ATM Bulletin #18: Hanoi's Poor

The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin is a project sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation, New York, the Centre for Strategic Futures, Singapore and the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore. The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the Rockefeller Foundation and the Centre for Strategic Futures, Singapore.

The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin focuses on the analysis of pro-poor projects and innovative approaches that will contribute to alleviate poverty. The emphasis is put on identifying major trends for the poor in rural and urban areas, highlighting sustainable and scalable concepts, and analysing how these could impact the future of Asia’s well-being and future development.

The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin are designed to encourage dialogue and debate about critical issues that affect Asia’s ability to reduce poverty and increase awareness of the implications for pro-poor policy and policy development.

Disclaimer The opinions expressed in the Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin are those of the analysts and do not necessarily reflect those of the sponsor organisations.

Frequency The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin will be produced eight times a year and can be downloaded for free at http://www.asiantrendsmonitoring.com/downloads Principal Investigators Darryl S.L Jarvis Phua Kai Hong T S Gopi Rethinaraj Research Associates Johannes Loh Taufik Indrakesuma Nicola Pocock Production Chris Koh, Manager, Production & Research Dissemination Image credits, with thanks All the images in this issue were taken by the ATM team during their Hanoi trip of May 2012, except for the following images on: • this page and page 21, copyrighted by United Nations Photo • page 9 and 12, copyrighted by Padmanaba01 • page 14, copyrighted by Dave_B_ • page 15, copyrighted by din bcn • page 17, copyrighted by Roberto Vincitore Permission is granted to use portions of this work copyrighted by the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. Please acknowledge the source and email a copy of the book, periodical or electronic document in which the material appears to chris.k@nus.edu.sg or send to Chris Koh Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy 469C Bukit Timah Toad Singapore 259772

Hands of a Vietnamese woman making biomass briquettes

Contents Hanoi’s poor: how do we empower them?

3

Poverty and public services in rapidly growing Vietnam

4

Large-scale assistance through empowerment efforts

12

Future outlook: entrepreneurship among the urban poor in 2035

17

References

22

3

Hanoi’s poor: how do we empower them?

The Asian Trends Monitoring team continues its reporting on the state of urban poverty in Southeast Asia. After the first two issues on Jakarta and Manila, the team now releases a bulletin on a city that is markedly different from the first two: Hanoi, Vietnam.

Unlike the more developed economies of Indonesia and the Philippines, Vietnam is very much an economy in transition. With its recent rise into the cluster of middle income countries (countries with a GDP per capita of US$1,000 or more), Vietnam has an opportunity to adjust its growth strategy to become more inclusive and lift millions of its people out of poverty. One of the best places to start would be its capital city. Hanoi, unlike Jakarta and Manila, is not quite a megacity, but it is definitely heading in that direction. Thus, Hanoi must rethink its strategies and models for service provision in order to remain inclusive and accessible throughout this period of growth.

This issue of the Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin analyses the living conditions that Hanoi’s poor residents must contend with, and the services that are in place to assist them. More specifically, we look into the potential roles of empowerment strategies such as microfinance and social businesses as viable ways to close service gaps in cities like Hanoi.

This issue also features primary data from our Urban Poverty and

Small business owners like this require much training and assistance to become competitive

Service Provision dataset. The data we present will hopefully paint a clearer picture about the state of public services in the city, as well as which problems most urgently require solutions.

In the final part of this bulletin we provide four alternative future sce-

Suggested citation

narios for Hanoi 2035. Will the city choose a new direction and head towards “vibrant self-reliance” or will it end up in the “inevitable breakdown” scenario? Read about these and two more scenarios in the new future outlook section.

Throughout 2012 the team has conducted the survey in a total of four

When citing individual articles • Indrakesuma, T., & Loh, J. (2012). Poverty and public services in rapidly growing Vietnam. In Asian Trends Monitoring, Bulletin 18: Empowering Hanoi’s Poor

cities: Jakarta, Manila, Hanoi, and Vientiane. Future issues of the ATM Bulletin

(pp. 4-11). Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy,

will include cross-city comparisons in key areas such as health, water and

Singapore.

access to finance.

We invite you to share the ATM Bulletin with colleagues interested in pro-

When citing the entire bulletin • Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). Bulletin 18:

poor issues in Southeast Asia. The Bulletin is also available for download

Empowering Hanoi’s Poor. Lee Kuan Yew School of

at www.asiantrendsmonitoring.com/download, where you can subscribe

Public Policy, Singapore.

to future issues. We encourage you to regularly visit our website for more

When citing our survey data

updates and recent video uploads in our blog. Thank you again for supporting the ATM Bulletin, and as always, we gladly welcome your feedback.

• Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on urban poverty and service provision. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore.

Taufik Indrakesuma Johannes Loh

4

Poverty and public services in rapidly growing Vietnam

Indonesia and the Philippines. Reports about Vietnam’s progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) document tremendous achievements against the baseline data from 1990. Compared to all other ASEAN countries Vietnam’s poverty reduction record stands

by Taufik Indrakesuma & Johannes Loh

out—from a poverty rate of 58.1% in 1990, the country managed to lift millions of people out of poverty by 2008, which showed a rate of only 14.5%.4

Vietnam is the country with the highest urbani-

In Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines,

While progress on MDG 1 (Eradicating

sation rate in Southeast Asia—just a decade

agriculture accounts for 42%, 41% and 35%

extreme poverty and hunger) is focused mainly

ago only 24% of its population lived in cities,

of the total labour force, respectively. This

on income levels, “new forms of poverty” such

with 65% of the labour force employed in rural

means that their transitions into a service sec-

as urban slums and service deprivation repre-

agriculture. Today, already more than 30 mil-

tor-led economy are well ahead of Vietnam’s.

sent challenges that require targeted and cross-

lion people live in urban areas, accounting for

According to official statistics, Vietnam’s agri-

sector solutions. In light of the pace of urbanisa-

approximately 34% of Vietnam’s total popula-

culture sector still employs just over half of the

tion in Vietnam, specific interventions and solu-

tion. The country is witnessing a speedy prolifer-

total labour force.

tions to alleviate urban poverty will become

3

ation of urban areas, with the number of towns

Data from several reputable sources indi-

or cities at 755 and rising. Planners estimate that

cates that Vietnam has been successful in

The emerging trend of urban poverty

Vietnam’s cities will be home to more than 46

pairing economic development with poverty

has been neglected in transitional Vietnam.

