ATM Bulletin 16

The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin is a project sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation, New York, the Centre for Strategic Futures, Singapore and the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore. The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy gratefully acknowledges the financial assistance of the Rockefeller Foundation and the Centre for Strategic Futures, Singapore.

The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin focuses on the analysis of pro-poor projects and innovative approaches that will contribute to alleviate poverty. The emphasis is put on identifying major trends for the poor in rural and urban areas, highlighting sustainable and scalable concepts, and analysing how these could impact the future of Asia’s well-being and future development.

The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin are designed to encourage dialogue and debate about critical issues that affect Asia’s ability to reduce poverty and increase awareness of the implications for pro-poor policy and policy development.

Disclaimer The opinions expressed in the Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin are those of the analysts and do not necessarily reflect those of the sponsor organisations.

Frequency The Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin will be produced eight times a year and all issues are available for download for free at http://www.asiantrendsmonitoring.com/downloads Production Chris Koh, Manager, Production & Research Dissemination Principal Investigators Darryl S.L Jarvis Phua Kai Hong T S Gopi Rethinaraj Research associates Johannes Loh Nicola Pocock Taufik Indrakesuma Image credits, with thanks All the images in this issue were taken by the ATM team during their Jakarta trip of February 2012, except for the following: • images on the cover, this spread & pages 22–23: DMahendra* • images on page 3, 4 & 13: Marco Giovanelli* • image on page 8: SURYA/Erfan Hazransyah *These images were obtained from www.flickr.com Permission is granted to use portions of this work copyrighted by the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. Please acknowledge the source and email a copy of the book, periodical or electronic document in which the material appears to chris.k@nus.edu.sg or send to Chris Koh Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy 469C Bukit Timah Toad Singapore 259772

A homeless boy, Kota central train station in Jakarta.

Contents Jakarta’s poor: strategies for defusing violence and protecting migrants

3

Jakarta: a data snapshot

4

Stopping the violence in Jakarta’s slums

8

Internal migrants: Jakarta’s poorest

13

(Un)healthy internal migrants

19

Outlook: the urban poor of the future

20

References

21

Editorial team

24

3

Jakarta’s poor: strategies for defusing violence and protecting migrants Jakarta, Indonesia: capital of Southeast Asia’s largest democracy and the fourth most populous country in the world at 238 million (2011 data).1 Home to over 23 million people, the Greater Jakarta Area (Jabodetabek) is the largest megacity in Asia and the third largest in the world.

To outsiders, Jakarta is a shining example of Indonesia’s development.

To businesses, it is a thriving market with a skilled labour force and skyrocketing consumption rates. To its middle class, it is a city that is still able to provide everything they need, despite stressful levels of congestion. But to its poor, Jakarta presents a very different picture.

Jakarta’s poor live in the scattered pockets of urban slums and witness a very different side of the city. To the poor, Jakarta is a city where basic services are out of reach and decent job opportunities are scarce. Despite their best efforts, they struggle even for minimum subsistence. How can a city growing so fast leave so many behind?

This issue of the Asian Trends Monitoring (ATM) Bulletin attempts to shed some light on the “darker” side of Jakarta, by sharing the stories of people on the ground and the few organisations that are working hard to help them. Specifically, we focus on two major themes: violence among slum dwellers and internal migration. In addition to being integral to the Jakarta story, both themes are major urban trends that present a palpable danger to an aspiring megacity. Without job opportunities and a realistic chance of breaking out of the cycle of poverty, the urban poor could grow into a serious social and economic risk for the capital’s development.

The ATM team visited Jakarta in February as the first leg of our field research on urban poverty. In this issue, we also share our latest findings, including primary data gathered from our Poverty Profile Survey. Future issues will include more such data from other cities such as Manila, Hanoi, and Vientiane.

We invite you to share the ATM Bulletin with colleagues interested in propoor issues in Southeast Asia. The ATM Bulletin is also available for download at www.asiantrendsmonitoring.com/download, where you can subscribe to future issues. We encourage you to regularly visit our website for more updates and recent video uploads in our blog. Thank you again for supporting the ATM Bulletin, and as always, we gladly welcome your feedback.

Taufik Indrakesuma Nicola Pocock Johannes Loh

Life in Jakarta's slums is tough.

4

Jakarta: a data snapshot

The sign says it is illegal to erect any living settlements along the tracks.

The Asian Trends Monitoring team conducted a

survey results from four ASEAN capitals this year,

5-point scale (easy; fairly easy; difficult; very diffi-

survey among Jakarta’s slum dwellers between

here is a snapshot of the results from Jakarta (for

cult; impossible/unable to do). These ten catego-

February 24 and March 2nd 2012. We collected

more information on the survey, please contact

ries were then made into an index through direct

a total of 348 responses from seven different

the Asian Trends Monitoring team directly).

summation. Below is the breakdown of respon-

neighbourhoods with the help of 15 research

dents according to their “perceived life difficulty index” categories.

We used the random walk method to sample

Life in Jakarta is still quite difficult for the poor

respondents from every third house/shelter.

The survey had a “perception of difficulties” sec-

dents who rated a category as “very difficult” or

tion comprising ten categories, each rated on a

“impossible/unable to do”. The results indicate

assistants from the University of Indonesia.

Our sample included 239 women and 107

Next, we present the percentage of respon-

men due to the fact that the survey was conducted during the day when most of the men are at work. 92% of respondents indicated that they are the head of the household (115 respondents), or the wife/husband (206 respondents) of the head of household. The average age was 39 years and the average household size was 4.58 members. The overall sample consisted of 38% native Jakartans and 62% rural-urban migrants.

While we intend to compare the findings with

Figure 1: Perceived life difficulty index

5

Figure 2: Responses of “very difficult” or “impossible/unable to do”

Categories

Figure 3: 69.2% of the respondents found it “very difficult” or ”impossible” to find work opportunities

%

Finding work opportunities

69.2%

Saving money

68.0%

Having enough living space for the family

59.1%

Finding good schools for the children

36.2%

Accessing modern health treatments

33.2%

Getting enough food for the family

24.5%

Paying for local transport

20.7%

Accessing toilets

19.5%

Accessing clean water

13.3%

Accessing electricity

7.9%

Figure 4: 68.0% of the respondents found it “very difficult” or “impossible” to save money

that finding work opportunities, saving money regularly and having enough living space in the household is very challenging for respondents, whereas electricity, water and sanitation are perceived to be relatively easy to access in Jakarta.

