 2004; Herman, Perry & Kolk, 1989; Zanarini, Gunderson, Marino, Schwartz, & Frankenburg., 1989). However, not all forms of childhood maltreatment lead to the development of BPD according to previous research; rather, only childhood emotional abuse does (Gratz, Delany-Brumsey, Paulson, & Lejuez, 2006; Frias, Palma, Farriols, Gonzalez, & Horta, 2016).

Even so, childhood emotional abuse does not sufficiently affect the development of BPD alone.

Instead, childhood emotional abuse is particularly detrimental for children with certain trait vulnerabilities, which are innate personality traits that make them more susceptible to abnormal development when facing adverse situations (Bounoua et al., 2015; Chesin, Fertuck, Goodman, Lichenstein, & Stanley, 2015; Gratz et al., 2011; Lobbestael & McNally, 2016). In other words, an emotionally abused child's risk of developing BPD is only likely to be higher when one or more trait vulnerabilities is already present (Bornovalova et al., 2006; Bounoua et al., 2015; Gratz et al., 2011). Several trait vulnerabilities have been identified by previous research, but many of them have similar definitions and can be included under two main factors: rejection sensitivity, the tendency to frequently expect and experience interpersonal rejection (Chesin et al., 2015); and negative affectivity, the tendency to experience a large amount of strong negative emotions (Rosenthal, Cheavens, Lejuez, & Lynch, 2005). However, there is a

limited amount of research explaining how rejection sensitivity and negative affectivity relate to childhood emotional abuse and the subsequent development of BPD. Therefore, this paper attempts to address this gap in the literature by answering the following research question: How do rejection sensitivity and negative affectivity affect the relation between childhood emotional abuse and BPD development?

Rejection Sensitivity Rejection sensitivity is a trait vulnerability that is highly prevalent among people with BPD symptoms. It is found to be higher among BPD patients than people diagnosed with anxiety disorders, mood disorders, and even social phobias (Staebler, Helbing, Rosenbach, & Renneberg, 2011). High rejection sensitivity is characterized by a constant and unjustified higher expectation of rejection, and thus, higher likelihood to feel rejected by others during social interactions (Chesin et al., 2015; Lobbestael & McNally, 2016; Staebler, Helbing, Rosenbach, & Renneberg, 2011). Past research has found that children with higher rejection sensitivity are significantly more likely to develop BPD features after experiencing emotional abuse (Chesin et al., 2015; Staebler et al., 2011). With high rejection sensitivity, children often misinterpret ambiguous social situations as rejecting when actual rejection is very mild or not present at all; they frequently perceive social situations to be more emotionally upsetting than their peers (Chesin et al., 2015; Lobbestael & McNally, 2016).

Therefore, when these children experience emotional abuse from others, they often inaccurately interpret others’ emotions toward them as rejection, instead of other negative emotions like anger, anxiety, or frustration (Lobbestael & McNally, 2016).

To protect themselves from rejection, children with high rejection sensitivity often develop two coping mechanisms overtime: avoidance and over-attachment.

Both coping mechanisms are highly prevalent among BPD patients' behavioral symptoms, and they are often both present within the same individual (Frias et al., 2016). As these children grow up, they might learn to avoid social interactions with most people to minimize possible chances of rejection, while simultaneously

Childhood Emotional Abuse and BPD | 15

Wang, H. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 15-17. seeking extreme intimacy from a few people with whom they feel secure (Frias et al., 2016; Lobbestael & McNally, 2016; Staebler et al., 2011).

Consequently, they are often described as desiring closeness and fearing it at the same time, a prevalent behavioral symptom among BPD patients (Frias et al., 2016; Staebler et al., 2011).

Negative Affectivity Higher negative affectivity is characterized by a tendency to be easily disturbed by emotionally triggering events and experience more intense negative emotions from those triggers (Rosenthal et al., 2005). Compared to rejection sensitivity, which only causes children to subjectively experience more rejection, negative affectivity intensifies all their negative emotions (Gratz et al., 2011; Rosenthal et al., 2005). Therefore, emotionally abusive experiences are likely to cause much more trauma in children with higher negative affectivity than those with lower negative affectivity, and such trauma often hinders their emotional and social development (Gratz et al., 2011; Rosenthal et al., 2005).

As Gratz and colleagues (2011) found, only children with high negative affectivity developed more BPD symptoms after experiencing instances of emotional abuse; children with low negative affectivity, on the other hand, were not significantly affected by those negative experiences.

It is worth noting that thought suppression, a tendency to actively disassociate oneself from negative thoughts, significantly decreases the effect of negative affectivity on BPD development (EbnerPriemer et al., 2005; Rosenthal et al., 2005).

However, although thought suppression might be a useful emotional regulatory strategy for people with high negative affect, it can also be maladaptive and harmful to overall mental health in the long run (Rosenthal et al., 2005).

CONCLUSION When emotional abuse is present, children with either, or both, rejection sensitivity and negative affectivity are likely to have more frequent subjective thoughts about being rejected, and the negative emotions triggered by those thoughts are often much more intense. Therefore, emotionally abused children experience more trauma from the abuse they receive, which significantly hinders their future emotional and social development and leads to an elevated risk of developing BPD. This interaction between childhood emotional abuse and the two trait vulnerabilities in the development of BPD provides strong evidence to support the gene-environmental interaction model of mental disorders (Purcell, 2002), as neither innate traits

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nor environmental factors alone lead to BPD pathology.

As mentioned above, children without innate trait vulnerabilities might not be more vulnerable to BPD even if they experience emotional abuse. Similarly, children with innate trait vulnerabilities are not necessarily under more risk of developing BPD if they do not grow up in emotionally abusive households. As a result, it might be important for clinicians to conduct screenings on all three factors to identify children with high risk of developing BPD, rather than only focusing on one aspect of the issue.

In addition, children with innate high rejection sensitivity or negative affectivity might benefit from preventive counselling services to lower their risk of abnormal development.

Although both rejection sensitivity and negative affectivity significantly increase emotionally abused children’s likelihood of developing BPD, how those two factors interact with each other to predict BPD development is in need of further investigation. There is some evidence indicating that higher rejection sensitivity is significantly related to higher negative affectivity, meaning that people who perceive rejection more often are also more likely to experience frequent and intense negative emotions (Gratz et al., 2011).

Besides that, the relation between those two factors has not been well studied, and future research should further examine this issue. Additionally, future research should explore possible interventions or treatments targeting either, and/or both of the two trait vulnerabilities or childhood emotional abuse.

Besides providing legal and counseling services to children experiencing abuse, it might also be helpful to investigate possible ways to minimize the negative impacts brought by rejection sensitivity and negative affectivity. Thus, more research on how to accurately identify these two traits in children and potential treatments for them is needed.

REFERENCES Afifi, T. O., Mather, A., Boman, J., Fleisher, W., Enns, M. W., MacMillan, H., & Sareen, J. (2011).

Childhood adversity and personality disorders: Results from a nationally representative population-based study. Journal of Psychiatric Research, 45(6), 814-822.

Battle, C. L., Shea, M. T., Johnson, D. M., Yen, S., Zlotnick, C., Zanarini, M. C., ... & McGlashan, T. H. (2004). Childhood maltreatment associated with adult personality disorders: Findings from the collaborative longitudinal personality disorders study. Journal of Personality Disorders, 18(2), 193-211.

Bornovalova, M. A., Gratz, K. L., Delany Brumsey, A., Paulson, A., & Lejuez, C. W. (2006). Temperamental and environmental risk

Wang, H. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 15-17. factors for Borderline Personality Disorder among inner-city substance users in residential treatment. Journal of Personality Disorders, 20(3), 218-231.

Bounoua, N., Felton, J. F., Long, K., Stadnik, R. D., Loya, J. M., MacPherson, L., & Lejuez, C. W. (2015). Childhood emotional abuse and borderline personality features: The role of anxiety sensitivity among adolescents. Personality and Mental Health, 9(2), 87-95.

Chesin, M., Fertuck, E., Goodman, J., Lichenstein, S., & Stanley, B. (2014). The interaction between rejection sensitivity and emotional maltreatment in Borderline Personality Disorder. Psychopathology, 48(1), 31-35.

Ebner-Priemer, U. W., Badeck, S., Beckmann, C., Wagner, A., Feige, B., Weiss, I., ... & Bohus, M. (2005). Affective dysregulation and dissociative experience in female patients with borderline personality disorder: A startle response study.

Journal of Psychiatric Research, 39(1), 85-92.

Frias, A., Palma, C., Farriols, N., Gonzalez, L., & Horta, A. (2016). Anxious adult attachment may mediate the relationship between childhood emotional abuse and Borderline Personality Disorder. Personality and Mental Health, 10(4), 274-284.

Gratz, K. L., Latzman, R. D., Tull, M. T., Reynolds, E. K., & Lejuez, C. W. (2011).

Exploring the association between emotional abuse and childhood borderline personality features: The moderating role of personality traits. Behavior Therapy, 42(3), 493-508.

Herman, J. L., Perry, C., & Van der Kolk, B. A. (1989). Childhood trauma in Borderline Personality Disorder. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 146(4), 490-495.

Lenzenweger, M. F. (2008). Epidemiology of personality disorders. Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 31(3), 395-403.

Lobbestael, J., Arntz, A., & Bernstein, D. P. (2010). Disentangling the relationship between different types of childhood maltreatment and personality disorders. Journal of Personality Disorders, 24(3), 285-295.

Lobbestael, J., & McNally, R. J. (2016). An empirical test of rejection-and anger-related interpretation bias in borderline personality disorder. Journal of Personality Disorders, 30(3), 307-319.

Purcell, S. (2002). Variance components models for gene–environment interaction in twin analysis. Twin Research, 5(6), 554-571.

Reed, L. I., Fitzmaurice, G., & Zanarini, M. C. (2015). The relationship between childhood

emotional abuse and Borderline Personality Disorder. Personality and Mental Health, 10(4), 274-284.

Rosenthal, M. Z., Cheavens, J. S., Lejuez, C. W., & Lynch, T. R. (2005). Thought suppression mediates the relationship between negative affect and borderline personality disorder symptoms.

Behavioral Research and Therapy, 43(9), 1173-1185.

Staebler, K., Helbing, E., Rosenbach, C., & Renneberg, B. (2011). Rejection sensitivity and Borderline Personality Disorder. Clinical Psychology & Psychotherapy, 18(4), 275-283.

Zanarini, M. C., Gunderson, J. G., Marino, M. F., Schwartz, E. O., & Frankenburg, F. R. (1989).

Childhood experiences of borderline patients.

Comprehensive Psychiatry, 30(1), 18-25.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

Split: A Review and Its Unexpected Merit

Split: A Review and Its Unexpected Merit Sophia Meifang Wang Producer and director M. Night Shyamalan and producers Marc Bienstock and Jason Blum's (2016) latest film, Split, is a horror thriller where the main character Kevin, played by James McAvoy, suffers from dissociative identity disorder (DID) and kidnaps three teenage girls. Kevin keeps the girls in an abandoned basement where his numerous identities are revealed to them.Towards the end of the movie, the final identity Kevin takes on is a vicious beast that climbs walls, deflects bullets, and ultimately kills two of the abducted girls with his bare hands. Only one girl is spared by the beast because of the scars he finds all over her body. The scars elucidate that both of them were abused as children, which exempts her from the beast’s quest for an erasure of those who, according to him, live with a delusional sense of safety (Shyamalan, Blum, Bienstock, & Shyamalan, 2016).

Dissociative identity disorder (DID) was previously regarded as multiple personality disorder or split identity disorder (hence the title of the film). As stated by the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (10th ed.; ICD-10; World Health Organization, 1992), to classify DID, the individual must exhibit two or more distinct personality states that take turns controlling their behavior, as well as gaps in memory unexplainable by common forgetfulness. In Split, Kevin has 24 distinct identity states that alternately control his behavior (Shyamalan et al., 2016). Because Kevin also does not remember what happens when other identities take control, Shyamalan’s depiction of DID accurately conforms to ICD-10’s main diagnostic criteria for DID. Yet, to many mental health professionals and DID sufferers, Split is indeed a horror film, but not in the common sense. Instead, Split is seen as a horrifying example further promoting the stigma around DID and misinformed fear of mental illnesses. More than 20,000 people attempted to boycott the film, claiming that it promoted negative stereotypes and provided false connections between mental illness and violence (Davidson, 2017).

The controversy and resistance that the film has faced arises from media’s frequent misrepresentation and dismissal of DID. An important argument made by many protesters of this film is that the misunderstanding of this disorder is accompanied by

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the lack of acknowledgment of DID in both the public and medical spheres, resulting in insufficient training and research. According to Amelia Joubert, one of the protestors who has been hospitalized several times for DID, the mental health professionals who treated her often did not believe in or were not knowledgeable enough about the disorder to treat it (Nedelman, 2017).

Joubert’s experience is not singular; all DID sufferers have to struggle with the distressing symptoms of a mental illness. This struggle is compounded by the fact that their mental illness is not recognized by society. Thus, a more pertinent and significant issue lies in the representation of DID: that it is a real disorder that requires appropriate treatment.