million people by the year 2020.1 The largest of

alleviation in its growing urban areas. This is

Government programmes prioritise rural pov-

these cities, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, are the

evident from the progress in its Millennium

erty alleviation programmes, while city admin-

growth engines of the country, supported by

Development Goals and Human Development

istrations are more concerned with generat-

relatively low urban unemployment at 4.6%. In

Index indicators. For example, Vietnam’s provi-

ing and sustaining the booming economic

contrast, rural unemployment is reported to be

sion of improved water and sanitation sources

growth. But for the marginalised and vulner-

over 20%.

in urban areas compares favourably to its

able in Vietnam’s urban areas, problems of

“more developed” ASEAN neighbours such as

depressed housing conditions, poor water and

2

With its newly attained status as a middle

b

increasingly important.

income countrya and its ambitions to achieve higher levels of human development, the counTable 1. Access to improved water and sanitation in the urban areas of Indonesia, Philippines, Vietnam

try needs to address challenges in basic social service provision for both rural and urban populations. In particular, Vietnam will have to cope with rural-urban migration, a global megatrend

Urban Indonesia

Urban Philippines

Urban Vietnam

Improved water

89%

93%

99%

Improved sanitation

67%

80%

94%

Access to

that will continue to trouble city planners for the forseeable future. Many poor rural Vietnamese will try their luck in the thriving urban centres, perceiving them to be full of job opportunities for both skilled and unskilled workers. Urban planners need to find a way to accommodate

Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators and Global Development Finance Database (2010 data)

this influx of migrants and account for the fact that most of them are ill-equipped to participate in the urban economy.

Above US$1,000 GDP per capita

a

An improved drinking-water source is one that, by nature of its construction or through active intervention, is likely to be protected from outside contamination. An improved sanitation facility is one that hygienically separates human excreta from human contact.

b

5

sanitation facilities and health risks due to pol-

sample respondents from every third house or

the day, when most of the men are at work.

lution can have devastating impacts, if not dealt

shelter.

Heads of household and spouses comprised

with quickly.

The survey had a “perception of difficulties”

93% of respondents in total, with 171 and 153

section comprising ten categories, each to be

responses, respectively. The average age of

Service deprivation in Hanoi: evidence from the field

rated on a 5-point scale (from “easy” to “impossi-

these respondents was 47 years. The house-

ble/unable to do”). The survey results show that

holds had an average size of 4.02 members,

In order to assess the severity of the problems

the greatest self-reported challenges among

and migrant households accounted for 73.4%

that the urban poor face, the Asian Trends

the urban poor are “accessing health services”,

of the sample.5

Monitoring team conducted a survey among

“finding work opportunities”, “saving money”

It is striking how prominently so-called “new

Hanoi’s poor population between 18–24 May,

and “finding good schools” for their children

forms of poverty” feature among the major

2012. We collected a total of 351 responses

(see Figure 1). In each of these four categories

issues indicated by the survey respondents.

from four different neighbourhoods with the

more than 40% of respondents answered with

While income (reflected by the inability to save

help of 12 field interviewers from the Centre

very difficult or unable to do.

money) is represented in the top four issues,

for Studies and Applied Sciences in Gender in

Our sample included 225 women and 124

Hanoi. We used the random walk method to

men because the survey was conducted during

access to health services, education and finding employment are equally difficult.

Figure 1. Perception of difficulty among Hanoi’s poor

Source: Asian Trends Monitoring. (2012). A dataset on urban poverty and service provision.

Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore.

6

Figure 2. Life difficulty index, by the level of education obtained, as a percentage of maximum difficulty

As most of Hanoi’s poor are self-employed in the informal sector, they often require loans for working capital and consumption smoothing. Unfortunately, microfinance services in urban areas are rarely available. In urban areas there are two major players: the Vietnam Bank for the Poor and the Women’s Union. In order to get a loan from these organisations, a household needs to be listed on the Poor List.

In the case of the Women’s Union, an official membership is also required. Revolving funds and self-organised savings groups can only be run illegally, according to our NGO source.

Consequently, scaling and replication of those highly effective financial services remains blocked by law.

The survey data confirms the lack of choices when Hanoi’s poor are in need of credit. The overwhelming majority of respondents (73.9%) take private loans from relatives or friends. Even the services of informal money lenders, often the next most popular alternative when the formal financial system is inaccessible (compare this to ATM Bulletin 17 “Manila’s Poor”), are only

The ten categories presented in Figure 1

and micro-entrepreneurs, drawn from migrant

used by 7.8%.

were compiled into a “Life difficulty index”

populations, are faced with the daunting task of

The poor are also deprived when it comes

through direct summation. A breakdown by

commuting great distances from the city centre

to health services. If they are unable to afford

education group reveals large differences in

to their homes in the outskirts. A recent UNDP

health insurance at market rates, they are

perceived life difficulty across all levels of educa-

report euphemises the situation in stating that

forced to pay out-of-pocket for every treat-

tion (see Figure 2). However, group comparisons

“government policies and expenditure have,

ment. An ongoing commercialisation of health

are only significant between those with school-

at times, tended to prioritise achieving higher

services has further worsened the gap between

ing up to grade 9 and those with high school

rates of economic growth over broader human

the affluent and the poor. The UNDP Human

degrees or more.

development outcomes”.6

Development Report notes that attempts to

Life in the city is especially tough for

Based on the above findings, it is clear

ensure sustainability of social service funding

migrants. With no official residence in Hanoi,

that Hanoi’s development is not yet inclu-

have led “to the increasing commercialisation of

migrant households are categorically excluded

sive. The services available to Hanoi’s poor

public social services, and over-reliance on user

from the “poor list” of eligible recipients for gov-

are extremely limited and often inaccessible

fees by service delivery organisations”.7 As evi-

ernment services. This means no subsidies, no

to those most in need. Migrants and seasonal

dent in Figure 4, more than 50% of respondents

free healthcare, and no other form of govern-

workers, often among the city’s poorest resi-

have difficulties in paying for health treatments.

ment support for them. In fact, the city gov-

dents, are by default not eligible for the Poor

As a result, many choose to self-medicate or

ernment tries to avoid slum upgrading and fre-

List (see page 8, “The Poor List”) because they

leave their ailments untreated. Moreover, a third

quently raids illegal settlements, pushing the

are not official Hanoi residents. Furthermore,

(36%) of those who make use of locally available

poor beyond the city boundaries and out of

they are unable to access decent housing and

clinics are dissatisfied with the service quality

sight from the public. Thus, Hanoi’s labourers

financial services.

(see Figure 5).

7

Figure 3. Response to the question: Where do you primarily borrow money?