This is a surprising result for anyone who has visited Jakarta’s slum areas and seen the condition of sanitation facilities.

Education: burdensome but necessary In education, we found that most of our respondents with school-age children are able to put their children through school. However, there are still many who are unable to do so. The most common reason given for children who do not attend school is that the family cannot afford to pay the school fees. This is true for children who have graduated from 9th grade (the final year of free and compulsory education), although some interviewees have stated that the nine years of free education are not completely free of

Figure 5: 59.2% of the respondents found it “very difficult” or “impossible” to have enough living space for their family

6

Figure 6: Responses to the questions ”Are your school-age children in school and if not, why?”

Figure 7: Response to the question “My children's school fees are a big burden for me”

additional fees such as standardised exam fees, uniform and textbook expenses, etc.

We also found that the “perceived life difficulty index” score does significantly influence

school. Thus, improving the quality of life of the

How easy is it to access water in Jakarta?

poor in other sectors may have indirect benefits

In the survey, nearly 75% of the respondents per-

for school attendance.

ceived access to water as being “easy” or “fairly

the likelihood of school-age children attending

7

Figure 8: Of the respondents who found it “easy” or “fairly easy” to access water...

Source of water

Figure 9: Perceived difficulty in accessing water

%

Household water pipe

34.8%

Communal or neighbour's water pipe

13.6%

Private vendor

51.6%

Unfiltered

14.9%

Do you have to boil your water?

%

Yes

67.6%

No

32.4%

easy”. However, of those who claim that water is easy to access, 68% of the respondents had to boil their water before consumption, and 45% depend on private-vended water as their primary source of water (which, as we discussed in ATM Bulletin 15: Good water governance matters, is much more expensive than a piped connection) .

Jakarta’s poor are unbanked and struggle to save In our field interviews, many respondents expressed a certain distrust against banks. They perceive banks to be an institution for wealthy people with stable jobs and as a result, prefer to keep their money at home. 63.5% of respondents said that home is the primary place to keep their savings. Microfinance institutions, savings groups and cooperatives were used only by minorities, below 3% of the total sample.

Access to clean water and good financial services are important topics that deserve a more detailed analysis. The ATM team will be dedicating two bulletins later in the year to concentrate on each of these issues.

Figure 10: Having a bank account makes a difference to the rate of weekly savings

8

Stopping the violence in Jakarta’s slums

Tanah Tinggi is prone to street brawls and gang violence.

Government agencies and other organisations

associated with high crime, gangs, and violence.

solutions. During our meeting, he shared with us

concerned with poverty alleviation typically focus

For example, violence between street gangs and

the underlying causes of violence in slums.

on physical and material issues, such as the qual-

civilian vigilante groups in Nairobi, Kenya, has

One major cause of this violence is the peo-

ity of water and sanitation services, health care,

persisted for years, despite a tough stance from

ple’s frustration with their life circumstances and

and financial access. However, there are several

the government.2 Brazil’s favelas are also notori-

low incomes. Built-up aggression from this frus-

social problems that are just as detrimental to the

ous for their high rates of crime and violence. So,

tration makes it very easy for a fight to break out

lives of the poor, yet go completely unnoticed.

it is clear that a problem this pervasive requires

for several reasons, whether it is interpersonal

further attention.

problems, territorial disputes, gang rivalry, or

One of those problems is violence. Several slums bear witness to mass street fights that hap-

any other sort of provocation. People are simply

pen on a daily basis. These street fights happen

Violent motives

looking for a way to channel their frustration and

primarily between adults, but teenagers have

In Jakarta, the team interviewed Professor

aggression.

also started getting involved. The fights happen

Paulus Wirutomo, a professor of sociology at the

Another contributing factor that Wirutomo

for a multitude of reasons, but always result in

University of Indonesia. Prof. Wirutomo lives in

mentioned is idleness and unemployment. Most

severe injuries, property damage, as well as panic

Tanah Tinggi, just outside one of Jakarta’s most

of the participants of these fights are unem-

and insecurity within the neighbourhood. It goes

notoriously violent slum areas, where massive

ployed and have nothing else to do during the

without saying that the prevalence of street fights

brawls often break out, sometimes multiple

day. This increases the likelihood that people

further deteriorates quality of life in slums.

times in a single day. After years of witnessing this

will join the street brawls and add to the ensu-

This phenomenon is not unique to the slums

violence first-hand, he now documents the social

ing chaos. Evidence from other countries also

in Jakarta. All over the world, slums are generally

context of fights in an attempt to find policy

supports these claims. For example, Hagedorn

9

MASTER School: giving kids and young adults an opportunity to change their lives At the entrance of Depok’s central bus terminal, the casual observer notices nothing out of the ordinary. But only a few metres behind the mosque at the back of the terminal, 2,200 students study diligently in the makeshift classrooms of one of the rare schools in the Jakarta region that provides free education up to the 12th grade. It is called the MASTER school, a word play on Masjid Terminal (liter-

The converted shipping container and the school's “courtyard”.

ally, mosque in the terminal) that also seeks to inspire students to achieve masterful heights.

their children into school. Jakarta’s poorest

three shifts throughout the day, only half of

The students come in three shifts of three

often face the grueling decision of sending

the material can be taught in-class. Those

hours each: morning school for grades 1–9,

their child through school or having enough

aspiring to pass the equivalency degree

afternoon school for grades 10–12, and eve-

to eat. Foregone income from the child’s

exams have to manage “home study” assign-

ning school for adult education. The school’s

labour is too harsh a burden to bear for the

ments for up to 50% of the curriculum. The

target group consists of street children and

sake of an education.

open and improvised learning environment

youths from poor economic backgrounds

Most of the school’s 20 classrooms are

allows students to stay-on after class and

whose parents can no longer afford school

open air with improvised tin roofs. Financial

work by themselves. Some strive to earn the

fees. The school compound offers basic

support from several Muslim donors and reli-

Paket C, the high school equivalency certifi-

dorms and free meals for up to 300 orphaned

gious charity organisations such as Baznas,

cate which opens up the possibility to gain

and homeless children. While everything in

the national tithe collection agency, enabled

entry to university.

the school is run on a shoe-string budget, it

Nurrohim and his team to convert a few ship-

Dika, a 19-year-old enrolled in grade 11, is

is achieving its goals: changing the future of

ping containers into additional classrooms.

determined to get a university scholarship.

thousands of youngsters for the better.