As highlighted by Joubert, an important issue that the film addresses, and could potentially help to alleviate, is the uncertainty of DID’s diagnostic validity. The history of the disorder has been and still is a controversial matter. Some researchers argue that the majority of diagnoses of DID are made after implicit hypnotic suggestions by a few psychiatrists (Frankel, 1990; Ganaway, 1995; McHugh, 1995). They argue and depict DID to the public as an iatrogenic disorder, an illness caused by medical examination, instead of a traumagenic disorder, an illness caused by traumatic events. Others argue that DID is not a disorder at all.

Contemporary researchers have concluded that the disorder is an epiphenomenon (a secondary byproduct that arises from but does not causally influence) of borderline personality disorder (Lauer, Black, & Keen, 1993).

These oppositional claims regarding the disorder discredit the validity of DID as a real condition. As a result, practitioners are often wary of making the diagnosis and other professionals are deprived of sufficient training on the treatment of DID. In a survey of mental health professionals who treat DID patients, they reported that due to the bizarre representation of DID as a manufactured disorder, their colleagues have moderate to extreme reactions 80% of the time after learning that the professionals are treating the disorder (Dell, 1988). As a result of the lack of recognition in both medical and public fields, only around 6% of people with DID reveal that they suffer from the disorder, if they are ever diagnosed at all (Kluft, 2011).

Unfortunately, past depiction of DID in film and

Wang, S. M. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 18-20. media has not alleviated this pressing issue. Fight Club (1999), Secret Window (2004) and Raising Cain (1992) use DID identities to advance the main character’s criminal desires. The identities are plot devices and only that. In Split, a similar phenomenon occurs as well, where the different identities are used to create suspense, plot twist, and horror—the essential elements to a Shyamalan thriller film. However, Split goes beyond its genre and undertakes depicting dissociative identity disorder as a genuine and valid mental illness as well. It denies the claims that DID is an iatrogenic disorder or an epiphenomenon of another disorder and affirms trauma as a potential cause of this very real mental illness. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.; DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013) lists childhood abuse before the age of five as a common trigger for the disorder, and towards the end of the film, the audience witnesses the early emergence of the disorder through clips featuring episodes of Kevin’s mother abusing him as a child (Shyamalan et al., 2016). Kevin’s vivid recall of that experience triggered the resurfacing of his true identity, which had only survived his mother’s abuse because it was carefully protected by his alternative identities (Shyamalan et al., 2016).

Furthermore, Kevin’s therapist, Dr. Karen Fletcher, plays a role that is much more explicit in raising awareness for DID. Although she plays the hackneyed role of a ploy in the serial killer’s agenda, Dr. Fletcher engages with DID in a manner that is beyond necessary for a thriller film to be suspenseful or revenue-making. This addition to the film raises attention to the lack of public recognition and diagnostic validity of DID. A conversation in the film featuring Dr. Fletcher and her colleague showcases the lack of understanding and belief that exists among the mental health professionals to which Joubert had attested (Shyamalan et al., 2016). The colleague questions the validity of DID. Dr. Fletcher, however, reassures her colleague that DID is a distinct illness of its own. Dr. Fletcher is also dedicated to supporting the DID community and making sure they are able to receive her treatment.

She faces abundant opposition from the field and the government, as she reveals to Kevin that her previous patients were incarcerated instead of provided continued treatment. Yet, Dr. Fletcher undertakes the mission to represent those that suffer from this illness and call for more research. She is seen speaking at a conference to an auditorium filled with experts in psychology, where she highlights the existence of the disorder as well as the psychobiological differences in different identities (Shyamalan et al., 2016). The somatic differences

between identities that she mentions and the film depicts is somewhat exaggerated, but the theory that different identities can exhibit different biological characteristics is supported by multiple studies (e.g., Lapointe et al., 2006; Miller, Blackburn, Scholes, White, & Mamalis, 1991; Reinders et al., 2006) She calls for attention-something that is also much needed in the reality beyond Split.

Split validates DID and recognizes the controversy surrounding it. Validation of the disorder is crucial because a formal diagnosis enables funding for assessment and treatment of the disorder, as well facilitates research. In a study conducted regarding the treatment of DID patients, it was revealed that encountering both social and medical delegitimization of their symptoms and diagnosis is a greater burden than the disorder itself (Dickson, Knussen, & Flowers, 2007).

For the 1% of the world population with DID, the recognition of their disorder creates a sense of validity for not only their current experience but their past trauma (Johnson, Cohen, Kasen, & Brook, 2006). For those that are inflicted with the disorder but are unaware of the actual condition, it encourages individuals to seek treatment for what otherwise would be dismissed.

However, to claim that the negative stigmas the film could possibly foster are negligible when weighed to its merit of raising awareness for DID is unfair. Even though it is a horror film, a thriller meant to entertain and not to document, Split should be held to the common standard of not causing harm to DID sufferers.

Because of the violent depiction of Kevin’s identity, some DID sufferers might, and do, feel they are portrayed wrongly. But as knowledgeable viewers, it is important to be able to evaluate both the merits and shortcomings of a piece of work. Split not only advances a fact-based depiction of DID that is consistent with both the ICD-10 and the DSM-V, but also highlights the lack of recognition of the disorder through the work in the field done by the character of Dr. Fletcher. Despite its controversial reception, Split is the highest-grossing horror film in the past four years (Epstein, 2017), which puts DID and its lack of awareness into the public consciousness and potentially validates sufferers’ experiences.

REFERENCES American Psychiatric Publication (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM-5.

Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Association.

Davidson, J. (2017, January 24). More than 20,000 people are boycotting ‘Split’ for the way it portrays mental illness. Retrieved from

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Wang, S. M. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 18-20.

Retrieved from https://themighty.com/2017/01 m-night-shyamalans-split-boycotted-for-mental illness-portrayal/ Dell, P. F. (1988). Professional skepticism about multiple personality. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 176(9), 528-531.

Dickson, A., Knussen, C., & Flowers, P. (2007).

Stigma and the delegitimation experience: An interpretative phenomenological analysis of people living with chronic fatigue syndrome.

Psychology & Health, 22(7), 851-867.

Epstein, A. (2017, February 08). The eye-popping return on investment of "Split" proves that horror is Hollywood's best bet. Retrieved from https:/ qz.com/904921/the-eye-popping-return-on investment-of-m-night-shyamalans-split-proves that-horror-is-hollywoods-best-bet/ Frankel, F.H. (1990). Hypnotizability and dissociation. American Journal of Psychiatry, 147(7), 823-829.

Ganaway, G. K. (1995). Hypnosis, childhood trauma, and dissociative identity disorder: Toward an integrative theory. International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 43(2), 127-144.

Hurd, G. A (Producer) & Palma, B. D. (Director).

(1992). Raising cain [Motion picture]. United States: Pacific Western.

Johnson, J. G., Cohen, P., Kasen, S., & Brook, J. S. (2006). Dissociative disorders among adults in the community, impaired functioning, and Axis I and II comorbidity. Journal of Psychiatry Research, 40, 131–140.

Kluft, R. P. (2011). A clinician’s understanding of dissociation: Fragments of an acquaintance. In P. F. Dell & J. A. O’Neil (Eds.), Dissociation and the dissociative disorders: DSM-V and beyond (pp.

599-624). New York, NY: Routledge.

Lapointe, A. R., Crayton, J. W., DeVito, R., Fichtner, C. G., & Konopka, L. M. (2006).

Dissociative Identity Disorder associated with mania and change in handedness. Clinical EEG and Neuroscience, 37(3), 233-237.

Lauer, J., Black, D. W., & Keen, P. (1993).

Multiple personality disorder and borderline personality disorder distinct entities or variations on a common theme? Annals of Clinical Psychiatry, 5(2), 129-134.

Linson, A., Chaffin, C., & Bell, R (Producers) & Fincher, D. (Director). (1999). Fight club [Motion picture]. United States: 20th Century Fox. McHugh, P. R. (1995). Witches, multiple personalities, and other psychiatric artifacts.

Nature Medicine, 1(2), 110-114.

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Metzl, J. M., & MacLeish, K. T. (2015). Mental illness, mass shootings, and the politics of American firearms. Journal Information, 105(2), 240-249.

Miller, S. D., Blackburn, T., Scholes, G., White, G. L., & Mamalis, N. (1991). Optical differences in Multiple Personality Disorder: A second look. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 179(3), 32-135.

Nedelman, M. (2017, January 23). What Shyamalan's 'Split' gets wrong. Retrieved from http://www.cnn.com/2017/01/23/health shyamalan-split-movie-dissociative-identity disorder/ Polone, G & Swerdlow, E (Producers), & Koepp, D. (Director). (2004). Secret window [Motion picture]. United States: Grand Slam Productions.

Reinders, A. S., Nijenhuis, E. R., Quak, J., Korf, J., Haaksma, J., Paans, A. M., ... & den Boer, J. A. (2006). Psychobiological characteristics of dissociative identity disorder: A symptom provocation study. Biological Psychiatry, 60(7), 730-740.

Shyamalan, M. N., Blum, J., & Bienstock, M. (Producers), & Shyamalan, M. N. (Director).

(2016). Split [Motion picture]. United States: Blinding Edge Pictures.

Tracy, N. (2016, December 12). Dissociative identity disorder (DID) statistics and facts.

Retrieved from http://www.healthyplace.com abuse/dissociative-identity-disorder/dissociative identity-disorder-did-statistics-and-facts/ World Health Organization. (1992). The ICD-10 classification of mental and behavioural disorders: Clinical descriptions and diagnostic guidelines.

Geneva: World Health Organization.

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Impact of PPD on the Mother-Child Relationship

The Impact of Postpartum Depression on the Mother-Child Relationship Hannah Ephraim Postpartum depression (PPD), defined as postbirth feelings that include extreme sadness, anxiety, fatigue, and excessive worry (or lack thereof) about one’s infant (Closa-Monasterolo et al., 2017; NIMH, 2016), affects 10-15% of new mothers (Grace, Evindar, & Stewart, 2003; Mirhosseini et al., 2015). Postpartum depression compromises mothers’ abilities to complete everyday tasks, such as attending to their child’s needs (Closa-Monasterolo et al., 2017; NIMH, 2016). Mothers with PPD also tend to experience reduced overall happiness, triggering suicidal thoughts and issues with sleep, appetite, concentration, and mood (ClosaMonasterolo et al., 2017; Murray, Halligan, & Cooper, 2010). Given that the beginning of an infant’s life is a critical time for the development of mother-infant attachment and bonding (Bowlby, 1977; ClosaMonasterolo et al., 2017; Grace et al., 2003; O’Higgins, Roberts, Glover, & Taylor, 2013), children of mothers with PPD may be at risk for both short- and long-term attachment problems (Bowlby, 1977; Nonnenmacher, Noe, Ehrenthal, & Reck, 2016; Murray et al., 1996; Shorey, Chan, Chong, & He, 2015; Werner, Miller, Osborne, Kuzava, & Monk, 2015). As a result, this paper addresses the following research question: how does PPD impact the mother-child relationship?

PPD and Mother-Child Interactions in the Early Years Postpartum depression is known to influence mother-child interactions from as early as the first year of life (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Ferber, Feldman, & Makhoul, 2008; Herrera, Reissland, & Shepherd, 2004; Smith-Nielsen, Tharner, Krogh, & Vaever, 2016).

Mother-child interactions during the early years—and in particular interactions during the first three months— are especially important for the development of a healthy mother-child relationship (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Closa-Monasterolo et al., 2017; Murray et al., 1996; O’Higgins et al, 2013; Smith-Nielsen et al., 2016).

Mothers with postpartum depression, however, tend to exhibit fewer instances of maternal-child touch and positive engagement as compared to non-depressed mothers (Ferber et al., 2008; Herrera et al., 2004), as evidenced by detached mother-child interactions in

activities such as reading books, singing songs, sharing stories, and playing games (Paulson et al., 2006).

Mothers with PPD also display less sensitive behaviors toward their children, and tend to respond to their children’s needs in a less responsive, attentive, and nurturing manner (McLearn, Minkovitz, Strobino, Marks, & Hou, 2006; Murray et al., 1996; Smith-Nielsen et al., 2016). These withdrawn behaviors, in turn, are associated with an overall reduction in maternal involvement in children’s activities and a lack of communication between mother and child (Weissman, Paykel, & Klerman, 1972). These detached interactions limit instances of positive engagement and inhibit the formation of a caring and attentive mother-child relationship (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Closa-Monasterolo et al., 2017; Ferber et al., 2008).

The mother-child relationship also suffers from a lack of physical touch (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Ferber et al., 2008). Physical touch during the early years are crucial to the development of children’s regulatory skills and the ability to cope with stress (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Ferber et al., 2008; Feldman, Singer, & Zagoory, 2009). An infant’s self-regulation skills, in turn, are developed through warm and nurturing interactions with their mothers (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004). Conversely, mothers with PPD are more inclined to affectionately care for their infant if the infant is able to self-soothe (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Malphurs, Raag, Field, Pickens, & Pelaez-Nogueras, 1996; Tronick & Reck, 2009), thereby establishing a cycle that perpetuates the development of an avoidant and detached mother-child relationship (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Murray, 1996; Nonnenmacher, et al., 2016; Tronick & Reck, 2009). As a result, mothers with PPD may face greater impediments in their ability to actively engage with their children, preventing the development of children’s self-regulation, and, ultimately, a loving relationship overall (BernardBonnin, 2004; Ferber, et al., 2008; Murray, 1996; Nonnenmacher, et al., 2016; Tronick & Reck, 2009).