Figure 4. Response to the statement: I have enough money to pay for health services

Figure 5. Response to the statement: I receive good service at my local health centre

8

Several NGO representatives we interviewed in Vietnam confirmed the observation

“The Poor List”

that urban life has become more challenging due to rising food prices and costs of liv-

The Vietnam government’s provision of services for the poor utilises a targeting system

ing. Hong, born and educated in Hanoi, tells

based on household income levels. The Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs

us that “it takes a minimum of VND1,000,000”

(MOLISA) constructs the list of poor households based on a poverty line of VND653,000

(approximately US$50) for a person to survive

(US$32.65) per person per month in urban areas and below VND400,000 (US$20) in rural

for a month in Hanoi, while the current urban

areas (as of 2012)8, and household income is assessed based on household surveys and

poverty line is set at VND653,000 (US$32.65).11

community discussions. The list of poor households is updated annually.

From the perspective of the poor, government

9

In every interview regarding government services in Hanoi, our sources never failed

support is difficult to get and, when available,

to mention this infamous “poor list” and what they believed were its flaws. The main

remains limited. Moreover, the financial cri-

concern is that many consider the poverty line to be set unrealistically low. The "poor

sis has impacted assistance from overseas—

list" threshold of US$32.65 per month is barely above the US$1 per day poverty line

relatives and friends have lower savings and

used a decade ago. Locals argue that there are a large number of households that are

remittances have gone down. The crisis has

unable to meet their basic needs despite having a household income that is too high for

also impacted the local economy, drying up

poor list eligibility. The 2011 Human Development Report argues that Vietnam needs to

employment opportunities that were already

expand its coverage for social services in order to achieve higher levels of human devel-

quite scarce before the crisis.

opment. It states that the “the system of subsidies and benefits available to the poor and disadvantaged is not yet sufficient to ensure universal access to social services”.

10

One of the very few studies monitoring Vietnam’s urban poverty is led by ActionAid

The seemingly obvious solution to this flaw is to raise the threshold, granting more

and Oxfam. Through questionnaire-based

households access to government assistance. However, this solution entails either an

interviews, group discussions and in-depth

expansion of the government budget for poverty alleviation efforts or a smaller share of

interviews, their research team tried to deepen

the pie for each household. As government budgets are unlikely to grow so significantly,

their understanding of urban poverty and

the most likely outcome of expanding the “poor list” is that each household will receive

identify the most needed social services. The

reduced benefits, which can severely lessen the impact of the assistance on the whole.

study found that poor human resource quality,

Thus, a more sustainable solution would be for other organisations to step in and

an inability to find alternative livelihoods, and

cater to the other needs of the in-betweens—those too wealthy for Vietnam govern-

a lack of social capital are major disadvantages

ment assistance but still too poor to sustain a decent living. It is important to consider

for poor urban residents.12 The study’s results

that the “in-between” households have more resources at their disposal than the “poor

are very similar to what our interviewees on

list” households. They can be assisted in other targeted ways such as better employ-

the ground named as their major challenges.

ment opportunities or skills training, which are more viable for smaller organisations

According to the study, urban migrants face

compared to efforts like building free water pumps or free health clinics.

additional challenges such as limited access to public services, uncomfortable and unsafe living conditions, high costs of living, and lack of social integration.

Without a comprehensive social protection policy, this group of urban migrants and the next generation of urban poor could constitute a ticking time bomb for city planners. If the service gap keeps growing, it will further aggravate

A traditional market in Hanoi.

the social and economic inequality in Vietnam’s cities and become a major threat to social and political stability.

9

Hanoi street vendors sell meat in the open.

Migrants versus residents: yet another disparity?

A comparison between rural-urban migrants and established Hanoi residents shows large differences in perceptions of difficulty.13 The migrant group rates access to a number of services as significantly more difficult than the resident group. Clean water is perceived as very difficult to access by 28% of the migrant group compared to only 8% of the residents (See Figure 6). One possible explanation would be that the “residents� were settled at a time when the city was less crowded, enabling them to live close to clean water sources.

Differences in access to modern health services are less pronounced, but follow the same pattern. Once again, the migrant group has a significantly more difficult time gaining access to modern health treatments than the resident group (See Figure 7).

Figure 6. Ease of access to clean water

10

Figure 7. Ease of access to modern health treatments

Figure 8. Ease of access to toilets

Figure 9. Ease of finding good schools for children

11

Trash collection, a livelihood of last resort

Hanh’s family acts as a “distributor” in the middle of the supply chain for recyclable goods. Rather than collect the garbage directly,

The team travelled to the Nam Son landfill and solid waste treat-

the family buys plastic bags, old clothes and sometimes human hair

ment in Soc Son, Northern Hanoi. The main purpose of the visit

from other collectors. Subsequently, they clean and dry the mate-

was to interview trash pickers earning their living at the landfill.

rial and resell it to larger recycling operators. This unique position

However, at the time of our visit, the landfill was not open to the

means that Hanh’s family members are not put at risk of physical

trash collectors, as they are only allowed in the area very early in the

harm from being in the landfill, making them better off than the

morning, before the garbage trucks arrive. This is one of the major

families who collect trash directly.

differences when compared to Jakarta’s Bekasi landfill or Manila’s

However, being part of a long, inefficient supply chain also

harbour landfill. The operator’s strict rules significantly reduce the

means that profit margins for the family remain small. Hanh’s

danger for trash pickers in the vicinity of the trucks, dumping fresh

monthly household income is about VND3,000,000–4,000,000

garbage. In Jakarta and Manila, the most profitable items can only

(approximately US$144–191) which translates into less than US$1.30

be snatched away while the trucks are still unloading and thus the

per person per day. Consequently, they have no safety cushion in

work has to be done precariously close to the moving trucks.

cases of medical emergencies, and even the school fees for their

We interviewed a family who has earned their living in the “recy-

children are a big burden. To make matters worse, their income level

cling” business for the past thirteen years. Hanh, her husband and

is deemed “too rich” for government assistance, and when we asked

their three kids live in a village of about 500 people. Their home is a

them about NGOs in their area, we drew only blank looks.

simple housing complex with five families, each owning their own

The family would like to scale its business and open a grocery

room and a shared outdoor toilet. Even though their area is con-

store, but the loan conditions are not worth the risk. While the bank

nected to the water network, the pipe ends at the main road a few

asks for collateral which they do not have, the loan shark (usually

hundred metres away. So, they built a community well.

one of the local brick producers) asks for outrageous interest rates.