Over the years, the facilities have become

He is a passionate scholar of world history

When 40-year-old Nurrohim gave up his

more sophisticated, with a computer lab, a

and when asked why, gave a compelling rea-

rice stall business after the 1998 crisis, he

music studio, and an art laboratory as well

son: “I believe that studying world history will

decided to start the school together with

as small business workshops for vocational

prepare me for becoming the President of

five other acquaintances from the nearby

training. Regular guest lecturers comple-

Indonesia one day.” Three years ago, Dika

mosque. He wanted to give underprivileged

ment the skills training with seminars in

dropped out of school because other teen-

children a chance in life through free edu-

business planning, accounting methods and

agers bullied him for being poor. He spent

cation. “I saw these kids falling through the

general financial literacy, areas Nurrohim is

most of his time on the streets and, if not for

cracks,” says Nurrohim. With no birth certifi-

keen to expand in the future.

his father, might have ended up in a very bad

cates or other legal identification, these chil-

With only 18 permanent staff and 60 vol-

place. “My dad heard about MASTER school

dren are bypassed by the system. To make

unteer teachers recruited from the school’s

and convinced me to make a fresh start.” That

matters worse, some parents need the chil-

alumni as well as the local community, the

fresh start has enabled him to set some

dren to support the family financially; these

MASTER school’s challenge is to keep up with

ambitious goals: getting into university and

parents are unlikely to push for a way to get

the government’s curriculum. By teaching in

becoming a future president.

10

ATM researcher Johannes Loh and the children of Tanah Tinggi.

(1991) observed that gangs in Milwaukee, USA

brawls. The first reason is cheap land acquisition.

youth. Children in the slums grow up witnessing

only emerged after worsening economic con-

In a city like Jakarta, where land prices continue

these street brawls and become desensitised or

ditions led to high unemployment, especially

to climb, unscrupulous property owners seek to

even attracted to this violent lifestyle. They grow

among ethnic minorities .

exploit vulnerable landowners in and around

up seeing the fights every day and start to iden-

Fights can also be instigated by external par-

slums. In slums where most of the residents own

tify with the various gangs that are involved. A

ties. Wirutomo stated two reasons why third

their land, the occurrence of frequent brawls is

recent newspaper article notes a similar situation

parties have an interest in sustaining the street

an effective measure to encourage people to

in Bangkok:

3

move away and sell their land cheaply. The second reason is to distract from other criminal

Little toddlers watch these gang

activities in the area. Slums are often a hotspot

fights ‌ grow up in the slum with

for gangs involved in drugs, prostitution, and

violence on a daily basis ‌ exposed

other crimes. Some of these groups incite street

to drug use every day. When they

brawls in order to occupy the local authorities,

role-play, they role-play what they

allowing their activities to continue unimpeded.

see. Some say they want to grow up to be gangsters.4

Professor Wirutomo filmed his research on the street fights in Tanah Tinggi (http://bit.ly/LqXZp9).

Increasingly violent youths One growing concern that Wirutomo had was the influence that this violent culture has on the

The children live in close proximity to these violent actors: some influence is inevitable.

11

Rumah Baca: a literary sanctuary for underprivileged youths

a library. Over the years, the collection has

lessons. But with the help of local primary

grew to over 2,000 books. The centre had one

school teachers and some committed youth

permanent caretaker, a member of the local

leaders, the community took greater interest

Around a small lake behind the Depok

community who was paid from the pool of

in her project. “Initially, the local youths saw

train station, not far from the University of

donated funds.

us as intruders on their turf,” Debbie recounts

Indonesia’s Depok campus, a neighbour-

The library was open seven days a week,

her experiences. “But once the older teenag-

hood called Kampong Lio (Lio Village) can be

but not many came to visit on weekdays.

ers learned how much their siblings enjoyed

found. The overwhelming majority of the vil-

However, on Saturdays, Debbie and some

the Saturday lessons, they even began to

lage’s residents are poor, consisting mainly of

student volunteers organised public story

suggest other activities such as games or

rural-to-urban migrants who sought to find a

telling sessions. The activity was announced

small theatre plays for the talent show.”

better life in the city. Some have lived in the

by walking through the neighbourhood and

In 2011, the initiative had to be suspended

neighbourhood with their families for several

calling kids to join in with a megaphone. She

because of conflicts between the community

decades, while others arrived only recently.

says up to 200 kids assembled to listen to the

leaders and the student volunteers, and also

The houses are permanent, legal, and

stories read by the volunteers. After the story

because the building required renovations.

made from brick, but the living space is

telling, the volunteers taught reading, math

Unfortunately, the locals have not shown any

cramped. Families of five or larger are often

and science to the children. The ultimate

effort to help the centre reopen.

forced to share a single bedroom, and some-

highlight was an annual talent show, where

Despite the temporary closure, the con-

times there not enough space for everyone to

the children perform in front of their parents

tinuous commitment and attention to

sleep in the house. Outside, there are empty

and friends, showcasing their creativity.

Kampung Lio’s youths has paid off. One for-

muddy fields and narrow pathways zigzag-

One of the main problems for the youth

mer gang member who volunteered quite

ging through the settlement, a bleak environ-

in the village was that “they cannot dream

some time to the initiative eventually

ment for kids and teenagers to learn and play.

high, sometimes they cannot hope,” says

regained the trust of the community and has

In 2004, Debbie, a lecturer in sociology at

Debbie. “With our activities, we want to make

since found a job at one of the local auto

the University of Indonesia (UI), decided to

sure they don’t lose their dreams when they

repair shops. One thing that Debbie

launch the initiative Rumah Baca, “Reading

are still young.”

observed over the years is that their “enthusi-

House”, to provide kids a space to read and

For the first two years the parents showed

asm is very high! They still have their spirits to

listen to stories read by volunteers. She built

little interest in Rumah Baca’s activities and

get out of their kampong, to get out of pov-

a community centre and, through dona-

Debbie struggled to garner their support to

erty. That spirit can be awakened when we

tions from her students and friends, set up

encourage children to attend the reading

socialise with them.”