Long-term Effects of PPD on Parenting Style Furthermore, the longevity of these less-thanoptimal mother-child interactions introduces long-

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Ephraim, H. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 23-26.

-term effects of PPD on parenting style (BernardBonnie, 2004; Tronick et al., 2009). In other words, the negative impact of PPD on maternal-child bonding likewise increases with the mother’s continued inability to care for her child (Closa-Monasterolo et al., 2017; O’Higgins et al., 2013; Verkuijl et al., 2014). In particular, children up to 10 years old whose mothers had PPD six months postpartum are twice as likely to have significant psychological issues (Verkuijl et al., 2014). Postpartum depression, and more specifically mothers’ non-caring dispositions, is also significantly associated with children’s anxiety and depression up to eight years of age (Closa-Monasterolo et al., 2017).

These dispositions, in turn, are dependent on the type of behavior exhibited by the mother with PPD (BernardBonnin, 2004; Malphurs et al., 1996; Murray et al., 2010; Tronick et al., 2009), and more specifically mothers’ long-term intrusive and disengaged parenting behaviors (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Malphurs et al., 1996; Murray et al., 2010; Tronick et al., 2009).

Although both intrusive and disengaged parenting styles contribute to children’s poor self-regulation, these two types of parenting styles affect the mother-child relationship differently (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Malphurs et al., 1996; Murray et al., 2010; Tronick et al., 2009). The intrusive mother is more aggressive and irritating toward her child, interacting in a disruptive, bothersome, and unwanted manner that discourages a child’s willingness to spend time with his or her mother (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Malphurs et al., 1996). The disengaged mother, on the other hand, is withdrawn and less attentive in tending to her child’s needs, thereby increasing the infant’s irritability (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Tronick et al., 2009). This disengaged relationship creates an emotional disconnect and vicious cycle between a child and his or her mother, with the mother in turn becoming frustrated by the child’s irritability (Tronick et al., 2009). As a result, both intrusive and disengaged caregiving styles may impede in the child’s development of self-regulation skills, leading the child to depend physically and emotionally on their mother, despite her uncaring affect and lack of desire to care for her child (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004). Both the flat, unemotional caretaking, as well as the aggressive, intrusive caretaking, foster a relationship between the mother and child based on irritability and anger as opposed to love and care (Bernard-Bonnin, 2004; Tronick et al., 2009). With the progression of age, PPD continues to impede in the development of an attentive mother-child relationship (Closa-Monasterolo et al., 2017; O’Higgins et al., 2013; Verkuijl et al., 2014).

CONCLUSION In sum, PPD is associated with detached and

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neglectful mother-child relationships that inhibit maternal bonding and the provision of warm and attentive care (McLearn, 2006; Nonnenmacher et al., 2016; Smith-Nielsen et al., 2016; Song et al., 2017; Tronick et al., 2009). In light of the high prevalence of women affected by postpartum depression, it is important to recognize PPD’s negative impact on maternal-infant bonding and attachment (ClosaMonasterolo et al., 2017; Murray, 1996; NIMH, 2016; Nonnenmacher, et al., 2016; Smith-Nielsen et al., 2016).

Nonetheless, recent research suggests that prioritizing PPD screening (Werner et al., 2015) and intervention could improve maternal-infant relationships. When combined with prenatal psychoeducation on PPD (Shorey et al., 2015; Werner et al., 2015), as well as video-based interventions showing and analyzing the interactions on camera (Nonnenmacher et al., 2016), these early interventions have been shown to be effective tools for decreasing rates of PPD and improving the mother-child relationship (Shorey et al., 2015; Werner et al., 2015).

Including PPD screening and psychoeducation in prenatal and postnatal appointments, as well as offering resources for women experiencing PPD, may thus decrease the prevalence of PPD and increase maternal-infant bonding (ClosaMonasterolo et al., 2017; Nonnemacher et al., 2016; Shorey et al., 2015; Werner et al., 2015).

Current research on the implications of PPD and the impact on the mother-child relationship, however, does not take into account variability within cultures and SES with regards to specific effects of PPD. While it is clear that depression has a more severe effect on women of low SES compared to women coming from high-SES backgrounds (Freeman et al., 2016), research on PPD has yet to consider or differentiate between the varying impacts PPD may have on women from varying SES. In addition, the research on PPD assumes the importance of a loving and caring mother regardless of sociocultural background and degree of social support.

As such, future research should explore the varying effects of PPD on women from multiple cultures with different notions of an engaged mother-child relationship. Lastly, there is a heavy emphasis on the work of Lynne Murray, whose major findings on PPD and its effects were completed in the 1990’s. Researchers should therefore explore the different possible treatments for postpartum depression and how they impact the mother-child relationship, as well as how various forms of treatment may decrease rates of postpartum depression toward improving the mother-child relationship to offer more recent contributions to the literature.

Ephraim, H. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 23-26.

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Closa-Monasterolo, R., Gispert-Llaurado, M., Canals, J., Luque, V., Zaragoza-Jordana, M., Koletzko, B., . . . Subías, J. E. (2017). The effect of postpartum depression and current mental health problems of the mother on child behaviour at eight years. Maternal and Child Health Journal, 21(2), 1-10.

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Mclearn, K. T., Minkovitz, C. S., Strobino, D. M., Marks, E., & Hou, W. (2006). The timing of maternal depressive symptoms and mothers' parenting practices with young children: Implications for pediatric practice. Pediatrics, 118(1), 174-182.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

Teacher Feedback and Student Behavior

Teachers' Use of Positive and Negative Feedback: Implications for Student Behavior Ashlie Pankonin and Rebekah Myers As early as the preschool years, teacher-student interactions set the trajectory for students’ academic careers (Mashburn et al., 2008; Palermo, Hanish, Martin, Fabes, & Reiser, 2007). An important aspect of these interactions is the feedback provided, or the positive and negative ways teachers respond to students’ behaviors.

Research generally operationalizes teachers’ positive feedback as praise, or the act of expressing approval or admiration (Blote, 1995; Cannella, 1986), and negative feedback as verbal reprimands, negative statements about students’ abilities and/or effort, and negative nonverbal behaviors (Dobbs & Arnold, 2009; Irvine, 1986; Mazer, Mckenna-Buchanan, Quinlan, & Titsworth, 2014; Wentzel, 2002).

Teachers’ feedback has been found to influence their relationships with students and students’ outcomes, including their academic engagement and aspects of their self-perceptions (Dobbs & Arnold, 2009; Matheson & Shriver, 2005). Whereas teachers who use more positive feedback develop supportive relationships with their students, teachers who use more negative feedback tend to develop conflictual relationships with students (Allen et al., 2013; Wu, Hughes, & Kwok, 2010).

Recent research suggests that students from low-income households experience conflictual, negative teacherstudent interactions more often than their higher income peers (McGrath & Van Bergen, 2015). These frequent negative interactions may account for lowincome students’ lower academic success (LoCasaleCrouch et al., 2007; Wu et al., 2010). Subsequently, most studies have explored how negative teacher-student interactions influence low-income students’ lower success, yet few studies have explored how receiving positive feedback may change these outcomes.

Therefore, in order to promote greater academic success, this study will explore how both positive and negative teacher feedback contribute to low-income preschoolers’ behaviors in the classroom.

Effects of Teacher-Student Interactions on Student Behavior Teachers play a critical role in shaping students’ academic careers, as they are responsible

for not only educating their students, but also developing students’ motivation to learn (DiBiase & Miller, 2012; Harter, 2012; Verschueren, Doumen, & Buyse, 2012). More specifically, through differing levels of support and conflict, teacher-student relationships inform how students come to view their place in the classroom, their abilities, and their beliefs about school (Burnett, 1999; Hughes, 2011; Wang & Eccles, 2013). In fact, Wu et al. (2010) found that when teachers provide high levels of support, they engage with students with more eye contact, clearer directions, and positive feedback. These positive behaviors, then, reinforce students’ behaviors by making them feel encouraged, interested in their immediate task, and motivated to continue their behavior (Hamre & Pianta, 2001; O’Connor & McCartney, 2007).

In preschool classrooms, teacher-student relationships set the foundation for children’s academic careers (Hughes, 2011; Mashburn et al., 2008; Palermo et al., 2007). Most importantly, the attachments teachers establish with preschool children influence how secure children feel in the school context and the level of trust they develop with teachers (Bowlby, 1965; McGrath & Van Bergen, 2015; Murray, Kosty, & Hauser-Mclean, 2015). Furthermore, creating a secure attachment with a preschool child impacts how comfortable the child feels attempting challenging tasks and how motivated the child is to succeed (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Harter, 2012).

Thus, preschool teachers’ supportive interactions impact students’ long-term outcomes by shaping children’s views about and motivation toward school, as well as the level of trust students will have with future teachers (Palermo et al., 2007; Rubie-Davies et al., 2014).

Developing positive teacher-student relationships may be especially important for preschoolers from lowincome backgrounds. Because low-income students tend to lack access to resources and be placed in low-quality classrooms, they experience more academic disadvantage than their higher income peers (Burchinal, Peisner-Feinberg, Pianta, & Howes, 2002; Janus & Duku, 2007; Murray et al., 2016). However, research suggests that positive teacher-student relationships may be a protective factor against low-income student’s poor

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Pankonin, A. & Myers, R. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 27-34. school outcomes (Hamre & Pianta, 2005; O’Connor & McCartney, 2007). According to Burchinal et al. (2002), highly supportive teachers are able to keep children at risk of low achievement engaged in their work and provide better assistance for developing children’s skills.

Thus, low-income students appear to experience larger rates of growth when exposed to positive teacherstudent relationships, and some research claims that such growth occurs because the students are being exposed to substantial amounts of positive feedback (Conroy, Sutherland, Vo, Carr, & Ogston, 2014; Gable, Hester, Rock, & Hughes, 2009).

Effects of Teacher Feedback on Student Behavior Positive feedback. While both positive and negative feedback are used in response to students’ behaviors, each has different effects on students’ subsequent behavior. Positive feedback is not only used to praise students' efforts and behaviors, but is also an effective way to modify behavior. For example, increased use of praise directly impacts student behavior by leading to more on-task behavior, and, when used in conjunction with clear, straightforward, and positivelyphrased commands, significantly improves students' compliance to rules (Fagot, 1973; Ferguson & Houghton, 1992; Matheson & Shriver, 2005). Using praise can also decrease instances of problem behaviors by motivating students to behave in ways that will elicit more praise in the future, such as continuing the praised behavior (Howell, Caldarella, Korth, & Young, 2014).

Ultimately, by decreasing problem behaviors, praise improves future teacher-student interactions by causing more positive and less negative teacher-student interactions to occur (Conroy et al., 2014).

Additionally, the use of positive feedback has implications beyond direct behavior management, as it affects students’ behaviors indirectly by influencing their self-perceptions. For example, praise impacts students’ self-regard and self-competence, or their beliefs about their ability to be successful at tasks, because students believe themselves to be more capable of success when they receive more praise (Parsons, Kaczala, & Meece, 1982; Worrall, Worrall, & Meldrum, 1983). When children receive high praise on their work, they also perceive themselves to be harder workers and smarter than their peers who do not receive praise (Pintrich & Blumenfeld, 1985; Spilt, Leflot, Onghena, & Colpin, 2016). Thus, because selfperceptions have a long-term, rather than immediate, impact on behavior, positive feedback can have lasting impacts on students’ behaviors by influencing their self-perceptions.

However, positive feedback can be detrimental to students’ learning if it is used without a specific purpose, too frequently, or when it is not necessarily

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deserved (Cannella, 1986). When nonspecific praise is provided, such as indiscriminately saying “good job” or “beautiful,” students do not understand what behaviors are approved of and either continue their current behavior or give up trying to demonstrate behaviors that receive praise altogether (Hamilton & Gordon, 1978; Parsons et al., 1982). Moreover, if praise is interpreted as a reward and used so often that students become dependent on it, it can become a source of extrinsic motivation (Cannella, 1986). This can cause students to lose interest in learning when the reward is no longer available (Cannella, 1986; Hamilton & Gordon, 1978; Howell et al., 2014). Further, if a student receives unwarranted praise, such as after performing poorly on a test, they may become aware and ashamed of their inabilities, leading to a disinterest in learning (Cannella, 1986). Consequently, in order for praise to impact student behavior effectively, it must be used appropriately, in that it must be specific, warranted, and not overused.

Negative feedback. Even though positive feedback, when used appropriately, can have the most positive impact on student outcomes, negative feedback is used more often in the classroom with relatively direct, negative effects (Dobbs & Arnold, 2009; Irvine, 1986; Mazer et al., 2014; Wentzel, 2002). Teachers typically use negative feedback to change a student’s behavior, whether that be to stop a disruptive behavior or to make them try harder at a task (Conroy et al., 2014). However, research demonstrates that when teachers reprimand students, students often continue to engage in the disruptive behavior (Gable et al., 2009; Spilt et al., 2016).