Rice farming used to contribute about 50% of their monthly income. However, a few years ago, one family started a brickmak-

They are left with no real alternatives aside from saving up little by little from their recycling activities.

ing business that was so profitable that most other families followed

Having seen inspiring examples of social businesses based in

suit. The resulting boom in the number of brickmaking ovens com-

trash-picker communities in Manila and Jakarta, we are left wonder-

pletely dried up and damaged the soil, rendering it unusable for

ing what it would take to mobilise Nam Son’s villagers to get started

commercial farming. Today, they can only use the land for subsis-

and gain access to access to markets for products from recycled

tence farming, leaving the landfill as their only source of income.

materials.

With regards to accessing sanitation facili-

are discriminated against when applying for

The results from these four categories are a

ties, 14% in the migrant group have expressed

schools. 15% more migrants than residents rate

clear indication that exclusion from basic facili-

difficulty compared to only 4% in the resi-

it as very difficult to find good schools for their

ties and services is more severe for rural-urban

dent group. This discrepancy becomes more

children. One of our interviewees pointed out

migrants. Interestingly, the questions on work

pronounced when we look at the other end

that it is not uncommon to pay bribes upwards

opportunities and regular savings do not show

of the spectrum, where 92% of the residents

of a couple of hundred US dollars to “buy”

significant differences between these two

found accessing sanitation facilities to be easy

admission to decent primary schools. If it is

groups. From the survey results, it appears that

or fairly easy, as opposed to only 69% in the

true that migrants, on average, earn less than

finding work and saving money is equally diffi-

migrant group.

the longer established urban populace, ability

cult for both migrants and Hanoi residents,

to pay this expensive bribe could explain the

regardless of how long they have been living in

results (See Figure 9).

the city.

By just looking at the data, one could get the impression that migrant children

12

Stuck in Hanoi.

Large-scale assistance through empowerment efforts

sizeable expenditures for human resources.

These expenditures will only get larger with time, due to the anticipated growth in the number of poor urban residents.

Thus, NGOs working in Hanoi are faced with two choices: be content with providing services

by Taufik Indrakesuma & Johannes Loh

to a limited number of people (perhaps one neighbourhood or ward), or adopt a different strategy that can be scaled up while retaining financial sustainability. Two such strategies that have found success in other cities are social busi-

In cities where government services are inacces-

Additionally, the evidence from the field in

sible for the poor, NGOs would typically step up

Jakarta and Manila suggests that these small

nesses and microfinance.

Before discussing the details of these strate-

and act as a substitute provider for the people.

NGOs that engage directly with the commu-

gies, it is important to note their common char-

However, in a city like Hanoi the service gaps are

nities are more successful than large NGOs

acteristics that may have contributed to their

so large that direct provision from NGOs is not

that adopt the “assistance from above� pro-

success. First, both of these strategies focus

a viable alternative. Most pro-poor NGOs are

vision models of the government. However,

on empowerment rather than direct provi-

small and have limited resources, meaning that

mimicking the direct engagement service

sion of services. Although building clinics and

they can only serve one community at a time.

model on a larger scale is difficult and requires

schools for the poor can be effective at times,

13

The micro-entrepreneurs of Hoan Kiem Lake From a quick walk around Hanoi’s popular tourist areas, the tourismrelated economic activity is striking. Souvenir shops, restaurants,

This old man makes US$2 a day selling toys.

cafes, and hotels have popped up almost everywhere to accommodate the increasing numbers of tourists. However, these businesses generally require a significant amount of capital to set up; their business models have only limited benefits for the poor. Microentrepreneurs with access to small amounts of capital to support their endeavours have not been able to capitalise on this growing tourist market.

The team interviewed a number of micro-entrepreneurs who worked around Hoan Kiem Lake, a popular tourist spot in Hanoi.

We wanted to know how their businesses have fared in the last few years, when Hanoi’s tourism sector grew significantly.

Our first interview was with a rickshaw driver, who moved to Hanoi 21 years ago and has worked as a rickshaw driver ever since.

These anecdotes are examples that Hanoi’s micro-entrepreneurs

Over that time, he has seen a shift in how his services are used.

need assistance. The rickshaw drivers, toy sellers, and food vendors

Initially, rickshaws were a primary method of transport, which

of Hoan Kiem Lake are stuck with the same jobs and/or business

meant that his services were in demand and his income was high.

models as ten years ago. A lack of capital limits their ability to adapt

Then, motor vehicles grew quickly in popularity and rendered rick-

to the changing markets and adjust their services accordingly.

shaws obsolete, except as a tourist attraction. However, the recent

Microfinance may be the best way to provide this helping hand.

growth in tourism has not translated to increased earnings for rick-

Having some extra capital will allow rickshaw drivers to set up a

shaw drivers. “We’re just not popular anymore,” our interviewee

proper tour guide business using their rickshaws or to switch to

said. When asked whether the government has attempted to pro-

a motorcycle taxi service. The same applies to food vendors who

mote rickshaws as a tourist attraction and help improve their condi-

would be able to clean and upgrade their stalls to make them more

tions, he answered, “No. Why would they?”

attractive to foreign tourists.

Other vendors around the area felt the same way. A woman who

However, it would be wrong to perceive these micro-entrepre-

sold Vietnamese cakes shared, “I usually don’t get many foreign

neurs simply as people who need handouts. These small-scale busi-

customers, only locals. The foreigners don’t want to try my cakes.”

nesses have potential for untapped profits, due to the aforemen-

Our interpreter added that foreigners are generally unwilling to buy

tioned rapid growth of Hanoi’s tourism industry. Thus, microfinance

food from street-side vendors because of hygiene concerns. This has

institutions would not just be filling a gap in service provision and

left many small-scale food sellers unable to tap into the growing

helping to lift communities out of poverty—they would be tapping

tourist market.

into a profitable market as well.

it also requires a constant stream of resource

and microfinance institutions choose instead to

existing services, without depending on hand-

to be poured in. This means that the services

provide the poor with jobs or the capital to start

outs from the providing organisations.

are often at the mercy of donor funding and

their own businesses. The resulting improve-

Secondly, both of these strategies are finan-

will have to cease operations when the money

ments in household income will, in the long run,

cially sustainable because they are run on a for-

runs out. On the other hand, social businesses

enable the beneficiaries to access and pay for

profit basis. Social businesses and microfinance

14

organisations are both strategies that seek a return on investment. Successful social busi-

A tough life hidden from view

nesses are profitable enough to be able to employ workers at fair wages, while microfinance

Ngoc is a 54-year lady who runs a micro-business in Hanoi. She runs a “shop on wheels”,

organisations establish good rapport with local

a bicycle used as a pushcart packed with second-hand clothes, household linens, and

communities and generally keep non-perform-

other assorted trinkets. She is also a seasonal migrant—for three months in a year, she is

ing loans to a minimum. This element of financial

a farmer, and for the other nine months, she becomes part of Hanoi’s poor population.

sustainability allows the organisations to expand

She is a registered resident in a village 60km outside of Hanoi, but moved to the city

their services both in reach and in duration.

looking for opportunities to earn additional money. Her family barely owns enough land to feed themselves and their children dropped out of high school to contribute as bread-winners.