However, proximity is not the only problem.

education costs are prohibitively high for poor

teenagers remain involved with gangs until well

As it stands, there are two material problems

families. Furthermore, having a junior high

into their adulthood.

that exacerbate the scale of violent influence on

school diploma does not lead to any real work

The second problem of inadequate living

Jakarta’s young. The first material problem is the

opportunities for these teenagers. This leaves

space may not have any apparent connection

lack of access to education beyond the first nine

them both out of school and unemployed.

to teenagers joining gangs, but the causal link

years. The second is lack of adequate living space

Sociologists such as Hagedorn (1991) observe

is quite strong. One of the consequences of hav-

in the children’s homes.

that young people who join gangs during their

ing an overcrowded home is that not all family

Mandatory education in Indonesia spans

teens will usually “mature out” of them when

members can sleep in the home at the same

nine years of free education, with six years of

they are able to find employment. However,

time. During night time, priority is often given

primary school and three years of junior high

without any employment opportunities, the

to parents and young children. This means that

school. However, beyond junior high school,

“maturing out” phase does not happen, and the

the teenagers are kicked out of the house and

12

channel the city’s economic growth into providing more labour-intensive and low-skilled jobs that fit the slum dwellers’ skill sets, or provide adequate job skill training programmes that can raise their competitiveness in the labour market.

Aside from what governments and local communities must do, there are vital roles that other organisations can play. Grassroots nongovernmental organisations are well-positioned to empower local communities with the awareness to solve the problem of violence as well as the capacity to organise and engage with the violent groups. One example can be found in Tanah Tinggi, where sociologists from the University of Indonesia have tried to The blue flap covers a crudely constructed toilet.

build awareness among the local neighbourhood association heads on the importance

left to spend the evening with other teenagers

understaffed police forces and also adds an ele-

of providing peaceful community activities

in the neighbourhood. As the teenagers spend

ment of approachability to the local authorities.

that encourage friendly engagement among

less time with their families and more time with

The Jakarta government itself has opted for

locals. As a direct result of this, Mr. Zakirun,

each other, the influence of peers becomes dis-

a “community-based approach” in dealing with

one of the neighbourhood association heads

proportionately stronger when compared to

this violence. This approach involves active par-

that we spoke to, bought a ping pong table for

the influence of family members. The drive to

ticipation from neighbourhood associations in

his community centre so that children would

stay in school wanes, as most of their friends

engaging with violent groups and programmes

spend their nights playing ping pong instead

may have already decided not to continue

for peaceful social interactions between people

of engaging in gang activities.

school. Conversely, the allure of joining gangs,

in the neighbourhoods. The main advantage of

Furthermore, while waiting for the impacts of

solely for the sake of solidarity, becomes an

this method is a higher likelihood of success,

the long-term solutions of job creation and com-

appealing option.

because outreach by the community is more

munity-based engagement, there are short-term

likely to be accepted by the violent groups than

solutions that several organisations have been

Breaking the violent cycle

outreach by authority figures such as the police

directly implementing in order to minimise the

There are several different approaches for deal-

or the city government. However, the main dis-

influence of violent groups on children. The

ing with these street fights and gang activities.

advantages are that this approach requires a

Rumah Baca initiative launched in Kampung Lio,

Some cities, such as Nairobi, have toughened

community that is dedicated to solving the

Depok (see page 11) is one example of providing

up law enforcement in the slums as a specific

problem, and that it takes a long time to connect

alternative activities for children and teenagers

countermeasure for the street fights and gang

peacefully to violent groups.

to prevent them from getting sucked into a vio-

6

activities. In Mumbai, police have set up partner-

For the long term, the only sustainable solu-

lent lifestyle. Some other University of Indonesia

ships with local communities to establish com-

tion for dealing with violence in slums is to

sociologists have tried building music studios as

munity police stations that are staffed by rep-

provide more employment opportunities. Job

another activity geared towards teenagers, after

resentatives from the community. These com-

provision is effective in the long run because it

seeing that teenagers in Jakarta are more drawn

munity “police officers” are primarily tasked with

directly deals with one of the root causes of the

towards music than books. However, the reach

reporting and resolving small-scale conflicts

violence: high unemployment. However, imple-

of any individual activity centre is geographically

between residents before they escalate into full-

menting this solution is tricky, because artificial

limited. Thus, there is a need for more organisa-

blown violence. Having community representa-

stimulation of jobs is a difficult task. The Jakarta

tions to step in and provide this kind of assis-

tives assist the police alleviates the burdens of

government needs to do one of two things:

tance to slums in other parts of the city.

5

13

Internal migrants: Jakarta’s poorest

A mother bathes her child in the open.

Drivers and outcomes of population movement within Indonesia

1990, with more recent migrants leaving rather

nationally representative Indonesian Family Life

than entering the region. This may be attrib-

Survey (IFLS) shows that DKI Jakarta was a net

Internal migration, particularly from rural to

uted to the Indonesian government’s trans-

sender of migrants. The province hosted only 8%

urban areas, takes place on a much larger scale

migration policy, which offered free transport,

of the total stock of internal migrants and saw

than international migration. In 2009, an esti-

land, housing, food and fertiliser as incentives

an 11% rate of out-migration, slightly lower than

mated 740 million, or 1-in-8 persons were liv-

for inhabitants of Java island to migrate to less

outmigration rates recorded in East, West and

ing within their home country but outside

densely populated regions, including Papua,

Central Java. Most movement between 1993

their region of birth. As the fourth most pop-

Kalimantan, Sumatra, and Sulawesi. Supported

and 2000 occurred within the same province. In

ulous country in the world, internal migration

by World Bank and Asian Development Bank

Jakarta, 185 households moved within the city

in Indonesia, especially of young rural-urban

funds in the 1980s, the programme soon

itself, but a substantial number (120 households)

labour migrants, has been widespread. Of the 23

expanded. Consequently the period 1980–1990

also moved to West Java.11 These figures suggest

million Indonesians who migrate each year, only

saw ten times more people resettling in trans-

that internal migrants are most likely to move

10% are estimated to be international migrants,

8

migration provinces than before. However, the

within the same province, perhaps on account

even though internal migration density relative

programme collapsed following the 1997–98

of the nearest available work opportunities.