Because reprimands and negative statements about students’ efforts tend to be nonspecific, such as saying, “Don’t do that,” without providing any justification for ending the disruptive behavior or what behavior should be done instead, they tend to perpetuate students’ lack of motivation for the task at hand and decrease students’ overall interest in academic tasks (Brockner, Derr, & Laing, 1987; Hamilton & Gordon, 1978; Spilt et al., 2016; Weidinger, Spinath, & Steinmayr, 2016).

Negative feedback also affects students’ behaviors indirectly by decreasing student’s self-concepts and feelings of self-worth (Doumen, Buyse, Colpin, & Verschueren, 2011; Spilt et al., 2016; Weidinger et al., 2016). More specifically, teachers’ consistent use of negative feedback makes students doubt their teachers’ concern for them, feel unworthy of praise, have a lower sense of intrinsic motivation, and require a reward in order to do a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Spilt et al., 2016).

Thus, teachers’ consistent use of negative feedback can have long-term effects on students’ behavior by causing students to develop negative self-perceptions. Having negative self-perceptions is especially concerning because it has been documented that self-perceptions

Pankonin, A. & Myers, R. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 27-34. have more influence on students’ success in the classroom than their actual skills (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Hamre & Pianta, 2001; Harter, 2012).

Current Study Teachers’ use of feedback has both direct and indirect consequences for students’ behaviors. Positive feedback generally has a positive impact on students’ behavior, engagement, and self-perceptions, if used effectively. Negative feedback, conversely, tends to have the opposite effects. Despite the fact that preschool teachers to college professors provide positive and negative feedback to their students, the majority of research on the effects of teacher feedback on student behavior has focused on elementary school-aged populations. Thus, more research on the effects of teacher feedback during the formidable preschool years is needed.

Furthermore, research has found that low-income students receive more negative feedback due to their placement in low-quality classrooms (i.e., classrooms with a lack of resources) and their increased behavioral problems that require more reprimands (Hamre & Pianta, 2001; LoCasale-Crouch et al., 2007). The effects of feedback, particularly in the context of positive teacher-student relationships, may be more pronounced for low-income student populations, though, in that they may be highly receptive to praise, no matter how it is used, and capable of exponential success when exposed to it (Blote, 1995; Cannella, 1986; Conroy et al., 2014; Palermo et al., 2007). However, few studies have explored the impact of teachers’ use of positive feedback on low-income students’ school outcomes. Finally, there is an abundance of quantitative, experimental research but a dearth of qualitative research on this topic, warranting more qualitative research that can better capture the relation between teacher feedback and student behavior. Thus, this qualitative study addressed the following research question: What is the relation between teachers’ use of positive and negative feedback and low-income preschoolers’ behavior in the classroom?

METHOD Participants and Setting The sample for this study included children and teachers from classrooms at two different New York City Early Education Centers serving low-income families. While the schools were located in Brooklyn and the Bronx, the classrooms observed were relatively similar despite the geographical differences. More specifically, all classrooms were set up to meet the Department of Education's standards for preschool

classrooms, so a majority of the same resources wereavailable, the same themes were taught, and similar schedules were followed. The teacher to student ratio varied from one to three teachers, not including the researchers, for 15-20 students. Across the classrooms, the teachers were Latina women in their late thirties, and the majority of the children were Latino or African American, ranging from three to five years of age.

Procedure and Coding Each researcher spent three hours per week volunteering at one of the two schools, but the time of day each researcher visited the classrooms varied. One researcher volunteered at her preschool during the hours of most instruction, specifically 8:30 AM to 11:30 AM, while the other researcher volunteered during dismissal and daycare hours, specifically 2:30 PM to 5:30 PM. As a volunteer, the researchers were responsible for playing with the children, reading them stories, and doing any small tasks the teachers asked of them. For the purpose of this study, the researchers also observed and reflected on any salient teacher-student interactions, specifically instances of teachers’ use of positive and negative feedback and students’ behaviors, while at their preschools. To remain covert and to avoid teachers changing their behaviors in any way, the researchers waited to write their observational field notes until after they had left the school, and did so within a week of the observation.

Observational field notes were written over five weeks, in which the researchers each visited their schools five times and recorded a total of 31 instances of feedback. After compiling the field notes, each observation of teacher feedback was thematically coded for three themes: (1) the time of the observation (to account for the fact that the researchers were at their preschools at different times); (2) the type of feedback provided (i.e., positive or negative); and (3) the student’s behavior (i.e., the behavior causing the feedback stopped, continued, or was affected in an unobservable way). The behavior was coded as being affected in an unobservable way if there was no immediately observable impact on the student' s behavior. After coding for these themes, the number of times each theme arose was calculated, and patterns and themes that emerged from the observations were deductively coded. To establish reliability, 20% of the data was coded separately and compared. Inter-rater reliability was 95%.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Using the predetermined coding scheme, five different time points of feedback observations emerged: 52% of observations took place during free play, 19%

Teacher Feedback and Student Behavior | 28

Pankonin, A. & Myers, R. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 27-34. during “circle” time, 16% during meal or snack time, 10% during transitions, and 3% during nap time (See Appendix A). Overall, there were 20 (65%) instances of negative feedback and 11 (35%) instances of positive feedback with negative feedback occurring more in every time point of the school day. In fact, negative feedback outweighed the instances of positive feedback by at least twice as many occurrences in every part of the day but one (free play), which is in line with previous research stating negative feedback occurs significantly more often in low-income preschool classrooms (Blote, 1995; Hamre & Pianta, 2001; LoCasale-Crouch et al., 2007).

While negative feedback arose more often during all time points of the school day, the time of free play presented different findings. Not only did free play contain the most instances of feedback, but there were also almost as many instances of positive feedback as instances of negative feedback. The differences in level and type of feedback provided during each time point may illuminate the importance of time of day in the provision of feedback, as each activity took place at different times of the day. For instance, circle time occurred in the morning, free play in the afternoon, and nap time in the middle of the day (after lunch time). It is possible that teachers may be more likely to provide feedback during parts of the day in which they have more energy (Biggers, 1980). Another explanation for this distribution of feedback, though, could be the nature of the activity, in that certain activities may lend themselves to providing more opportunities for feedback. For example, free play consisted of children engaging in self-selected and managed activities. Free play may provide more opportunities for feedback than an activity like nap time, as it allows teachers to comment on children’s choices of activities and how they are succeeding at their play, as well as requiring more behavior management (Kontos, 1999).

Further coding demonstrated that the use of positive and negative feedback uniquely impacted students’ subsequent behaviors. Of the instances in which positive feedback was observed, the students continued their behaviors 55% of the time, and the remaining 45% of uses of positive feedback had an unobservable effect on the students’ behaviors. In response to negative feedback, the students stopped their behaviors 70% of the time, continued their behaviors 25% of the time, and affected students’ behaviors in an unobservable way 5% of the time. These respective behaviors in response to receiving positive and negative feedback are not surprising because previous research states that the general goal of positive feedback is to reinforce and encourage the continuation of a behavior, while negative feedback is to

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decrease, stop, and/or discourage a behavior (Conroy et al., 2014; Matheson & Shriver, 2005).

Despite the fact that teachers used positive and negative feedback to encourage and discourage behavior, respectively, the feedback had varying levels of success in accomplishing these goals. For example, in the majority of instances where negative feedback was provided, students continued their behaviors 20% of the time. This is consistent with research that shows students may continue their behavior despite receiving negative feedback (Gable et al., 2009; Spilt et al., 2016). The ways the feedback was phrased could explain these behavioral responses. For example, when the behavior continued despite the use of negative feedback, the feedback did not explicitly address the problematic behavior (e.g., “Come on, let’s be serious now;” “Hey!”). Although, when the negative feedback provided an explanation of why the behavior should be stopped (e.g., “Don’t do that. I don’t think that is safe”), allowed the student to think about the morality of the behavior (e.g., “Are you doing the right thing?”), or was a simple form of “no” (e.g., “no;” “uh uh uh;” “mm mm”), the behavior stopped.

In fact, there were two specific instances that exemplify how the phrasing of the negative feedback had differing effects on the students’ behaviors. In both instances, the students were supposed to be eating snack but were instead playing with their food, and both teachers used negative feedback to stop the students’ problematic behaviors. One teacher forcefully said, “Hey!” to grab the student’s attention and imply that she disapproved of what the student was doing. When the student continued to play with her food, the teacher called the child by name and said, “You better eat all of that right now!” Yet, the student never ate her snack and continued playing with it until snack time ended. The other teacher addressed the problem by asking the student, “Are we supposed to play with our food?”

Although the student did not verbally reply, he stopped playing with his snack and began eating it instead.

Because the latter teacher phrased her negative feedback in a more straightforward manner and allowed the student to evaluate his behavior against the expectations of the classroom, instead of being ambiguous and forceful, it effectively accomplished the goal of negative feedback.

It is interesting that the phrasing of negative feedback played an integral role in whether or not a student continued their behavior because past literature fails to explore this nuance. Most research on the impact of negative feedback argues that negative feedback has detrimental effects on students’ behavior and selfperceptions regardless of how it is stated (Gable et al., 2009; Spilt et al., 2016). However, phrasing negative

Pankonin, A. & Myers, R. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 27-34. feedback in a way that allows the student to process and understand their behavior, which is emphasized in the positive feedback literature for creating effective feedback (Cannella, 1986; Hamilton & Gordon, 1978; Parsons et al., 1982), did not appear to have an extremely negative impact on the students. Thus, the phrasing of negative feedback may protect against the highly cited detrimental results of negative feedback and may subsequently be a necessary tool for teachers to use to end highly disruptive behavior.

Conversely, despite past research positing that the phrasing of positive feedback is important for it to effectively increase students’ on-task behavior (Cannella, 1986; Hamilton & Gordon, 1978), the phrasing of positive feedback was not as influential in determining how students later behaved. In general, positive feedback consisted of simple praise statements, (e.g., “Good job!”

“Beautiful!”), giving high fives, and providing stickers.

There was an almost equal amount of instances where students continued their behavior and instances where the positive feedback had an unobservable effect on the behavior. While there were no instances of positive feedback causing the targeted students to stop their behavior, it appeared to occasionally have an impact on the behavior of other students. In one instance, children were passing items around during circle time and sharing their thoughts on items aloud. One child sat quietly and raised his hand, and the teacher responded by exclaiming, “Wow! I love how XXX raised his hand!”

After hearing this praise, four other children immediately fixed their posture and raised their hands.

It appears, then, that the phrasing of positive feedback may be more important in stopping other children’s behaviors, as opposed to influencing the targeted child’s behavior, so that they may be motivated to change their behavior and receive positive feedback.

As past research shows, as long as the praise is not being used to manipulate behavior and/or does not communicate incompetency, it will influence students’ continuation of the behavior, especially in the future (Cannella, 1986; Howell et al., 2014). Thus, positive feedback in general may be beneficial for the targeted child in continuing their behavior, but it may be mostly used to redirect other students’ disruptive behaviors, which past research has documented is the best use of positive feedback (Fagot, 1973; Ferguson & Houghton, 1992; Matheson & Shriver, 2005).

Furthermore, the phrasing of positive feedback may not be as important in these low-income classrooms because, as past literature claims, low-income students are receptive to any type of positive feedback regardless of phrasing (Cannella, 1986). Simply hearing “good job” is perhaps enough to encourage the continuation of a behavior for low-income students because they are

particularly sensitive to positive interactions with their teachers (Burchinal et al., 2010; Hamre & Pianta, 2005; Murray et al., 2016). However, without a comparison group of higher-income students, this claim is mere speculation and should be further explored to determine if the phrasing of positive feedback is not necessary with low-income students.

Finally, the phrasing of positive feedback may not have had such an observable impact on targeted students’ behaviors because the feedback may have instead influenced the students’ self-perceptions. This would explain the high rate of unobservable effects on behavior for positive feedback, as feedback indirectly impacts behavior by influencing self-perceptions. Because selfperceptions do not necessarily have an immediate effect on behavior, it may be that positive feedback is more important in the long-term, as opposed to negative feedback which aims to stop a current behavior (Parsons et al., 1982; Pintrich & Blumenfeld, 1985; Spilt et al., 2016; Worrall et al., 1983). However, if positive feedback holds more implications for long-term outcomes, it is interesting that even though circle time is one of the most explicit instructional times of the day, the focus of the feedback provided during that time seemed to have only been on behavior management, rather than on developing students’ self-perceptions of learning. The lack of positive feedback during circle time may be one explanation for low-income students’ tendency to have low self-perceptions toward their academic abilities (Campbell, Pungello, & Miller-Johnson, 2002).

Ultimately, though, it is difficult to detect how selfperceptions are being affected and their effects on immediately observable behavior, demonstrating a need for further investigation of how positive feedback influences behavior.