Effective empowerment through social business

When Ngoc came to Hanoi (alone, as the rest of her family chose to remain in the

Social business is a development buzzword that

village), she did not know anyone and came with little money, barely enough to start

has grown in popularity in recent years. The con-

a business. Luckily, she was able to find a group of migrants who came from the same

cept and term were popularised by Muhammad

province. This gave her both companionship in the city and a way to communicate with

Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and founder

her family back home. Since she cannot afford a mobile phone, she has to rely on people

of the Grameen Bank. Loosely defined, any pri-

travelling through her village to relay news to and from her family.

vate entreprise with poverty alleviation as one

Because she returns to her home during harvest season, she needed a business with

of its objectives can be considered a social busi-

non-perishable goods and low investment costs. Without the skills to secure a job in a

ness. A more specific definition given by Yunus

factory, she settled for trading and selling second-hand clothes from a bicycle. “I know

involves his seven principles14:

my business is not very profitable,” says Ngoc, “but it’s still better than in my village,

• [the] business objective will be to over-

where I have no work for most of the year”. She earns about US$1 on bad days and

come poverty, or one or more prob-

maybe US$2.50 on good days. However, half of her profits go for the rent (US$25 per

lems (such as education, health, tech-

month) of her sleeping place. After factoring in other costs of living, there isn’t much

nology access, and environment) which

money left to be sent back home.

threaten people and society, not profit

This situation is typical for thousands of poor people in Hanoi: little working capital, no access to finance, no access to subsidised public services due to non-eligibility, and poor health due to their living conditions with bad or little sanitation facilities. Ngoc’s case illustrates how Vietnam’s city planners need to rethink their approach to public service provision for the urban poor.

maximisation; • [the business is] financially and economically sustainable; • investors get back their investment amount only, [without dividends] given beyond investment money; • when investment amount is paid back,

Life is tough for Hanoi's street hawkers.

company profit stays with the company for expansion and improvement; • [the business is] environmentally conscious; • workforce gets market wage with better working conditions; and • do it with joy.

Social businesses tend to achieve their social objectives in two main ways. Some social businesses help the poor by providing goods or services at affordable prices. Some notable examples around the world include

15

A river hawker displays her merchandise in Halong Bay .

Grameen Danone, a joint venture between

However, it is worth noting that despite all

only be demanded by households or individu-

Grameen and DANONE to market cheap, nutri-

of its positive impacts, Grameen Danone and

als that are poor. However, inferior goods lead to

tious yogurt (called Shokti+) to solve child

other similar social businesses require large ini-

smaller benefits, as well as negative side-effects

malnutrition in Bangladesh. The product was

tial capital investments, and can take much lon-

on the target communities such as shame

developed to meet child nutritional require-

ger than conventional business models to reach

and resentment. In this case, social businesses

ments and was marketed at 6 Bangladeshi

the break-even point (in the case of Grameen

become better providers than government

Taka (~US$0.07) for a 60g cup in rural areas and

DANONE, it does not foresee reaching full

agencies, provided a committed entrepreneur

12 Taka (~US$0.14) for a 80g cup in urban areas.

repayment even by 2015, or ten years of opera-

and an investor can be found to fill a particular

Due to its affordability and nutritional content,

tion). Thus, this particular model of social busi-

service gap.

the product grew popular very quickly, with a

ness can run into the same financial constraints

The other way in which social businesses

sales level of 95,000 cups per day in April 2010.

that limit the reach and impact of traditional

can help the poor is through involvement of

A report released in May 2010 detailed the

NGO provision schemes.

the poor and unskilled in the production side.

following social and economic impact of the

One final point to consider about social busi-

This can be through ownership by the poor, fair

nesses is the quality of the products. The goods

employment of the poor, or cooperation with

• 1-out-of-4 children in the marketed areas

and services should be able to improve the cus-

other poor-owned businesses. In the previous

eats at least one cup of Shokti+ per week;

tomers’ lives, and should thus be of a reason-

example of Grameen Danone in Bangladesh, the

• 700 door-to-door sales ladies are get-

ably high quality. This is in stark contrast to the

company not only produces goods that benefit

ting additional income of 50-100 Taka

typical government service provision model,

the poor, it also employs poor rural women as

(US$0.60–1.20) per day; and

venture : 15

especially programmes that use self-targeting

door-to-door salesmen with fair compensation

• 370 micro-farmers are also adding 40%

schemes. Self-targeted programmes attempt

and buys its ingredients from local micro-farm-

to their daily income from selling to

to circumvent the time-consuming process of

ers at higher than market prices.

the Grameen Danone production plant

identifying beneficiaries by providing goods

In Hanoi, poor and unskilled workers do not

instead of going to the market.

and services of an inferior quality that would

have much bargaining power and are typically

16

KOTO: the right model at the right time

During this time, KOTO also provides accommodation, meals, and routine health check-ups.

To some, KOTO (visit the website at www.koto.com.au) is just a

After the training programme, graduates can either work at the

fancy restaurant in Hanoi with good food, a good atmosphere, and

KOTO restaurants in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City or find a hospi-

a friendly service staff. However, to many of its service staff as well

tality job with other organisations in Vietnam’s major cities. Most

as the poor communities around Hanoi, KOTO represents an oppor-

KOTO graduates manage to secure trainee positions in established

tunity to escape poverty and achieve a better life.

businesses in Vietnam, but also abroad. More recently, KOTO has

Founded by Vietnamese-Australian Jimmy Pham in the late 1990s, KOTO (which stands for Know One, Teach One) is one of the big suc-

secured partnerships with hotels, resorts, and restaurants around the world, giving its graduates even more lucrative opportunities.

cess stories among Hanoi’s social businesses. The success of its model

Part of the success of the business model can be attributed to the

has inspired imitations in recent years such as STREAT in Melbourne16.

growth of the hospitality industry in Vietnam’s urban areas. There is a

The way in which this restaurant achieves its social objective of

significant growth in the tourism sector, which means that new hotels

poverty alleviation is by training and employing street children and

and restaurants will be in need of a larger number of workers. KOTO

other poor youths from the surrounding communities. Their web-

succeeds because it fills that labour demand gap successfully by sup-

site states:

plying highly trained workers. This leads to organisations being more likely to invest or donate money into the KOTO training programme,

“Every six months KOTO recruits up to 30 street or disadvantaged youth aged 16–22 coming from difficult life

which will make the operations more sustainable in the long run.