to population movement is lower in Indonesia

Asian financial crisis.10

7

Who migrates internally? According to recent

than within other developing countries . As

Interprovincial and interstate migration was

research, Indonesian households with more

Figures 11 and 12 show, migration to the Jakarta

most prevalent in Indonesia between 1993

adult members, i.e. spare labour, are more likely

capital region (DKI Jakarta) has slowed since

and 2000. Data for households included in the

to migrate. Contrary to popular belief, people

9

14

Figure 11: DKI Jakarta, lifetime migration (net migrants), 1980–2005

Source: BPS Indonesia, population statistics

Figure 12: DKI Jakarta, recent migration (net migrants), 1980–2005

Source: BPS Indonesia, population statistics

living in industrial communities are more likely

shorter distance to various cities increasing the

2000 this share rose to nearly two-thirds13, indi-

to migrate than agricultural communities. This

likelihood of migration by 2-3%.12

cating significant upward economic mobil-

is perhaps indicative of skills transferability

Internal migration is an important income

ity as a result of migration. There are also posi-

and access to capital and social networks that

diversification strategy. In Indonesia, households

tive non-economic impacts. According to the

migrants from industrial areas are likely to have.

with an internal migrant made up less than half

UNDP’s Human Development Report in 2009,

Distance is also a determinant of migration, with

of the top two wealth quintiles in 1993, but by

internal migrants overall achieve a higher level

15

Eva: migrating to Jakarta for better micro business opportunities

her current level of income, coupled with

In Depok, one of Jakarta’s many suburbs,

and their 3-year-old child.

her husband’s income as a motorcycle cabbie, is enough to make a living for them

Solihun: earning a living in Jakarta over high school At age 16, Solihun is already work-

the team met and spoke to Eva Putriani,

When asked further about her finances,

ing in Jakarta at a fried chicken stall

a 26-year-old owner of a warung (small

she said that she does not use any formal

in a residential area. Recruited by his

shop) located just outside a traditional

financial services and prefers to save at

boss (the stall owner) in his village in

market. In Eva’s hometown of Bengkulu,

home. She does not like saving in com-

Central Java, Solihun came to Jakarta

there were not many employment options

mercial banks, due to the large deposits

straight from junior high school, at

after graduating from school. As with most

and the hassle in accessing the money.

the age of 14. He works from 2pm

of rural Indonesia, the only jobs available

She also does not deposit money with her

to midnight every day and earns

for her were agricultural. This prompted

local cooperative, because she does not

30,000 rupiah per day (US$3.26) for

Eva to migrate to Jakarta in 2004, in search

trust these institutions despite the prom-

his efforts.

of better options.

ise of a decent return on investment. She

When asked about why he didn’t

Upon arrival, she immediately set up

also very rarely borrows money from the

continue with schooling, Solihun is

her own shop by building a stall next to

informal money lenders, because they

ambivalent. “The fees are expensive

the traditional market by Depok Baru Train

charge extremely steep interest rates. For

for high school, and the nearest

Station. Her shop has remained in the

a one million rupiah (US$109) loan over a

school was far from my house. I

same location for almost eight years, sur-

six-month period and daily repayments of

would have had to rent a room and

viving several police crackdowns on infor-

14,000 rupiah (US$1.52), the compounded

this was too costly for my family. It is

mal businesses in public spaces. She now

daily interest amounts to 188%; Eva does

better for me to earn money here”.

sells a wide variety of food, drinks, and cig-

not need the calculator to stay away from

Now, he stays in a room at his boss’

arettes to a clientele comprised mostly of

such a deal if she has a choice.

house, and has aspirations to set up a

jitney drivers, street musicians and motorcycle cabbies.

We ended our chat by asking Eva

business in a few years, “maybe a

whether she was happy with her life in

food stall”. Solihun is in a relatively

“The shop makes about 150,000 rupiah

Jakarta, and if she would consider going

better position than migrants living

(US$16) in profits per day, although it used

back to Bengkulu. She replied that she is

in slum areas—he is able to save

to be about 300,000 rupiah (US$32) before

content with what she and her family have.

200,000 rupiah a month (US$22) as a

the Depok government built the flyover,”

They are able to access clean water in their

single migrant, and he doesn’t need

she shared while pointing upwards. The

home and cheap medical treatment at the

to remit money to his family.

Depok government built a road over the

local health centre, and are able to make

traditional market in the late 2000s to ease

enough money to survive with their cur-

congestion in the increasingly crowded

rent jobs. Although the cost of living in

of 23% for migrant households.15 In our sam-

suburb. However, it caused a serious drop

Jakarta and its suburbs is much higher than

ple profile of slum dwellers (62% of whom are

in patronage at Eva’s warung as well as the

in Bengkulu, the improved work and life

migrants), high scores on the perceived life diffi-

traditional market as a whole. Nonetheless,

opportunities are well worth it.

culty index indicate that moving to the city is not without its challenges. Jakarta’s status as a net sender of migrants may also suggest some level

of human development than non-migrants,

non-migrants.14 Causal effects of migration have

of dissatisfaction with living in the city by Jakarta

with Indonesian internal migrants (both urban

also been observed in Indonesia, with consump-

born and internal migrants who may have lived

and rural) significantly more likely to live lon-

tion gains (for food, durable and non-durables)

there for awhile. Despite this, it seems that the

ger and achieve higher education levels than

estimated at 25% and a poverty reduction effect

employment opportunities and a large market

16

of potential customers make Jakarta an attractive destination to migrate to internally.

Figure 13: Jakartans are more likely to have secondary school education than migrants

Access to education for migrant children Education can provide a way out of poverty.