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS Examining the impact of teachers’ use of positive and negative feedback on low-income preschoolers’ behaviors in the classroom, the findings of this study aligned with most existing literature. Consistent with the findings of other studies, overall, teachers used more negative feedback than positive feedback in the classroom and the use of positive feedback had significant effects in promoting students’ continuation of their behaviors (Blote, 1995; Hamre & Pianta, 2001; LoCasale-Crouch et al., 2007). However, this study differs from past research, as it suggests the use of negative feedback may be necessary to classroom functioning, and the detrimental effects typically associated with negative feedback can be avoided if teachers pay attention to their phrasing of the feedback.

This study provides specific insights into the

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Pankonin, A. & Myers, R. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 27-34.

relation between feedback and students’ behaviors in an under-researched population. Yet, significantly more research is needed on low-income preschoolers to support this study’s claims. In addition, this study was primarily exploratory, and only immediately observable behavior was recorded. Future research should use more direct assessments to measure feedback’s direct and indirect effects on students’ behaviors, both short-term and long-term, to provide more concrete evidence of the relations beyond speculation. Direct assessments would also avoid any possible misinterpretation that may have occurred due to the delay between when interactions were observed and when field notes were written.

Furthermore, although the times that researchers volunteered at their preschools, when combined, covered the majority of the preschool day, neither researcher was present for the whole day. Additionally, the researchers often volunteered in different classrooms at their preschool each week, which may have differed in ways unknown to the researchers. Thus, future research should limit their focus to following a specific classroom and teacher over the entire school day in order to more accurately assess the effects of feedback.

Regardless of this study’s limitations, the findings holds implications for teachers’ practices and school policy. Primarily, this study could hold implications for teachers’ practices, as it may help them learn about the general impact of their feedback on students’ classroom success and be more cognizant of their behaviors when interacting with various students if the findings of this study were shared with them. Further, it may hold implications for policy, as it could be used to influence the creation of a required professional development that educates teachers on effective feedback strategies, as well as the use of classroom assessments that show teachers how they are performing on their feedback.

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APPENDIX Instances of Each Code

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

Leadership and Satisfaction

The Influence of Leadership Style on Individuals’ Satisfaction on Small Teams Angela Page Spears and Paige Alenick In the last several decades, work tasks have become increasingly complex in order to meet the demands of the rising global market: one that is competitive and efficient (Pearce, 2004). To meet demands, teams (i.e., groups of people with assigned roles, all working towards a common goal) are led with a variety of leadership styles (Solansky, 2008). Generally, leadership has been viewed as a type of social influence reserved for an individual in power (Bolden, 2014; Jeon, Passmore, Lee, & Hunsaker, 2013), a concept now known as traditional leadership (Muethel & Hoegl, 2012; Solansky, 2008). However, newer styles of leadership, including shared leadership (i.e., when multiple people assume leadership responsibility to work towards a goal; Barnett & Weidenfeller, 2016; Muethel & Hoegl, 2013) and transformational leadership (i.e., when the leader inspires group members to execute their visions; Bolden, 2014; Drescher & Garbers, 2016; Solansky, 2008) have recently emerged to fulfill the expectations of the global market.

The shift in the conceptualization of leadership has stimulated a reevaluation of team outcomes (Solansky, 2008), specifically to determine if different leadership styles are related to individual satisfaction (Drescher & Garbers, 2016; Hoffmann & Loughead, 2015; Serban & Roberts, 2016). Research suggests that individual workplace satisfaction is the strongest predictor of employee retention rates (Kim, 2002), and is linked to improved mental health outcomes and higher productivity, or success in work tasks (Drescher & Garbers, 2016). Past literature has conceptualized individual satisfaction to be primarily composed of two distinct parts: team satisfaction (i.e., an individual’s opinion of their team) and task satisfaction (i.e., an individual’s outlook on their work; Serban & Roberts, 2016). Although individual satisfaction has been studied primarily in large organizations (Barnett & Weidenfeller, 2016; Solansky, 2008), recent literature suggests that smaller teams may experience greater individual satisfaction compared to larger teams because of an increased level of communication between team members (Ogungbamila, Ogungbamila, & Adetula, 2010). Therefore, this paper explored the relation between leadership styles and individual satisfaction on small teams.

Leadership Styles Traditional leadership. Under traditional leadership, there is one person in command who develops a group’s strategy and directs the behaviors of its members (Pearce, 2004). Traditional leaders are chosen for a leadership position because they possess all of the knowledge, discipline and determination needed to complete a task (Stein & Allcorn, 2014). As a result of their task-oriented focus, traditional leaders use their social influence to complete work, rather than to foster relationships between team members (Drescher & Garbers, 2016; Kim, 2002; Solansky, 2008).

Despite the lack of emphasis placed on team relationships, studies suggest that traditional leadership helps to organize a team to complete a specific objective or goal (Pearce, 2004). Thus, it remains an effective leadership style in the evolving global market because it enables efficient decision-making (Amason & Sapienza, 1997). Nevertheless, due to the increasing complexity of tasks in the workplace, teams controlled by one person may be less productive, as it is difficult for one person to be familiar with all of the information needed to complete all aspects of multifaceted tasks (Pearce, 2004; Solansky, 2008). Due to modern day market demands in a global economy, some studies suggest that team members might become dissatisfied with traditional leadership, prompting the rise of other leadership styles (Pearce, 2004).

Shared leadership. In contrast to traditional leadership, under shared leadership, team members allocate tasks amongst themselves (Muethel & Hogel, 2013; Pearce, 2004; Solansky, 2008). Each team member can work independently or collaboratively as opposed to relying on one person to direct them (Drescher & Garbers, 2016). Therefore, each member of the team is both a team member and a leader (Pearce, 2004).

Specifically, if a team member is an expert in a topic they will take the lead, but when working on other projects this same member may have more of a background role (Muethel & Hogel, 2013).

Transformational leadership. A leadership style consistently related to individual satisfaction is transformational leadership (Chrobot-Mason, Gerbasi, & Cullen-Lester, 2016). A transformational leader

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Spears, A.P. & Alenick, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 35-42. fosters reciprocal communication and relationships amongst team members to develop collaborative goals and achieve a group identity. For example, transformational leaders promote a ‘we over me’ mentality, which encourage interactions with other teams within the larger organization (Chrobot-Mason et al., 2016). The ensuing result is that team members within a small group understand their role in the overall organizational strategy and derive satisfaction from knowing that their contributions are beneficial to the betterment of the entire institution (Cha, Kim, Lee, & Bachrach, 2015; Chrobot-Mason et al., 2016). The promotion of a group identity by a successful transformational leader increases individual satisfaction because the team members have adopted a shared vision and goal (Chiok Foong Loke, 2001; Nielsen, Yarker, Randall, & Munir, 2008). Specifically, research suggests that team members are more motivated if they feel their work is meaningful (Jeon et al., 2013). Therefore, the encouragement and inspiration provided by transformational leaders can function to encourage characteristics often related to individual satisfaction (e.g., dedication to the team and emotional commitment amongst members; Chiok Foong Loke, 2001; Pearce, 2004; Stein & Allcorn, 2014). However, when team members fail to adopt a group mentality and instead identify as an employee looking out for him or herself, they do not derive the benefits related to individual satisfaction (Nielsen et al., 2008).

Leadership and Satisfaction in Teams Regardless of leadership style, the size of a team is an important contributing factor to individual satisfaction (Aubé, Rousseau, & Tremblay, 2011).

Specifically, research suggests that smaller teams have greater individual satisfaction (Aubé et al., 2011; Ogungbamila et al., 2010). Larger teams find it harder to agree on solutions because they encompass a greater number of personal opinions. Disagreement over whose opinion dominates might lead to poor communication or conflict (Amason & Sapienza, 1997), as well as counterproductive behaviors, such as aggression, or not working with team members due to distrust (Amason & Sapienza, 1997; Aubé et al., 2011).

Consequently, all of these factors may decrease individual satisfaction on large teams (Aubé et al., 2011).

Though research suggests that there are differences in workplace satisfaction between individuals on large and small teams, the majority of the research on workplace satisfaction has focused on large teams (Hoffman & Loughead, 2015; Pearce, 2004).

One possible explanation for the lack of research conducted on smaller teams may be because researchers

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have not agreed on the number of members that constitutes a small team. One study suggests a small team is made up of no more than 12 people (Ogungbamila et al., 2010), whereas other research indicates that a small team is made up of two people (Aubé et al., 2011). Because there is no consensus on the number of individuals that comprise a small team, studies suggest that a small team can be operationalized as whether or not the team members themselves consider the team to be small (Aubé et al., 2011).

Because small teams are emerging as popular tools to promote organizational effectiveness (Carmel & Bird, 1997; Ogungbamila et al., 2010), it is important to better understand leadership and satisfaction on smaller teams.

As such, this paper addressed the following research questions: 1) What leadership styles are used in small teams?; and 2) How are leadership styles related to individual satisfaction on small teams?

METHOD Participants Including the two researchers, the sample for this study consisted of seven members of seven different small research teams at New York University (one member from each team). All participants were between 21 and 22 years of age and had served on their research team for at least two semesters. Only one participant was male.

Procedure As members of research teams themselves, the researchers had become intimately familiar the individuals who work on their teams, and thus had a deep understanding of how their specific teams were led.

However, because they did not wish to have their supervisors or fellow team members change their leadership behaviors in any way, the researchers chose to make covert observations while working in their labs.

Field notes. Data for this study was collected in two ways creating a total of 37 field notes. First, the two researchers wrote a total of 28 field notes that were collected over the course of six months (i.e., two semesters). When writing their field notes, the researchers made careful observations of the physical environment (e.g., the rooms where they had lab meetings), the tasks they performed, and their feelings about those tasks. The researchers were careful to take notes of events on their teams as they occurred and to write their field notes a day or two after making their observations.

It is important to note that during the first semester on their research teams, the researchers’ field notes were written without any particular focus. They

Spears, A. P. & Alenick, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 35-42. wrote about their experiences on their teams and their reactions to them. However, during the second semester, the researchers’ field notes focused on their interactions with their team members and supervisors, as well as their feelings about their teams and tasks. In order to account for the bias of the researchers’ field notes, field notes from a member of another team were collected.

Nine total entries were written over a three-month period (i.e., one semester).

Survey. The second data collection method involved the creation of a seven question, open-form survey on Surveymonkey (see Appendix A). The survey was sent by e-mail to four research team members who completed it within a week. The team members who completed the survey were asked to recall experiences that occurred at their field sites at any time. The researchers coded the completed survey answers. In order to establish reliability, 20% of the data was coded separately and compared. Inter-rater reliability was 80%.

Coding Keywords-in-Context. The first method of coding that the researchers utilized was Keywords-inContext. Using this method, the researchers identified words of interest and their significance by analyzing the context in which they were used. This type of coding allowed the researchers to discern patterns in participants’ speech (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). All words relating to leadership, as well as team and task satisfaction were coded (see Appendix B for manual).

These codes were decided posteriori based on the data analyzed during reliability coding. The interpretation code for the keywords was decided apriori based on the constructs of interest. The interpretation codes included traditional leadership, shared leadership, transformational leadership, task satisfaction, task dissatisfaction, team satisfaction, and team dissatisfaction.

A code was interpreted as traditional leadership if the sentence described a supervisor (or synonym) who told another what to do or gave direction to someone named as inferior (e.g., someone who was new to the team). A code was interpreted as shared leadership if the individual took initiative, was not directly told what to do, or if someone without a position of authority asked for something from someone of equal or more authority.

An interaction was coded as transformational leadership if the individual talked about inspiration, if the team goals were discussed, or if there was any explicit mention of the team. A reaction was interpreted as task (dis)satisfaction if an individual spoke specifically about their feelings related to their

work. Finally, a response was interpreted as team (dis)satisfaction if a member spoke about their feelings related to their team members, supervisor or general work environment (see Appendix B for more detailed coding instructions).

Classical Content Analysis. The researchers also used Classical Content Analysis, which involved counting the number of times an interpretation code appeared. This was utilized to understand the styles of leadership that may have been most prevalent, and how frequently team members experienced satisfaction or dissatisfaction (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). Further, this style of coding revealed the words most commonly associated with a particular leadership style.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION This study aimed to explore the relation between leadership styles and individual satisfaction (i.e., task satisfaction and team satisfaction) on small teams.

Specifically, the three styles of leadership coded for were: traditional, shared and transformational. From the 41 transcripts collected for this study, traditional leadership was coded a total of 86 times (47%), shared leadership was coded 81 times (45%) and transformational leadership was coded 15 times (8%). These findings are reflective of previous literature, which suggests that transformational leadership, though beneficial, is not a commonly used style of leadership (Nielsen et al., 2008) and that traditional leadership and shared leadership are popular styles of leadership today (Barnett & Weidenfeller, 2016; Pearce, 2004).

Furthermore, task satisfaction was coded a total of 60 times (40%), team satisfaction was coded 40 times (27%), task dissatisfaction was coded 32 times (22%) and team dissatisfaction was coded 17 times (11%). These findings also support those of prior research, which demonstrates that members of smaller teams are generally satisfied (Aubé et al., 2011; Ogungbamila et al., 2010).

Traditional leadership. Some of the words that were often used to describe traditional leadership were “supervisor” (35%), “assign(ed)” (10%), “told” (6%), “hierarchy” (2%), “expect(ed)” (2%), and “power” (1%).