The other part of KOTO’s success as a social business is that its

circumstances. These include poverty, abandonment,

model truly helps households at the bottom of the pyramid. Aside

orphans, abuse, youth involved in exploitative employ-

from providing its beneficiaries with the short run improvements

ment, neglect, conflict with the law, parents with addic-

in health care and nutrition, KOTO also equips them with the tools

tions, parents with mental health problems and a range

to thrive in an increasingly competitive urban economy. As a

of other troubled backgrounds.”17

result, the expected earnings of KOTO graduates should be enough to support their families and allow them to escape pov-

Successful applicants are then enrolled in a 24-month training

erty. In the long run, this has a much larger and more sustainable

programme which includes extensive training for the hospitality

impact than government subsidies for food, healthcare, or educa-

industry as well as English, computer literacy, and other life skills.

tion ever could.

employed under bad conditions and with mini-

Aside from KOTO and its model of employing

artisans to sell their handicrafts to the modern

mal compensation. Social businesses can fulfill

poor youths, there are also some organisations

market by developing new skills and production

their social objective by choosing to pay fair

that work with existing small businesses to

techniques, designing new products, and using

wages that are sufficient for fulfilling the work-

enhance their profitability and reach. One exam-

modern marketing techniques. The training and

ers’ needs. Additionally, the entreprises can go

ple is Craft Linkc, an organisation that works with

other assistance programmes are fully funded by

even further and empower their employees

traditional craft artisans in Hanoi and rural

the main business of selling the handicrafts,

through education and skills training. One nota-

Vietnam. Craft Link fulfils their social objective by

both locally and internationally. Craft Link’s

ble example that the team found during the visit

assisting these poor communities that have trou-

activities count as an effective form of empower-

was KOTO, a restaurant that employs poor street

ble adapting to Vietnam’s rapid economic

ment because the knowledge transfer will make

children and also gives them formal training in

growth and modernisation. It trys to help these

the artisan communities more resilient and

the hospitality industry. (See page 16, KOTO: the right model at the right time)

For more information about Craft Link, visit their website at www.craftlink.com.vn

c

adaptable to future changes in the Vietnamese and world markets for handicrafts.

17

A much-needed break from a hard day's work.

Future outlook: entrepreneurship among the urban poor in 2035

criteria for government benefits are short-term strategies to drive people away from Hanoi, but these disincentives are no match for what the city has to offer.

In order to equip planners with a framework to base their policy design, we have developed four alternative futures for Hanoi. They are centered along two critical junctures: • pace of rural-urban migration and its con-

by Taufik Indrakesuma & Johannes Loh

sequences for urban infrastructures; and • service delivery method for the urban poor.

Both of these issues were discussed at length in previous sections of this bulletin. The combination of those critical junctures produces the

The Vietnamese capital is undergoing several

The ATM survey indicates that health ser-

following four alternative futures (See Figure 10).

drastic changes. The city’s look and feel are

vices, good schools, work opportunities, and

To simplify the comparison of the alternative

changing, and the city’s inhabitants have evolved

financial services are the most critical unmet

futures, three criteria will be used to evaluate

their preferences and demands. This presents

needs of the poor. Finding solutions is especially

the different outcomes:

new risks and challenges that policy makers must

urgent due to the population pressures caused

• pace of economic growth;

juggle. Thus, the kind of choices that city plan-

by growing share of rural-urban migrants try-

• inclusiveness of the economy for the low-

ners take will heavily influence Hanoi’s aspiration

ing their luck in the “big city”. Current strategies

as a modern and inclusive metropolis.

will fail: slum clearing and restrictive eligibility

est income groups; and • quality of life of the lowest income groups.

18

Figure 10. Which future to choose? Hanoi in 2035‌

Pace of economic growth

Inclusiveness

Quality of life for the lowest income group

A development model focused on maximum

In the context of improving livelihoods for the

Living conditions for the urban poor in rap-

productivity and rapid GDP growth often results

urban poor, the inclusiveness of the economy

idly growing megacities in developing coun-

in unwanted externalities such as higher social

for the lowest income groups is crucial. They

tries are harsh. Entrenched historical patterns

and economic inequality, environmental degra-

need to have a support structure for business

show high degrees of service exclusion and

dation or resource exploitation. Choosing more

development and sufficient training and job

much lower levels of human development,

inclusive alternatives can, but does not have to

opportunities in order to lift themselves out

particularly in urban slums. This criterion is

slow down economic growth. Therefore, it is an

of poverty. Historical experiences show that

linked to and complements the inclusiveness

important criterion when reflecting on future

relying on the “trickling-down theory� will not

criterion, but will be affected by different sets

policy measures.

work.

of policy measures.

19

Scenario 1: Controlled and inclusive growth

Scenario 2: Vibrant self-reliance

A decelerated pace of rural-urban migration would allow

In this future, the city planners embrace both trends. Planners

urban infrastructure to catch up with population levels.

see rapid rural-urban migration as a chance to transform their

Additionally, a concerted empowerment strategy would

city into a vibrant marketplace and an engine of economic

enable the poor to participate in turning Hanoi into a dynamic

growth. Public institutions realise the need to respond to

metropolis. The city would have a vibrant economy with

the urban poor’s needs while minimising the risk of depen-

micro-entrepreneurs competing alongside big businesses.

dency. Extensive programmes to facilitate social integration

A mix of government and NGO-run training centres would

of rural-urban migrants into Hanoi’s economy and broad-

ensure that micro-entrepreneurs learned the necessary skills

based support for initiatives to train and work with the poor

to develop their businesses. A controlled population level

will be put into place. The city’s growth strategy will be based

leads to manageable competition and bigger profit-margins

on start-ups, social entreprises and a diverse range of afford-

for small businesses such as street-vendors, kiosk owners and

able or free training opportunities for Hanoi’s poor. Rather

tuktuk drivers. Access to practical training, even for those with

than providing hand-outs, the support for the urban poor

only limited schooling, would improve job opportunities for

will be focused on enhancing productivity and self-reliance.

the lowest income groups. With the ability to afford basic ser-

While slums and poor living conditions are likely to occur in

vices, these groups would achieve better social integration

the short term, over time they will organically improve due to

and higher social capital in their neighbourhoods.

the increased income levels of the poor. Quality of life would

The “poor” would enjoy good levels of inclusion, socially

be slightly lower due to effects of crowding, pollution and dif-

as well as economically. However, these benefits come at the

ficult living conditions, but improvements will come as the

cost of excluding a number of would-be migrants that will be

infrastructure catches up with population trends.

denied entry to control population levels. Also, the required policy adjustments would also slow down economic growth due to the shift away from a strict GDP growth target.