Beyond access to certain occupations facilitated by educational certificates, education and literacy can serve to induce higher hopes and aspirations in students as the Rumah Baca case (see page 11) illustrates. Attitudes to education varied between migrants and non-migrants in our survey. Whilst Jakartans are more likely to have achieved higher education levels than internal migrants, the latter are more optimistic that their children’s schooling will enable them to find work. In the total sample, 73% agreed strongly or

Figure 14: 90% of migrants agree with the statement "My children's schooling will enable them to find work" compared to 75% of Jakartans

somewhat that their children’s school fees were a big burden for them. With education free up until grade nine (14-year-old), these results suggest that finding the money for additional schooling is tough, especially when they could enter the workforce and contribute to household income. The opportunity cost of schooling for migrant children from the poorest communities sometimes means that they are taken out of school at the primary level, something Sekolah Kami is trying to prevent.

Sekolah Kami: equipping migrant children in a trash picking community with practical skills16, 17

Sekolah Kami is situated on the outskirts of the Bekasi landfill, a 110-hectare facil-

recyclable materials are retrieved before the trash is processed or, more often, left to rot.

ity run by the Jakarta administration. Its

Sekolah Kami serves about 150 students

landscaped gardens, sturdy buildings and

between the ages of 5–15. Students attend

“These kids, this community, they don’t

immaculately clean grounds sit conspicu-

classes between 8am to midday before

feel they need education,” says Dr. Irina

ously within a slum area bordering the land-

beginning the day’s trash picking, some-

Amongpradja, a vivacious semi-retired doctor

fill. Around 6,000 tons of garbage is dumped

times until late into the night. Dr. Irina pro-

who founded Sekolah Kami in 2007. But, Irina

there each day, more than half of which is

vides lunch for the children, because some

has managed to convince the children and

household waste. There are an estimated

parents refuse to feed them if they choose

parents in a trash picking community in West

350,000 to 450,000 trash pickers sifting

school over work. This trash-picking com-

Bekasi, home to Jakarta’s largest landfill, that

through Jakarta’s waste, many of whom are

munity is comprised of seasonal migrants,

education can be the route out of poverty.

children. Plastic, glass, paper, cans and other

mostly from the North coast of West

17

Java. According to Dr. Irina, families are engaged with harvesting and planting twice a year, with few other opportunities, prompting seasonal relocation to the landfill to seek work opportunities.

The school’s innovative, skills-based curriculum sets it apart. It follows the “Paket A” curriculum, recognised by the Indonesian government as equivalent to the national curriculum, but without the exam component. The students learn Indonesian, English and Math, but the core focus is on practical skills, ranging from organic soap making to

"The homes of the trashpicker community, just outside the school gates."

smallholder agriculture. In the gardening class, students maintain a compost heap and a greenhouse where chilies and lettuce are grown. In line with Indonesian musicality, the school teaches students how to play the Angklung (a traditional bamboo instrument that is shaken to produce sound). The instruments are all made by the students themselves from self-grown bamboo, and they perform at weddings or other events to generate income. Entrepreneurship is encouraged, with chilies sold at the market and soap and handmade cards from recycled paper sold in the nearby mall. One local

The school's classrooms, constructed by their staff.

kindergarten has even commissioned uniforms to be made by Sekolah Kami. Dr. Irina’s approach is based on tempered optimism.

“University is not a realistic option for these children. What else c an they do? We hope that they can start a business and have a better life,” she says, although 100% of Sekolah Kami’s graduates so far have continued to vocational or regular schools.

The financing structure is particularly interesting: Sekolah Kami operates an incentive scheme for students to produce soap and other items, by depositing the profits earned from product sales into bank

In the midst of a gardening lesson.

18

screening programme at the school in partnership with the local Puskesmas. Nutrition isn’t neglected either, with milk being served three times a week to students “although, initially, they would spit it out, as they weren’t used to the taste!”

Setting up the school has not been without its challenges. Sekolah Kami has relocated three times since 2001. The last location was an abandoned building owned by the education ministry, but they didn’t have The music classroom.

a permit to stay and were asked to leave.

With a five year lease on their current land,

accounts opened by Dr. Irina. ”If I paid

From the beginning, the school’s instruc-

Dr. Irina hopes they can stay. Working with

out immediately the money would be con-

tors promote healthy behaviours such as

parents isn’t always easy. “It is very hard to

fiscated by the children’s parents and spent

hand washing, teeth brushing and the use

change parent’s behaviour,” she says when

quickly on some urgent household needs”

of the three community toilets built by Dr.

talking about parental support for studies.

says Dr. Irinia. At the end of their school

Irina outside the school walls. Before, chil-

“They have no space to study, and some-

career, she sits down with her students and

dren would follow their parents’ examples

times the children don’t want to take books

discusses what they want to do with their

and defecate in plastic bags and leave these

home as they say their parents will sell

savings. Many of them want to further their

around the slum. Sex education also features,

them”. But, Dr. Irina takes such challenges in

education and the savings help to realise

and a big achievement for Dr. Irina is to see

her stride, laughing when asked about

those plans. Teachers also earn a 30% cut

that female students of age 13–14 no longer

problems she faces in running the school. “I

from product sales, a welcome boost to the

see marriage as their only option. Starting

work with whatever I have!” she proclaims

minimum wage salary they receive.

in March 2012, she is also starting an HIV

enthusiastically.

Life as a trashpicker The ATM team met Anin, a 10-year-old student at the school, and his family in the house they’ve built on the fringes of the landfill near the school. He has four younger siblings, all of whom but the youngest pick trash in the afternoons with their father. Anin’s mother died in childbirth a year ago, leaving his father to cope with the demands of feeding and caring for five children alone. “I can’t work as much as I used to—someone has to take care of the children”. He earns 200,000 to 250,000 rupiah per week, which translates to US$0.62 to US$0.78 per person per day.

This is the view from Anin's home.

19

(Un)healthy internal migrants In the context of health, it has been hypothesised that migrants represent a selectively

Figure 15: Jakartans are more likely to continue working than seek treatment when they fall sick

healthier group than non-migrants.18 However, this remains an underexplored topic in the case of internal migrants. Recent analysis of the Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS) has shown that the healthy migrant bias in fact disappears once the migrant has assimilated. By adjusting for health status prior to migration and comparing migrants to non-migrants at source, Yu (2010) finds evidence for strong, negative effects of urban migration on psychological health. Depressive symptoms were more common amongst single labour migrants than those who migrate with families, implying reduced social support to be a risk factor for depression.