Generally, when traditional leadership was coded in the data, it was common for individuals to speak about their experiences of task and team satisfaction together.

Research suggests that this may be because, under traditional leadership, team members interact most with each other when they are being assigned a task (Drescher & Garbers, 2016; Kim, 2002; Solansky, 2008).

An example of an instance where traditional

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Spears, A.P. & Alenick, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 35-42. leadership was coded is “I was assigned to do edit translations this week for health insurance access surveys by the health team at CACF, which is not my usual department.” The assignment of tasks by one individual represented a hierarchical team structure, a key characteristic of traditional leadership (Pearce, 2004). That same participant noted “I felt nervous about my ability to translate them because these forms will be in use by real survey participants, and a meaningful difference in wording could give them misinformation.”

‘Nervous’ was coded for the individual’s dissatisfaction with the task. Specifically, in reviewing the context, the individual was nervous about their ability to translate the forms. However, in regards to this task, the participant also noted “it reassured me to know that I am the most qualified person for the job and that [the supervisors] will likely take that into consideration, the fact that I am only an intern, when going over the forms again,” indicating their satisfaction that the team recognized their ability to do a significant task despite their intern status.

The findings of this study are inconsistent with prior research on team satisfaction, but are in line with research on task satisfaction. Specifically, research shows that team members of organizations led by traditional leaders are generally hired for the purpose of completing specific tasks. Therefore, members are less satisfied with their teams when they are assigned to complete tasks outside of their limited responsibilities, as well as being dissatisfied with the task itself because they did not have a say in the work that they were assigned to carry out (Evans & Davis, 2005).

Shared leadership. Some words often used to describe shared leadership were “together” (14%), “contribute” (7%), “collaborative” (5%), and “feedback” (4%). Generally, when coding for shared leadership in relation to task and team satisfaction, it was common for individuals to speak about their experiences of task satisfaction and team satisfaction separately. This is in line with past research, as teams using shared leadership often have the ability to work on their tasks autonomously (i.e., without being assigned), and also have more opportunities to interact with their teams separate from their task (e.g., in group discussions; Drescher & Garbers, 2016).

When shared leadership was coded, it was often related to task satisfaction. For example, “the Field Site Agreement provided that I would be able to work on projects by myself in addition to collaborating with others, which was also correct. I worked on literature review assignments both independently as well as with Mary and John.” This excerpt was coded for shared leadership because of the word ‘collaborating.’ The context of the word ‘collaborating’ suggested that the

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team member was working with others, as well as doing projects individually, another basic aspect of shared leadership (Drescher & Garbers, 2016). In this example, the use of shared leadership was related to task satisfaction, as the team member indicated, “I am so grateful for this opportunity, and look forward to continuing my work on Mary’s team over the summer and into next semester.” This context suggests the individual was experiencing task satisfaction.

Specifically, the participant was grateful for the opportunity to participate in this work, and looked forward to working on these tasks in the future. Overall, this is consistent with previous literature, as team members exposed to shared leadership tactics often had more task satisfaction because they are able to participate in the execution of all aspects of a task (Ogungbamila et al., 2010).

Data also revealed that shared leadership was positively related to team satisfaction. For example, “I felt a sense of accomplishment as a participant in this group discussion because we came together as a team and drew on the collective knowledge for which we worked so hard all semester.” The word ‘together’ was coded for shared leadership because the coming together and sharing of knowledge is a basic element of shared leadership (Pearce, 2004). Furthermore, this example suggested that the individual was satisfied, as they wrote they felt accomplished. This sense of accomplishment is directly related to coming together as a team. This is consistent with literature concerning shared leadership and satisfaction, which suggests that teams using shared leadership are often satisfied because individuals feel as though they played an important role in helping to reach the outcome the team is striving to achieve, and feel important to the success of the team (Serban & Roberts, 2016).

Transformational leadership. Some words used to describe transformational leadership included “inspire” (20%), “goal” (27%), and “benefit” (33%).

When coding for transformational leadership, individuals also spoke about the experiences of task and team satisfaction separately. This is consistent with prior research, as teams using transformational leadership focus on building relationships and fostering a group identity, separate and apart from the emphasis placed on completing tasks (Chrobot-Mason et al., 2016). One example of an instance where transformational leadership was coded was, “after the training, I feel inspired and excited about doing these interviews in China this summer!” This was coded for transformational leadership because it used the word ‘inspire,’ which suggested that the participant felt inspired from the work of their team. Research suggests that inspiration of team members is a main tenant of

Spears, A.P. & Alenick, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 35-42. transformational leadership (Pearce, 2004).

Additionally, the word ‘excited’ was coded as task satisfaction, because the context suggested that the team member was excited for future work. This is consistent with prior literature, which suggests that teams using transformational leadership often have high task satisfaction, as transformational leaders emphasize that the work done by the team is meaningful (Jeon et al., 2013).

The data also suggested that transformational leadership was positively related to team satisfaction. For example, a participant noted, “I was very happy that my goals were important to Tom.” This was coded for transformational leadership because of the word ‘goal.’ In context, ‘goal’ is being used to explain the individual’s aims for the semester. This sentence was also coded for team satisfaction because the individual notes that they were ‘happy.’ In context, this happiness was related to the acknowledgment of the importance of the individual’s goals to another team member. These findings are consistent with past literature, which suggests that transformational leadership often focuses on understanding an individual team member’s goals so that the team can have a shared vision or set of goals. Thus, shared goals increase commitment to, and satisfaction with, the team (Chiok Foong Loke, 2001; Nielsen et al., 2008; Pearce, 2004).

CONCLUSION Results from this study demonstrate that leadership style is related to individual satisfaction on small teams. Specifically, all leadership styles (i.e., traditional, shared, and transformational) elicited team satisfaction. Because all three leadership styles examined involved acknowledgment of individual team members, it logically followed that all team members in this study experienced team satisfaction. These findings are consistent with those of prior research, which postulate that team satisfaction is related to the team’s acknowledgment of the individual’s work on it (Aubé et al., 2011). Further, since all of the teams examined were small, the findings on team satisfaction were consistent with prior research, which suggests that smaller teams have greater individual satisfaction (Aubé et al., 2011; Ogungbamila et al., 2010).

This study also demonstrated that traditional leadership was the only style negatively associated with task satisfaction. While team members exposed to traditional leadership were not satisfied with their tasks, the results of this study indicated that individuals experienced task satisfaction when they were exposed to shared and transformational leadership tactics. Research

suggests this may be because team members are more satisfied with their tasks when they are able to work with other members of the team, as well as get and give feedback on ideas for how to complete the tasks in the most effective manner (Cha et al., 2015).

This study had several limitations. As with many qualitative studies, the sample size used for this study was small. A larger and more diverse sample size may have helped to get a better understanding of leadership and satisfaction in order to reach conclusions that could be generalized to settings outside of research teams. Second, because survey participants were asked to recall experiences from any point in time on their teams, it is possible that the passage of time diminished their recollection of their early experiences. Finally, only one member of each small team was sampled for this study.

Future research should survey several members of the same team to compare and contrast different experiences on that team, and get a better sense of the overall satisfaction amongst members with the leadership style used.

Despite these limitations, the results of this study have important implications. First, while current theories surrounding leadership styles suggest each style is practiced on its own, the results of this study suggested that while this is often the case, sometimes multiple leadership styles can be present on the same team.

Specifically, one individual expressed in their field notes “at Nanjing Families, I am expected to occasionally contribute ideas about possible research topics but the meetings are primarily run by Dr. Brown and the PhD student Maria.” The idea that meetings are primarily run by two members of the team is an example of traditional leadership (Stein & Allcorn, 2014). However, the fact that this individual was expected to contribute ideas is an aspect of shared leadership (Drescher & Garbers, 2016).

Overall, the idea that multiple styles of leadership can be used on a team is not reflected in the literature, and theories surrounding leadership should be expanded to reflect this possibility.

Further, future research should aim to understand how multiple leadership styles could be present on a single team and subsequently influence satisfaction.

Finally, this study has implications for practice, as its findings suggest that teams under shared and transformational leadership styles seemed to have the most instances of task and team satisfaction. Therefore, trainings could be developed to teach leaders how to implement shared and transformational leadership tactics. Implementing these tactics may enhance the quality of individuals’ experiences on small teams and subsequently increase team satisfaction.

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Spears, A.P. & Alenick, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 35-42.

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APPENDIX A 1: How long have you been on your research team?

A. This is my first semester B. This is my second semester C. This is my third semester D. I have been on my research team for four semesters or more 2: What year are you in school? (Pick One) A. Freshman B. Sophomore C. Junior D. Senior 3: Describe a typical day on your research team.

4: Describe the processes of how a task was assigned to you on your research team.

5: Describe an interaction you had with a member of your team.

6: Describe an interaction you have had with your supervisor.

7: Would you recommend joining this team to a friend of yours? How would you describe the team to them?

APPENDIX B General guidelines: 1. Every keyword in context code must be one sentence.

2. Please select an interpretation that best fits each code. If there are multiple interpretations for a sentence include all that apply.

3. Be careful of context to make sure these words are not just keywords describing experiences in the labs (e.g., we are studying inequality or we are working with high school students).

4. Code for any interactions, actions, or descriptions of the team (including physical states, mental states, emotional states, and conversations).

5. Only code observations and reflections of field notes.

6. Only code feelings if they are coming from the perspective of the individual themselves or if it is clear they are feeling it (not just observing someone else feeling it). If everyone is feeling something code that as the individual’s feelings.

7. Code for everyone’s actions.

8. Don’t code for feelings just related to environment (e.g., the room is white and makes me feel happy).

9. Code for indications for how long they have been on their team if they relate it to team functioning, task assignment, or leadership style. I have been on my research team for four semesters or more Interpretation codes: Shared Leadership: Anything that the person does to take initiative, isn’t directly told what to do, asks for something from someone else.

Transformational leadership: Any time the word inspired is used, team goals are discussed, or any mention of the team (e.g., for the team).

Traditional Leader: Any time there is a supervisor (or synonym) who tells another what to do. Any time someone with more authority gives direction to an inferior person (e.g., someone who has been on the team longer).

Task Satisfaction/Task Dissatisfaction: only code when individual talks specifically about work or doing something within the work environment. When coding for satisfaction, unless the emotion word is paired with a person or action don't code it. The emotion word must only be able to be interpreted in a negative or positive way (i.e., no neutral words).

Team Satisfaction/Team Dissatisfaction: only code when there are specific person words (e.g., team, member, supervisor, family etc.). Code when someone describes experiencing something (e.g., a feeling) in the workplace environment. When coding for satisfaction, unless the emotion word is paired with a person or action don't code it. The emotion word must only be able to be interpreted in a negative or positive way.

Keywords to code for found from reliability coding: ROLE/LEADERSHIP: Leader, Mentor, Supervisor, PhD student, Master’s student, Professor, Primary Researcher, PI, Superior, Authority figure, Student, Undergraduate, Friend, Run, Lead, In charge, Tells/Telling, Told, Give, Explain, Decision, Questioned, Power, Talks, Presenting, Roles, Mastery, Team, Research assistant, Report to, Responsible, Lab manager, Manager, Receive ACTIONS/ CONSTRUCTS: Assigned/assignments, Gave, Ask, Completed/complete, E-mailed, Talk, Question, Feedback, Comments, Personally, Contribute, Thinks, Do, Together, Apart, Looking, Response, Segregated, Barrier, Expected, Expectations, Collaborative, Instructions/instruct, Working/work, Help/helping, Hierarchy, Equality/inequality, Separation, Competent, Availability, Ideas, Tasks, Familiar, Benefit, Support, Engaged, Clear (directions)

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Spears, A.P. & Alenick, P. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 35-42.

FEELING SATISFIED: Inspiring, Happy, Worth it, Fulfilling, Meaningful, Would recommend, Laid back, Relaxed, Determined, Engage, Supportive, Family, Grown, Sweet, Like, Love, Nice, Friendly, Passionate, Clear or synonyms FEELING DISSATISFIED: Frustrated, Stressed, Overwhelmed, At a loss, Confused, Daunting, Difficult, Advanced, Bored, Uncomfortable, Mad, Upset, Annoyed or synonyms

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2017, Volume 8, Issue 1

Don't Worry, But Don't Just Be Happy

Don't Worry, But Don't Just Be Happy Krista Morgan Producer Jonas Rivera and director Pete Docter’s (2015) animated movie Inside Out depicts our working minds through five personified emotions (i.e., Joy, Sadness, Fear, Disgust, and Anger) and addresses the large misconception that happiness is the key to having a fulfilled life. Inside Out follows the challenging transition and difficult adjustment the main character, Riley, an 11-year-old girl, experiences as she moves from her hometown in Minnesota to San Francisco, California.

The film’s conclusion reveals the moral of the movie: sadness is an important and necessary emotion for us to experience, and that failure to acknowledge this can lead to problems in mental health, such as adjustment disorder (AD). Though adjustment disorder is not often mentioned or represented in popular culture, Rivera and Docter (2015) accurately portrayed the disorder in Riley throughout the film as her symptoms match the clinical criteria, and various cinematographic methods visually capture her struggles.