Policy measures In order to shift the entrenched historical pattern—poor service delivery, high social exclusion and lack of opportunities for

Policy measures

the urban poor—towards a scenario of vibrant self-reliance,

This alternative future requires a way to harness and control

Hanoi’s policy makers must step into uncharted territory, as

the trend of rapid urbanisation, which is not an easy feat. One

this model in its entirety has never been seen before.

policy, already in place in Laos, is creating secondary cities in

Planners must improve the business environment for

other parts of the country to draw attention away from major

SMEs and micro-entrepreneurs, representing a significant

capitals. Policy reforms to attract businesses to small towns,

shift from the dominant paradigm of economic growth led by

as well as investments in infrastructure in underdeveloped

big businesses. This may antagonise big businesses to some

areas, could support this move.

extent, so the political fallout must also be addressed.

This future also requires extensive investment into skills

Empowering the lower income groups towards self-reli-

training and capacity building for the urban poor in addition

ance is neither cheap nor easy, since it would require setting

to creating a supportive business environment for Small- and

up and scaling training opportunities and inviting social busi-

Medium-sized Entreprises (SMEs). For successful examples in

nesses to employ large numbers of new migrants. This aspect

these massive skills training programmes, planners can draw

of the plan can emulate the Bangladesh model, where social

inspiration from the workfare and retraining programmes in

businesses are thriving and are a large source of employment

the USA and European welfare states.

for the poor.

20

Scenario 3: Improvement through exclusion

Scenario 4: Inevitable breakdown

The third scenario sees rural-urban migration slowing down

The final scenario comes into effect if rapid urbanisation con-

through policies of control and exclusion. This would increase

tinues and the government continues its traditional approach

the quality of life for Hanoi’s established residents, due to a

of service provision in Hanoi. This is a ‘business-as-usual’ and

preservation of population density and lower competition over

‘do nothing new’ scenario which underscores the unsustain-

scarce resources. However, this will further maarginalise the

ability of present policies in the context of key trends, issues

urban poor. The deficits in service provision would be tackled

and trajectories. Existing challenges such as poor urban liv-

through extensive direct service provision and social welfare

ing conditions, service deprivation and economic exclusion

programmes. There would be an expansion of government

would worsen over time as the infrastructure development

services such as water, health care and electricity, both in quan-

struggles to keep pace with the rising population. Frequent

tity and quality, with NGOs providing services to the remain-

bottlenecks and breakdown of infrastructure in the transport,

ing gaps. In the short run, this would result in quality of life

health, sanitation, and education sectors would drive a shift

improvements for all of Hanoi, especially the poor. However,

towards private service provision reserved for the affluent res-

preserving these outcomes puts a strain on public budgets.

idents of Hanoi. Living conditions in poorer neighbourhoods

Overall, the quality of life would be acceptable for the

would worsen and slum-like settlements would form. Public

lower income groups. Although Hanoi’s poor would be able

services available to the poor would be difficult to access and

to survive off these services, they would still experience social

mostly of low quality due to overcrowding effects.

exclusion, a growing dependency on the government, and no

Overall, the quality of life would be low across different

real prospects of improving their livelihoods. A comprehen-

income groups, even for the more affluent due to bottlenecks

sive social protection system cushions some of the negative

in transport, higher pollution and increasing crime rates.

impacts, but would not address the issue of rising social and

The city would become more and more divided, economi-

economic inequality over the long run. Finally, with a priority

cally, politically and socially. In the medium run, the econ-

on big businesses and the traditional economic development

omy would enjoy high growth rates, but eventually issues

model, economic growth would be high, but would not be

with infrastructure would negatively affect the city’s growth

inclusive and would result in social stratification.

potential. In essence, this scenario is the current condition of most poorly-planned megacities such as Mexico City, Jakarta,

Policy measures

and Manila.

This model of development resembles the China model for rapid growth. Rural-urban migration would be discouraged with tight eligibility criteria and bureaucratic hurdles to settle within the city boundaries. The China example, however, shows that there is the risk of creating a large class of illegal migrants.

The economic approach would continue to focus on large scale investments and a favourable environment for big businesses. The government would be willing to invest into direct service provision and improve access and quality for those falling under the eligibility criteria.

Policy measures The government will continue to push for urban modernisation, often at the expense of the less educated and marginalised urban constituencies. Crowding effects will be addressed “after-the-fact” in a reactionary way through slum clearance and gentrification. Service provision will shift towards further commercialisation leaving the less prosperous with insufficient low quality service infrastructure in a city bursting from its seems.

21

Urban slums in Hanoi, a challenge for city planners.

Towards a desirable outcome It is clear that planners are under immense pressure to make decisions that could change the current trajectory of Hanoi’s development. Of these four scenarios, only one scenario is clearly undesirable: the breakdown scenario. The other three scenarios have their own merits and weaknesses. “Controlled, inclusive growth” dampens the growth potential of the city, “vibrant self-reliance” requires the most effort from the part of the government, while “improvement through exclusion” can be politically complex.

Choosing between these scenarios requires extensive dialogue and strategic cooperation with the relevant stakeholders, including the poor. Unfortunately, the voices of the urban poor are usually among the least prominent in the discourse over choosing future development paths.

We hope that these scenarios will inform the public and initiate new dialogue on which future Hanoi’s policymakers and inhabitants envision and seek to realise for themselves.

22

References 1. Vietnam Investment Review (2006, March 15). “Planners dig themselves out of a hole”. Accessed July 3, 2012 from http://www.intellasia.net/ planners-dig-themselves-out-of-a-hole-59400.

16. Moonee Valley Weekly. Flemington café gives hope for the homeless. http:// www.mooneevalleyweekly.com.au/news/local/news/general/flemingtoncafe-gives-hope-for-the-homeless/2585581.aspx

2. Giang, T. (2012, April 14). Poverty Deduction Remains a Daunting Challenge.

Saigon Times. Accessed July 10, 2012 from Factiva Inc.

17. KOTO. KOTO Programmes. https://www.koto.com.au/vietnam-charity/ koto-programmes (Accessed on July 9, 2012).

3. World Bank (2006). Employment in agriculture (% of total employment).

World Development Indicators Database. World Bank.