In addition, the effect of higher earnings did not translate to health gains, with most migrants

Figure 16: Migrants have more difficulty in accessing modern health treatments compared to Jakartans

remitting the majority of their incomes to families at origin. Changes in physical health are engendered by changes in living conditions and behaviours at destination.19 Deb and Seck (2009) find higher reported morbidity in urban migrant households in Indonesia, although Yu (2010) found few effects on physical health except for minor morbidities between 1997 and 2000.

This was likely because the average age of the sample was 33, with long-term effects on health and physiological deterioration not yet evident among young labour migrants.

In our survey, Jakartans indicated that they are more likely to continue working when they

standards can lead to health gains for urban

majority of the population in Jakarta’s slums, and

fall sick compared to internal migrants. The rea-

migrants, particularly when public health

interviews with RW (sub-district) heads in Tanah

sons for this are not clear, but it may indicate that

resources are concentrated in cities.20 But,

Tinggi and Depok revealed that poor migrant

migrants are more likely to seek care when sick

migrants may be less informed about accessing

households often do not have birth certificates

compared to Jakartans.

public health providers and may even be denied

that would enable them to register for

access to services. This is corroborated by our

Jamkesmas, the health insurance scheme for the

Migrant eligibility for health services

survey findings that migrants were significantly

poor. A drive by Jakarta’s municipal government

more likely to experience difficulties in accessing

since 2002 has resulted in more civil registration

In addition, the economic benefits of migration

modern health treatments than Jakartans.

of migrants, but temporary, circular migrants

and

Internal and temporary migrants comprise the

often do not qualify.

subsequent

improvement

in

living

20

Outlook: the urban poor of the future become overcrowded and cause further suffering for everyone, migrants and locals alike, who cannot afford the expensive alternatives. Living space, already considered to be one of the most difficult things to find in Jakarta, will become increasingly scarce; new migrant families will be forced to inhabit inhumanely small living quarters.

As this trend continues, will Jakarta continue to be an oasis of opportunity? Or will the prospect of a better life for the poor slowly fade into the horizon? More importantly, how can this situation be alleviated or prevented? How can we assist the poor in sustaining their livelihoods, both in the short term and the long term?

In the long term, education clearly plays a pivotal role in dissuading youth violence and providing upwards social mobility in general. Jakarta’s poor have high hopes that their children’s education will lead to opportunities to lift the family out of poverty, with 91% of our survey respondents believing that their children will have better lives than them. Yet, it is unclear whether nine years of free Indonesian public education will be enough to foster competence and competitiveness among the poor youths, especially young migrants from the most disadvantaged communities. The transition from the free school system into further vocational training lacks integration. Cost barriers also prevent the poor from reaching higher aspirations. Do other organisations need to step in and complement the government’s efforts through skills training or even alternate curWill Jakarta be able to transform these slums along with the rest of the city?

ricula? There are some organisations out there that are doing good work, such as the MASTER School and Sekolah Kami, but a city the size of Jakarta requires a more concerted effort. Furthermore, even if the education qual-

There are two major elements of growth in Jakarta’s near future. First, there

ity is acceptable, Jakarta is still a city where people experience difficulty in

is the growing population that will test the limits of Jakarta’s spatial and

finding work opportunities. Should efforts be instead focused on generat-

infrastructural capacity. Secondly, Jakarta's rapid economic growth will def-

ing demand for labour that matches this growing supply?

initely have an impact on the cost of living. As the city transforms, one can

Some organisations have tried to address these problems by either

only assume that things will continue to get worse for the poor. Essentially,

providing services directly (e.g. government health insurance for the

the poor communities of Jakarta’s future will face much tougher competi-

poor, water and sanitation access programmes) or providing the tools

tion over much scarcer resources, but with less purchasing power.

that will allow the poor to compete for the resources (e.g. skills training

Urban sprawl means that new migrants will be pushed further away

and schools for the poor). These programmes are working, but their reach

from work opportunities in urban centres and from electricity, water, and

is limited. Thus, Jakarta urgently requires innovative methods to expand

sanitation grids. Indeed, many of the migrants we interviewed in Depok,

the reach of these programmes. Larger, better endowed organisations

the southern suburb of the city, had already been prompted to move by

must build on the work started by their smaller counterparts and improve

the rising cost of living in the city centre. Government-run health centres

the scale of the impact. Only in this way can the dreams of Jakarta’s poor

and public schools, struggling to match the pace of population growth, will

be realised.

21

References 1.

2.

Population Reference Bureau, 2011 World Population data sheet.

14. Harttgen, K. & Klasen, S. A human development index by internal

http://www.prb.org/pdf11/2011population-data-sheet_eng.pdf

migration status. Human Development Research Paper 2009 / 54,

(accessed 19 March 2012).

UNDP.

Mutahi, Patrick. “Thin Line Between the Legal and the Criminal in

15. See reference 11.

Nairobi Slums”. All Africa Global Media, 31 October 2011.

16. Fasila, D. Local Authorities Turn to the Capital For Help With Growing 3.

Hagedorn, John M. 1991. Gangs, Neighbourhoods, and Public Policy.

Garbage Piles. 4 January 2012. http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/

Social Problems, 38 (4): 529–544. University of California Press.

jakarta/local-authorities-turn-to-the-capital-for-help-with-growinggarbage-piles/488873 (accessed 16 March 2012).

4.

Ghosh, Nirmal. “Children in Bangkok Slums Facing Dire Plight.” The Jakarta Globe, 12 March 2012. http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/sea-

17. Sekolah Kami website: http://www.sekolahkami.web.id/

sia/children-in-bangkok-slums-facing-dire-plight/504164 (accessed

index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=84:hi

on 16 March 2012).

dden-voices-school-offering-children-a-way-out-of-trashheap&catid=40:beritaartikel (accessed 16 March 2012).

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A.N. Roy, A. Jockin and A. Javed. “Community police stations in Mumbai’s slums”. Environment and Urbanisation,2004 16: 135.

18. Jatrana, S., Graham, E. and Boyle, P. “Introduction: understanding migration and health in Asia” in Jatrana, S., Toyota, M. and Yeoh, B.