Until the release of the most recent Diagnostic and Statistic Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.; DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013) and the International Classification of Diseases (10th ed.; ICD-10; World Health Organization, 1992), the criteria for adjustment disorder had been somewhat vague and, consequently, difficult to differentiate from other psychiatric disorders, such as conduct disorder (CD) and major depressive disorder (MDD; Casey & Doherty, 2012). Presently, adjustment disorder is characterized by emotional or behavioral symptoms that are instigated by an identifiable external stressor; the stressor must incur symptoms within three months of onset and last no longer than six months.

These symptoms include marked distress that is disproportional to the severity of the stressor; inflicts significant social, occupational, or other impairment; and is not indicative of any other mental disorder or normal bereavement (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Rivera and Docter’s (2015) film can be critically examined for adjustment disorder by using the current set of diagnostic criteria as a psychological lens through which to view the movie.

Upon first arriving in San Francisco, Riley and her family try to remain optimistic about their new home and community (Rivera & Docter, 2015). Despite these efforts, Riley becomes distressed from the move and

experiences extreme difficulty adjusting to her new home. Riley experiences impairment in school (i.e., inability to make friends) and hockey (i.e., inability to enjoy playing in a new environment), unnecessary agitation and acting out at home, and inability to control her emotions in various environments (i.e., lashing out at hockey tryouts, crying at school, resenting her friends from Minnesota). This is further reinforced as Riley transitions from wearing bright, seasonally appropriate clothing to hiding behind layers of black and grey clothes (Rivera & Docter, 2015)—a change that can be indicative of depressed mood (Karp, 1994).

Riley’s symptoms, which begin within the first three months of the move and last no more than an additional six months after, are indicative of a problem greater than typical child or adolescent mood swings or defiant behaviors, as the level of Riley’s distress is disproportionate to the severity of the distressing event (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Riley seems to meet the criteria for someone suffering from adjustment disorder, according to the DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) and the ICD-10 (World Health Organization, 1992). While both AD and MDD specify depressed mood as a central component for diagnosis, we can differentiate Riley’s condition from MDD because her condition was triggered by the psychosocial stressor of moving to San Francisco (Doherty, Jabbar, Kelly, & Casey, 2014). All of these symptoms are contrary to Riley’s normal behavior and support the argument that she suffers from adjustment disorder in the film.

Renowned developmental psychologist Erik Erikson defines the adolescent period, ranging from ages 11 to 18, as the time when adolescents search for their identity in cultural, personal, communal, and individual contexts (Erikson, 1970). In an attempt to maintain her identity, Riley makes an effort to find a role to fill in her community by trying out for her local ice hockey team, but ends up storming off the ice out of frustration and anger (Rivera & Docter, 2015). Since hockey had always been important to Riley, this failed attempt to fit into her new social atmosphere caused Riley to feel that she had lost an important part of her identity and to take her rage out on her parents. This stage in psychosocial development made Riley more susceptible to developing adjustment disorder.

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Morgan, K. (2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1), 43-44.

Young people may often behave delinquently or rebelliously as they attempt to create a firm sense of identity by experimenting with different roles, and, consequently, finding new emotional outlets (Murdoch Childrens Research Initiative, 2015). Parents are often the ones who are most affected by their child’s search for self, as the young adult fights back against rules and rigidity set by the parents (Murdoch Childrens Research Initiative, 2015). Though this tension between child and parents is normal, Riley, at the age of 11, is just beginning to enter this stage of development and is not behaving developmentally appropriately in the film. This is evident in how she is suddenly defiant against her parents, despite their efforts to do what they can to make San Francisco as enjoyable for Riley as possible (Rivera & Docter, 2015). Here, we can delineate AD from CD because in CD there is the assumption of underlying psychopathology that leads the child to behave defiantly, while in AD, a psychosocial stressor underlies the child’s deviant behavior (Cramer & Kelly, 2004).

Inside Out focuses on the impact mental health can have on children’s emotional development when it comes to social contexts disrupting the innocent joys of childhood abruptly (Rivera & Docter, 2015). Society places pressure on individuals to always be positive and happy, placing an unrealistic ideal that consequently stigmatizes sadness and mental health disorders rather than appreciates the potential value they bring.

Rivera and Docter (2015) represent this juxtaposition through the tension between Joy and Sadness, each struggling to find a balance in Riley’s mind. As adolescents mature, they begin to experience deeper versions of such negative emotions that can be very difficult to acknowledge (Murdoch Childrens Research Initiative, 2015). Rivera and Docter (2015) and Erikson (1970) demonstrate that while it is not easy to feel deep versions of these emotions, it is critical for adolescent social emotional development to experience and learn to balance.

REFERENCES American Psychiatric Association (2013).

Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM-5. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Publication.

Casey, P., & Doherty, A. (2012). Adjustment disorder: Implications for ICD-11 and DSM-5.

The British Journal of Psychiatry, 201(2), 90-92.

Cramer, P., & Kelly, F. D. (2004). Defense mechanisms in adolescent conduct disorder and adjustment reaction. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 192(2), 139-145.

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Doherty, A. M., Jabbar, F., Kelly, B. D., & Casey, P. (2014). Distinguishing between adjustment disorder and depressive episode in clinical practice: The role of personality disorder. Journal of Affective Disorders, 168, 78-85.

Erikson, E. H. (1970). Reflections on the dissent of contemporary youth. Daedalus, 99(1), 154-176.

Karp, D. A. (1994). The dialects of depression.

Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction, 17(4), 344-366.

Murdoch Childrens Research Initiative. (2015).

Transitioning from childhood to adolescence [Pamphlet]. Australia: Response Ability Initiative.

Rivera, J. (Producer), & Docter, P. (Director).

(2015). Inside Out [Motion Picture]. United States: Walt Disney Studios Pixar Animation Studios.

World Health Organization. (1992). The ICD-10 classification of mental and behavioural disorders: Clinical descriptions and diagnostic guidelines. Geneva: World Health Organization.

Abstracts The following abstracts are from the honors theses and independent research projects conducted by seniors in the Applied Psychology department.

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(2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1).

The Self-Efficacy Beliefs of Preschool Teachers Serving Low-Income DLLs Julia Acker Faculty Mentor | Dr. Adina Schick Teacher self-efficacy, or belief in one’s own teaching abilities (Tschannen-Moran & Woolfolk Hoy, 1998), is a key factor in preschool classroom quality (Justice et al., 2008) and children’s school-readiness skills (Guo et al., 2010). Past research suggests that teacher self-efficacy is subject to individual and contextual factors (e.g., Stipek, 2012; Tschannen-Moran & Woolfolk Hoy, 2002); however, no studies have yet examined the factors that contribute to teacher self-efficacy in preschools serving low-income dual language learners (DLLs), a population at risk for academic disadvantage beginning in the preschool years. The current study investigated the influence of teacher, classroom, and program characteristics on teacher self-efficacy in a sample of 61 lead teachers from 14 preschools serving low-income DLLs. Each participant completed a 61-item online survey at the end of the preschool year that included a demographic questionnaire, the Teacher’s Sense of Efficacy Scale (Tschannen-Moran & Woolfolk Hoy, 2001), and a measure of perceived administrative support adapted from the Head Start Family and Child Experiences Survey (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2009). Results showed that teacher selfefficacy was not related to teacher demographic variables, education, classroom characteristics, or program type. The most salient predictor of teacher self-efficacy was perceived administrative support, suggesting that teachers’ perceptions of their abilities are contextually situated in preschools serving low-income DLLs. Rather than focusing solely on teacher credentials (e.g., education), policy efforts should promote support within center-based preschool programs to improve teacher self-efficacy, and, subsequently, the educational experiences of DLLs.

The Influence of Cultural Socialization on Latino-American Early Adolescents’ Educational Utility Paige Alenick Faculty Mentor | Dr. Erin Godfrey Educational utility, positive views about the value of education, is linked to academic success (Bravo et al., 2014). For Latino youth, research shows that educational utility is positively related to cultural socialization (messages ethnic minority parents teach about their culture) in mid to late adolescence (Rivas-Drake & Marchand, 2016). As Latino-Americans face obstacles in school (Contreras, 2005), studying this relationship during early adolescence is important. However, little is known about this relationship during this key developmental time for sending messages about the value of education and culture (Galván et al., 2011). Thus, this paper used hierarchical ordinary least squares regression to consider how cultural socialization relates to educational utility in LatinoAmerican early adolescents while controlling for other factors shown to predict educational utility (Heard, 2007).

Additionally, to understand if cultural socialization becomes more protective with time, this paper uses moderation analyses to test for grade-level differences in the association between educational utility and cultural socialization.

Results indicate that cultural socialization is significantly related to educational utility (b = .12(05); p < .05; β = .15), suggesting that this variable can facilitate Latino-American success in school in early, middle and late adolescence.

Further, the association between cultural socialization and educational utility was moderated by grade-level. Cultural socialization predicted educational utility in sixth and eighth grade, but not seventh grade. These findings imply that cultural socialization is most protective during school transition years (i.e., sixth and eighth grade). Thus, these may be the optimal time to send positive messages about ethnicity.

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(2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1).

Exploring Meaning-Making in Trauma Narratives of Military Veterans in an Arts-Based Treatment Program Jocelin McGovern Faculty Mentor | Dr. Alisha Ali In the United States, veterans experience Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) at rates far beyond the general population (Institute of Medicine, 2014). To respond to the growing mental health needs of veterans, The Veterans Center of Performing Arts (VCAP) developed DE-CRUIT, an arts-based PTSD treatment program that uses Shakespearian monologue and written personal trauma narratives (Ali & Wolfert, 2016). This proposed study seeks to understand the process through which PTSD symptoms are reduced with DE-CRUIT by examining meaning making, a critical component of PTSD recovery. Meaning making, typically achieved through writing trauma narratives, describes the process of seeing a situation differently to heal from it (Park & Ai, 2006). Participants will include 200 U.S. veterans divided into 20 groups of 10. Levels of PTSD will be assed via PTSD Checklist (PCL) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Military Version pre/post the DE-CRUIT intervention (Weathers et al., 1993). Meaning making will be assessed in trauma narratives describing a single traumatic event from wartime also written pre/ post the intervention by participants. Narratives will be divided into utterances (i.e., a single thought or action) and coded by a priori themes based on past literature indicating meaning making. Changes in number of utterances indicating meaning making and PCL score will be analyzed to explore the relation between meaning making and PTSD recovery to answer the following questions; How does participation in DE-CRUIT change the way veterans make meaning of their traumatic experiences? Is change in meaning making associated with change in PTSD symptoms in DE-CRUIT?

Preschoolers' Self-Competence: The Influence of Teachers' Perceptions of Childrens' Skills Rebekah Myers Faculty Mentor| Dr. Adina Schick Children's self-competence plays a critical role in their motivation to learn and subsequent academic success (Harter, 2012). Self-competence begins to develop during the preschool years, as children begin to evaluate their performance against adults' standards. Thus, children's interactions with parents and teachers largely influence the development of their self-competency beliefs (Verschueren et al., 2012). To date, however, few studies have explored the relation between teachers' perceptions of children's competencies and preschoolers' own competency perceptions despite past research demonstrating that teachers' perceptions influence students' outcomes (e.g., Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968). The current study explored this gap by investigating preschoolers' cognitive and physical selfcompetence, as well as the extent to which their competency beliefs are influenced by teachers' perceptions. Fifty low-income prekindergarteners (M=53.88 months, SD=3.41; 54% male) participated in this study. As part of their classroom routine, teachers rated children's skills at three time-points using the Teaching Strategies Gold authentic assessment system. Fall and Winter ratings were used as proxies for their perceptions of children's skills. In the final month of the preschool year, children's competency beliefs and kindergarten readiness were assessed (via the Pictorial Scale of Perceived Competence and Social Acceptance and ESI-RK respectively). Results found that children have high self-competency perceptions, but that these perceptions are correlated with their true abilities.

Moreover, teachers' perceptions of children's physical skills predict children's physical self-competence beyond children's actual skills. Findings expand on past research by suggesting that preschoolers have rudimentary selfcompetency beliefs, which are uniquely shaped by preschool teachers.

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(2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1).

Development of Narrative Perspective in the Preschool Years Ashlie Pankonin Faculty Mentor | Dr. Gigliana Melzi Narrative perspective—the point of view narrators assume and their ability to shift between these different points of view (Aldrich et al., 2010; O'Neill & Shultis, 2007)–is a skill that might hold important implications for future narrative and literacy skills, but has received relatively little attention. The current study examined the development of narrative perspective across the preschool years and its role in children’s spontaneous narrative production at kindergarten entry. Using narrative data collected at three time points from 23 Latino children from low-income families, narrative perspective (i.e., third person objective and third person subjective perspective) and general narrative abilities were coded. Results showed that children’s inclusion of both objective and subjective narrative perspective increased dramatically over the preschool years. Moreover, the increase in objective perspective was accounted for by increases in narrative length, while the increase in subjective perspective was not. This suggests that the increase in subjective perspective was likely due to developments in other cognitive areas (e.g., theory of mind), rather than linguistic gains. Finally, the frequency of subjective perspective included in the stories produced at the end of the first preschool year predicted children’s general narrative ability at kindergarten entry, highlighting the role of social cognition in successful storytelling. Results are discussed in relation to the unique contributions of language and cognitive processes in the development of children’s narrative skills.