4. UN Vietnam (2008). Achieving the MDGs with Equity. MGD 1 Progress Report.

5. Asian Trends Monitoring. (2012). A dataset on urban poverty and service provision. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore.

6. UNDP Vietnam (2012). Social Services for Human Development. Vietnam Human Development Report 2011. United Nations Development Programme, p.2.

7. UNDP Vietnam (2012). Social Services for Human Development. Vietnam Human Development Report 2011. United Nations Development Programme, p.4.

8. Vietnam News Brief Service (June 20, 2012). Society: Vietnam Poverty Rate 2012 Likely at 20.7% on New Standards: WB. Accessed July 17, 2012 from Factiva Inc. 9. ASEAN Secretariat & World Bank (2009). The country report of the ASEAN assessment on the social impact of the global financial crisis: Viet Nam. 10. UNDP Vietnam (2012). Social Services for Human Development. Vietnam Human Development Report 2011. United Nations Development Programme, p.4.

11. Vietnam News Brief Service (June 20, 2012). Society: Vietnam Poverty Rate 2012 Likely at 20.7% on New Standards: WB. Accessed July 17, 2012 from Factiva Inc. 12. Action Aid (2011). Participatory Monitoring of Urban Poverty in Vietnam – Fourth Round Synthesis Report 2011. A study by ActionAid and Oxfam.

13. We use the 10 year mark to differentiate between “recent migrants” and “established residents” 14. Retrieved and paraphrased from www.yunuscentre.org 15. Yunus, M. (May 2010). Grameen Danone Foods Ltd., a Social Business in Bangladesh. Retrieved July 13, 2012 from http://www.muhammadyunus. org/images/stories/in_the_media/GDFL_BP_210510.pdf

23

24

Principal Investigators

Research Associates

Darryl Jarvis is an Associate Professor at the LKY School

Johannes Loh is working as a Research Associate at the

of Public Policy. He specialises in risk analysis and the

Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He holds a Master’s

study of political and economic risk in Asia, including

degree in Public Policy from the Hertie School of Public

investment, regulatory and institutional risk analysis. He

Policy in Berlin, and a Bachelor of Arts in Integrated

is an author and editor of several books and has con-

Social Science from Jacobs University Bremen. His previ-

tributed articles to leading international journals. He has

ous research experience includes aid governance, visual

been a consultant to various government bodies and

political communication and public sector reform in

business organisations and for two years was a member

developing countries. Prior to joining the Lee Kuan Yew

of the investigating team and then chief researcher on

School of Public Policy he has also worked for the United

the Building Institutional Capacity in Asia project commissioned by the Ministry of

Nations Environment Programme in Geneva, Transparency International Nepal, and

Finance, Japan. His current research is a large cross-national study of risk causality

the Centre on Asia and Globalization in Singapore. His email is johannes.loh@nus.

in four of Asia’s most dynamic industry sectors. He teaches courses on risk analysis,

edu.sg and you can follow his updates on trends in pro-poor policies in the region on

markets and international governance and international political economy. His email

Twitter @AsianTrendsMon.

is darryl.jarvis@nus.edu.sg Phua Kai Hong is a tenured professor at the LKY School

Nicola Pocock is a research associate at the LKY School of

of Public Policy and formerly held a joint appointment as

Public Policy. She is also the research manager at aidha,

Associate Professor and Head, Health Services Research

a non profit financial education and entrepreneurship

Unit in the Faculty of Medicine. He is frequently con-

training school for migrant women, especially domes-

sulted by governments within the region and interna-

tic workers, in Singapore. She holds a BA from Warwick

tional organisations, including the Red Cross, UNESCAP,

University and an MSc from Kings College London. Prior

WHO and World Bank. He has lectured and published

to joining the LKY School of Public Policy, she interned

widely on policy issues of population aging, health-

as a Fast stream trainee in the UK civil service at the

care management and comparative health systems in

Home Office and as a research volunteer at Amnesty

the emerging economies of Asia. He is the current Chair of the Asia-Pacific Health

International. Nicola has also carried out social work in Marseille, France as a European

Economics Network (APHEN), founder member of the Asian Health Systems Reform

Union sponsored youth volunteer. Her research interests span health and social policy,

Network (DRAGONET), Editorial Advisory Board Member of Research in Healthcare

health systems financing, social impact assessment, gender, migration and financial

Financial Management and an Associate Editor of the Singapore Economic Review.

behaviours. Her email is sppnp@nus.edu.sg and you can follow his updates on trends

His email address is spppkh@nus.edu.sg

in pro-poor policies in the region on Twitter @AsianTrendsMon #health

T S Gopi Rethinaraj joined the Lee Kuan Yew School

Taufik Indrakesuma is a research associate at the Lee

of Public Policy as Assistant Professor in July 2005.

Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He is a recent gradu-

He received his PhD in nuclear engineering from the

ate of the Master in Public Policy programme at the

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Before

Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He also holds a

coming to Singapore, he was involved in research and

Bachelor in Economics degree from the University of

teaching activities at the Programme in Arms Control,

Indonesia, specialising in environmental economics.

Disarmament and International Security, a multi-disciplin-

Taufik has previously worked as a Programme Manager

ary teaching and research programme at Illinois devoted

at the Association for Critical Thinking, an NGO dedicated

to military and non-military security policy issues. His

to proliferating critical thinking and human rights aware-

doctoral dissertation, “Modeling Global and Regional Energy Futures,” explored the

ness in the Indonesian education system. His research interests include behavioural

intersection between energy econometrics, climate policy and nuclear energy futures.

economics, energy policy, climate change mitigation and adaptation as well as urban

He also worked as a science reporter for the Mumbai edition of The Indian Express

development policy. His email is taufik.i@nus.edu.sg

from 1995 to 1999, and has written on science, technology, and security issues for various Indian and British publications. In 1999, he received a visiting fellowship from the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Chicago, for the investigative reporting on South Asian nuclear security. His current teaching and research interests include energy security, climate policy, energy technology assessment, nuclear fuel cycle policies and international security. He is completing a major research monograph "Historical Energy Statistics: Global, Regional, and National Trends since Industrialisation" to be published in Summer 2012. His email address is spptsgr@nus.edu.sg

The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy is an autonomous, professional graduate school of the National University of Singapore.

Its mission is to help educate and train the next generation of Asian policymakers and leaders, with the objective of raising the standards of governance throughout the region, improving the lives of its people and, in so doing, contribute to the transformation of Asia. For more details on the LKY School, please visit www.spp.nus.edu.sg