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“Penyelesaian Tawuran di DKI Berbasis Komunitas” (Community-

2005. Migration and health in Asia. London: Routledge, p. 1–15.

based solutions for DKI Jakarta’s Street Fights). Beritajakarta.com, 11 October 2011. http://www.beritajakarta.com/2008/id/berita_detail. asp?idwil=0&nNewsId=46694 (accessed 15 March 2012).

7.

Bell, M. & Muhidin, S. Cross-national comparisons of internal migration, Human Development Research Paper 2009 / 30, UNDP.

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Lu, Y. (2008). Test of the “healthy migrant hypothesis”: a longitudinal analysis of health selectivity of internal migration in Indonesia. Social Science and Medicine, 67, 1331–1339.

9.

See reference 7.

10. Lottum, J.V. & Marks, D. (2011). The determinants of internal migration in a developing country: quantitative evidence for Indonesia, 1930–2000. Applied Economics, 44 (34), 4485–4494.

11. Deb, P. & Seck, P. Internal migration, selection bias and human development: evidence from Indonesia and Mexico. Human Development Research Paper 2009 / 31, UNDP. 12. See reference 11.

13. See reference 11.

19. Lu, Y. (2010). Rural-urban migration and health: evidence from longitudinal data in Indonesia. Social Science and Medicine, 70, 412–419.

20. See reference 19.

22

23

A boy at Ciliwung River, cold wet and miserable.

24

Principal Investigators

Research Associates

Darryl Jarvis is an Associate Professor at the LKY School

Johannes Loh is working as a Research Associate at

of Public Policy. He specialises in risk analysis and the

the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He holds a

study of political and economic risk in Asia, including

Master’s degree in Public Policy from the Hertie School of

investment, regulatory and institutional risk analysis. He

Governance in Berlin. His previous research experience

is an author and editor of several books and has con-

includes international student mobility, visual politi-

tributed articles to leading international journals. He has

cal communication, aid governance and public sector

been a consultant to various government bodies and

reform in developing countries. Recently, he completed

business organisations and for two years was a member

a research project on Success Factors for Police Reform

of the investigating team and then chief researcher on

in Post-conflict Situations with the German Technical

the Building Institutional Capacity in Asia project commissioned by the Ministry of

Cooperation. Prior to joining the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy he has also

Finance, Japan. His current research is a large cross-national study of risk causality

worked for the United Nations Environment Programme in Geneva, Transparency

in four of Asia’s most dynamic industry sectors. He teaches courses on risk analysis,

International Nepal and the Centre on Asia and Globalisation in Singapore. His email

markets and international governance and international political economy. His email

is johannes.loh@nus.edu.sg and you can follow his updates on trends in pro-poor

is darryl.jarvis@nus.edu.sg

policies in the region on Twitter @AsianTrendsMon Phua Kai Hong is a tenured professor at the LKY School

Nicola Pocock is a research associate at the LKY School of

of Public Policy and formerly held a joint appointment as

Public Policy. She is also the research manager at aidha,

Associate Professor and Head, Health Services Research

a non profit financial education and entrepreneurship

Unit in the Faculty of Medicine. He is frequently con-

training school for migrant women, especially domes-

sulted by governments within the region and interna-

tic workers, in Singapore. She holds a BA from Warwick

tional organisations, including the Red Cross, UNESCAP,

University and an MSc from Kings College London. Prior

WHO and World Bank. He has lectured and published

to joining the LKY School of Public Policy, she interned

widely on policy issues of population aging, health-

as a Fast stream trainee in the UK civil service at the

care management and comparative health systems in

Home Office and as a research volunteer at Amnesty

the emerging economies of Asia. He is the current Chair of the Asia-Pacific Health

International. Nicola has also carried out social work in Marseille, France as a European

Economics Network (APHEN), founder member of the Asian Health Systems Reform

Union sponsored youth volunteer. Her research interests span health and social policy,

Network (DRAGONET), Editorial Advisory Board Member of Research in Healthcare

health systems financing, social impact assessment, gender, migration and financial

Financial Management and an Associate Editor of the Singapore Economic Review.

behaviours. Her email is sppnp@nus.edu.sg and you can follow his updates on trends

His email address is spppkh@nus.edu.sg

in pro-poor policies in the region on Twitter @AsianTrendsMon #health

T S Gopi Rethinaraj joined the Lee Kuan Yew School

Taufik Indrakesuma is a research associate at the Lee

of Public Policy as Assistant Professor in July 2005.

Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He is a recent gradu-

He received his PhD in nuclear engineering from the

ate of the Master in Public Policy programme at the

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Before

Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He also holds a

coming to Singapore, he was involved in research and

Bachelor in Economics degree from the University of

teaching activities at the Programme in Arms Control,

Indonesia, specialising in environmental economics.

Disarmament and International Security, a multi-disciplin-

Taufik has previously worked as a Programme Manager

ary teaching and research programme at Illinois devoted

at the Association for Critical Thinking, an NGO dedicated

to military and non-military security policy issues. His

to proliferating critical thinking and human rights aware-

doctoral dissertation, “Modeling Global and Regional Energy Futures,” explored the

ness in the Indonesian education system. His research interests include behavioural

intersection between energy econometrics, climate policy and nuclear energy futures.

economics, energy policy, climate change mitigation and adaptation as well as urban

He also worked as a science reporter for the Mumbai edition of The Indian Express

development policy. His email is taufik.i@nus.edu.sg

from 1995 to 1999, and has written on science, technology, and security issues for various Indian and British publications. In 1999, he received a visiting fellowship from the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Chicago, for the investigative reporting on South Asian nuclear security. His current teaching and research interests include energy security, climate policy, energy technology assessment, nuclear fuel cycle policies and international security. He is completing a major research monograph "Historical Energy Statistics: Global, Regional, and National Trends since Industrialisation" to be published in Summer 2012. His email address is spptsgr@nus.edu.sg

The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy is an autonomous, professional graduate school of the National University of Singapore. Its mission is to help educate and train the next generation of Asian policymakers and leaders, with the objective of raising the standards of governance throughout the region, improving the lives of its people and, in so doing, contribute to the transformation of Asia. For more details on the LKY School, please visit www.spp.nus.edu.sg