Predictors and Consequences of Sense of Belonging among Community-College Transfer Students at Four-Year Universities Bethanie Railling

Faculty Mentor | Dr. Erin Godfrey Adjunct Mentor | Christine Campo Today, nearly 40% of young people attending college are enrolled at two-year institutions, such as community colleges (NCES, 2015). Evidence indicates that community- college students often experience below-average academic and socioemotional outcomes when transferring to four-year universities (Lane, Martin, &amp; Henson, 2015). While there is some evidence that quality of faculty-student relationships, the comfort students’ feel in the classroom, and peer support can foster sense of belonging and improve academic and socioemotional outcomes, few studies have examined these processes among community-college transfer students to four-year universities.

This study will examine how faculty-student relationship quality, classroom comfort and peer support influences community-college transfer students’ sense of belonging in four-year institutions and their academic and socioemotional outcomes. The proposed study aims to add to the limited research on communitycollege transfer students and examine the important factors that universities can change to increase transfer student retention and success.

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(2017). Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, 8(1).

Completion of Parent-Child Interaction Therapy: Differences Between Low-Fee and High-Fee Families Jennifer Schild & Joshua Adler Mentor | Dr. Steven Kurtz Research shows that low-SES families have high attrition rates in parent training programs. Although some low-SES families are treated at lowered fees to remove a potential barrier to treatment, this may not be enough to support attendance and treatment engagement. Despite reduced treatment costs, low-SES families may still struggle with stress, limited child care and transportation access, and other obstacles. This project will address the following question: How do low-fee families (≤$10/session) and high-fee families compare in Parent-Child Interaction Therapy completion and factors related to engagement? The researchers analyzed pre- and post-treatment ECBI scores, attendance rates, and homework completion for 36 PCIT cases in our practice. High-fee graduated families had a much greater decrease in ECBI scores (z=1.95) than high-fee non-completers (z=0.68), while low-fee graduated families had a moderately greater decrease in ECBI scores (z=1.75) than their non-completer counterparts (z=1.05). While attendance was similar for high-fee graduated families (n=14; 85.08%) and high-fee non-completers (n=16; 82.78%), low-fee non-completers (n=2) had much lower attendance (70.0%) than low-fee graduated families (n=4; 92.74%). There were no major differences in homework completion between high-fee graduated (76.31%) and low-fee graduated families (73.94%). The higher graduation rate among low-fee families (66.67%) than high-fee families (46.67%), in addition to the other findings, suggest that alleviating financial and logistical barriers can promote positive treatment outcomes for low-SES families.

The Effects of ACTIVATE on Children with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Angela Page Spears Faculty Mentor | Dr. Anil Chacko Approximately 5-7% of children in the United States are diagnosed with ADHD and of these, 25-40% of children have co-occurring reading problems (Horowitz‐Kraus, et al., 2014). Their co-occurrence and poor outcomes may be due to similar roots in underdeveloped executive functions (i.e., EF: higher order neurocognitive processes that help people solve problems to support goal directed behaviors; McGrath, et al., 2011). Neurocognitive interventions, which strengthen EFs, may be a possible treatment for those with ADHD and reading problems (Bental, et al., 2008). Thus, the purpose of this research was to explicitly explore the influence of ACTIVATE, a neurocognitive intervention, on symptoms of ADHD and reading. Eleven participants, ages 7-10, participated in ACTIVATE, which aimed to strengthen EF domains associated with ADHD and reading. Participants played a total of 1600 minutes. Parent reports of child symptoms of inattention and hyperactivity as well as child assessment of reading and EF were measured pre/post the ACTIVATE intervention. The research questions included: 1) Does ACTIVATE improve children’s ADHD symptoms; 2) Does ACTIVATE improve reading in children with ADHD, and 3) Does ACTIVATE improve EFs in children with ADHD? Analysis suggests that for the general population of ADHD children, the data does not strongly support the use of ACTIVATE. Future research needs to further examine whether a subpopulation of children with ADHD reliably improve after using ACTIVATE. Overall, this study had implications for research and practice, as it has the potential to make salient interventions that may have sustained and widespread effects on children.

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Biographies

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JULIA ACKER

ASHLIE PANKONIN

Editor-in-Chief

Editor-in-Chief

ackerj@nyu.edu

ashlie.pankonin@nyu.edu

Julia Acker is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program with a combined major in Global Public Health and a minor in Sociology. She is a research assistant for the L-FELD NYU team led by Drs. Gigliana Melzi and Adina Schick. Under the mentorship of Dr. Schick, Julia completed an honors thesis examining predictors of teacher self-efficacy in preschools serving low-income dual language learners. For this project, she won the 2016 Steinhardt Student Challenge Grant and presented her work at the 2017 SRCD Biennial Conference. Julia also conducts social epidemiological research with Dr. Sean Clouston at Stony Brook University. After graduation, Julia will work as a research assistant for the Center on Social Disparities in Health at the University of California, San Francisco, and will provide research support to the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Commission to Build a Healthier America.

Ashlie Pankonin is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Linguistics. She is a research assistant for the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development team led by Drs. Gigliana Melzi and Adina Schick.

Ashlie recenlty completed her honors thesis investigating perspective-taking in children's narratives and how this changes across the preschool years, and presented her work at New York University's 2017 Undergraduate Research Conference and Research and Scholarship Showcase, as well as at University of Virginiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s L. Starling Reid Undergraduate Psychology Research Conference.

After she graduates, Ashlie will work as a lab coordinator for Dr. David Barner's Language and Development Lab at the University of California, San Diego.

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JULIA IMPERATORE | Programming & Communications Director jmi268@nyu.edu Julia Imperatore is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program. She currently works as a research intern for the organization MDRC for their Expanding Children's Early Learning Network project which studies new curriculums in Boston public schools and how it affects sustained learning from preschool to third grade. She also works part-time at Bobst Library as a student assistant for Access Services. Previously, Julia has interned with Council Member Ben Kallos of District 5 and worked with the ROSES project with Dr. Shabnam Javdani which studies an advocacy program for young girls involved in juvenile justice system. After graduation, she will work as a Trial Preparation Assistant at the New York County District Attorney's office.

SHIRLEY WU | Layout & Design Director shirleywu@nyu.edu Shirley Wu is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology and Global Public Health program with a minor in Anthropology. She is currently a Resident Assistant at NYU, and a part-time Associate on the Product Management team at Healthfirst, a hospital sponsored health benefits company that provides quality healthcare coverage to individuals and families in New York.

In the past, Shirley has worked as a Corporate Partnerships intern at UNICEF, and has been part of the Development and Fundraising team at The National Eating Disorders Association. She has also served as research assistants for Drs. Melzi and Schickâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s L-FELD NYU team and the RELATE Project at the Yale University Center for Emotional Intelligence. After graduating from NYU, Shirley will be joining Healthfirst as a full-time Product Strategy Associate to pursue her interests in healthcare management.

JULIUS UTAMA | Editor-in-Training jau228@nyu.edu Julius Utama is a junior in the Applied Psychology program. He is a research assistant on the NYU L-FELD team, led by Dr. Gigliana Melzi and Dr. Adina Schick, and is in the process of applying for an honors thesis investigating the role of home-school continuity in behavior management practices. Julius is also a research assistant on Dr. Lisa Suzuki's Emotional Intelligence lab, where he is conducting an independent research project examining the association between emotional and cultural intelligence and the mediating role of ethnic identity. Julius will be presenting a poster at this year's American Psychological Association (APA) Convention, and has previously worked as a research assistant for the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta, Indonesia. Julius hopes to expand his involvement in research as he transitions into his senior year at NYU.

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PETER GOLDIE | Staff Writer pdg283@nyu.edu Peter Goldie is a sophomore in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Sociology. He is an intern at Kurtz Psychology Consulting PC, where he observes parent-child interaction therapy and personally works with children who struggle with selective mutism. He is interested in continuing to work with kids who struggle with anxiety and hopes to conduct research in this field in the upcoming year. After graduation, he is looking to gain admission to a counseling program.

ADITI IYER | Staff Writer ai987@nyu.edu Aditi Iyer is a freshman in the Applied Psychology program. She currently works as a research assistant at MDRC on the ExCEL P-3. The project aims to ameliorate primary school teaching for sustainable growth. Aditiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s role involves compiling and analyzing data from kindergarten classroom observations. She also participates in the a new program within the 1199 teaching initiative. Lead by professor Dr. Joshua Aronson, the members conduct teaching and mindfulness meditation sessions for high school students in New York City.

SIDDHI PATEL | Staff Writer scp389@nyu.edu Siddhi Patel is a freshman in the Applied Psychology program and part of the Pre-Health track. Currently she volunteers at Bergen Regional Medical center in the Emergency Department. She carries blood samples to the lab and retrieves medicine from the pharmacy. In addition, she works with the psychology department which consults and debriefs patients who are brought into the ER regarding drug and alcohol use, attempted suicide, and violent and aggressive behavior to those around them. She shadows doctors as they make their rounds in the ER and sees the process of questioning in order to formulate the correct diagnosis.

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HELENA WANG | Staff Writer helena.wang@nyu.edu Helena Wang is a junior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Sociology. She currently works as a research assistant at Professor Gorfrey and Professor Rezarta's Social intervention and Intergroup Relations Lab, mainly in charge of quantitative data analysis and literature review. She also works with Dr. Javdani's ROSES research team, studying the experiences and outcomes of adolescent girls involved in the juvenile legal system. She is also working on her indepedent research project under the mentorship of Dr. Godfrey, studying how White Americans' perceived warmth and competence of Asian Americans affect their sense of threat from Asian Americans. In the future, she hopes to utilize the research skills she learned in academia to solve more real world issues.

SOPHIA WANG | Staff Writer sophia.m.wang@nyu.edu Sophia Wang is a freshman in the Applied Psychology and Global Public health program with a minor in Web Development. She has been volunteering for the New York Boys and Girls Club and other non profit organizations that work to mitigate inequality in education opportunities. She hopes to combine her passion for graphic design and psychology to create content that has an impact.

Sophia is excited to see where the rest of her education takes her.

PAIGE ALENICK | Contributing Writer pa940@nyu.edu Paige Alenick is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program. She is a member of Dr. Erin Godfrey's Psychology of Social Intervention lab. Paige completed an honors thesis, under the mentorship of Dr. Godfrey, examining the influence of cultural socialization on Latino American early adolescents' beliefs about the value of education. She will be presenting her work at the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Research Conference. Upon graduating from NYU, Paige will be pursuing a PhD in Industrial Organizational Psychology from Baruch College.

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HANNAH EPHRAIM | Contributing Writer hye201@nyu.edu Hannah Ephraim is a junior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Creative Writing. She currently works on the Bellevue ROSE research team at NYU Langone as a prenatal educator and research assistant, studying the effectiveness of psychoeducation and interpersonal therapy on preventing postpartum depression. In the past she has worked as a research assistant at Massachusetts General Hospital studying the effect of intranasal oxytocin on postpartum depression. In the future she hopes to continue with research, focusing on the intersection of women's mental and physical health specifically within reproductive issues.

KRISTA MORGAN | Contributing Writer kmm913@nyu.edu Krista Morgan is a sophomore in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Sociology. She is currently serving her second year with Jumpstart NYU as an Americorps member working to close the education gap by providing language, literacy, and social-emotional programs to preschoolers in under-resourced communities. Over the summer, she will be continuing her work with Jumpstart and will work with the East Side Institute for Group and Short Term Psychotherapy in order to gain training in social therapy theory and practice. In the future, Krista hopes to pursue clinical psychology and plans to continue working with children.

REBEKAH MYERS | Contributing Writer rem464@nyu.edu Rebekah Myers is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program with a minor in Sociology. She is a member of the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development (L-FELD research team led by Dr. Gigliana Melzi and Dr. Adina Schick. Rebekah completed an honors thesis regarding the influence of teachers' perceptions on the development of preschoolers' beliefs about their competence under the mentorship of Dr. Schick, and presented this work at the 2017 Reid Undergraduate Psychology Conference at the University of Virginia.

After graduating from NYU, Rebekah will be attending the University of South Carolina to pursue a Master's of Social Work with a specialization in Military Social Work.

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ANGELA PAGE SPEARS | Contributing Writer aps443@nyu.edu Angela "Page" Spears is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology Program with a minor in American Sign Language. She is a research assistant on Dr. Anil Chacko's Families and Children Experiencing Success (FACES) lab at NYU. She completed her honors thesis on the effects of a neurocognitive training program (ACTIVATE) on ADHD symptoms, reading, and executive functions under the mentorship of Dr. Chacko. She presented a poster of her work at the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Research Conference and received the Undergraduate Applied Psychology Outstanding Research Contribution award.

Upon graduating from NYU, she will work at the VA Medical Center as a Research Assistant studying suicide prevention of veterans by employing their family members in treatment.

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