The North: Scandinavia, Ireland, and the United Kingdom

Relatively new to formal diplomatic relations, the Vatican and the United States joined

forces under the Reagan administration, in part due to their shared opposition to the spread of

Communism.55 The appointment of Pope Benedict XVI in 2005 further expanded the Vatican’s role in global politics, perhaps most notably as criticism of the Iraq war and other U.S. foreign

policies.56 Pope Francis has continued the work of his predecessor in global affairs, assisting with

the brokerage of peace between the United States and Cuba during the Obama administration.57

In 2016, Pope Francis was an outspoken critic of President Trump’s anti-immigration platform, to which Trump responded that if he were not elected president, “the Vatican would be

attacked by ISIS.”58

These two leaders repeatedly sparred over controversial policies, including immigrant

family separation at the U.S. border, Trump’s decision to rescind DACA, and inaction on climate

change.59 It is anticipated that relations will improve under President Biden, the second Catholic president in U.S. history, who shares Pope Francis’ commitment to fighting climate change and echoes the Pope’s desire to unite and “build bridges not walls.”60 However, Biden will also be under the watchful eye of the Church’s more conservative leadership. Alluding to the separation

of church and state, Biden claims his personal religious beliefs should not and will not be imposed on all Americans.61 Nevertheless, the Vatican’s overwhelmingly warm reception of

President Biden is indicative of a global hope for a United States that is focused on collective problems and finding collaborative solutions.

The nations of Northern Europe value both their connection to the U.S. and their

independence though several countries believe that connection has become frayed. However

much Biden will have to present the U.S. as a reliable ally, it is expected that, for the most part, relations will continue to be at least as strong as they have been in recent years due to shared

interests and commitment to international organizations.

SCANDINAVIA: DENMARK, NORWAY, AND SWEDEN Despite most Northern European countries being in better economic standing than their

southern counterparts, Scandinavian countries felt the negative effects of U.S. tariffs on EU

goods and were wounded by the United States’ abandonment of the Paris Climate Accords.

The American election was closely followed by Scandinavians; Norway’s lead business paper,

Dagens Næringsliv, called the U.S. election “as important as our own national election, and

seldom as important as this year.”62

Although geographically close, the three Scandinavian nations have developed distinct

relationships with the United States. Since the Second World War, Denmark has become incredibly close with the U.S., remaining a steadfast American ally in military conflicts from Serbia to ISIS, and most notably it was the only Scandinavian country to support the U.S.

invasion of Iraq in 2003.63 Norway offers an interesting case study, as their unwillingness to join

the EU has traditionally been understood as an emphasis on national independence and ability

to foster unique relationships outside of the organization. Sweden, on the other hand, maintains

a slightly frostier relationship with the United States in comparison to other Northern European

countries. Sweden’s democratic-socialist stance and reverence for international cooperation

does not often align with the foreign policy goals of the United States. In contrast to Denmark,

Sweden has been opposed to American interventionism numerous times, such as in Iraq and

Vietnam.64

Despite their varying relationships with the United States, Denmark, Norway, and

Sweden were unified in their preferred candidate in the 2020 U.S. election. Media outlets and politicians across Scandinavia expressed a sense of relief and the expectation of a return to

normalcy.65 Biden’s popularity crossed party lines in Denmark, where the leader of the largest conservative party, Kristian Thulesen Dahl, claimed he could never vote for Trump.66 The

head of the Labor party and current opposition in Norway, Jonas Gahr Støre, indicated that

Norwegians were pleased that Biden was planning on reentering the Paris Climate Agreement and reaffirming American commitment to NATO.67 In Sweden, the hope for the governing Social

Democrat party is that a Biden presidency will pressure right-wing governments in Europe to restore civil liberties and respect human rights.68

However, the general sense of relief is not without major concerns. President Trump’s

efforts to throw out the election results supported by 70 million Americans is alarming to

Scandinavia. There is a burgeoning realization that American democracy has become brittle

and deeply divided. That being said, Denmark and Norway are still optimistic about their post-

Trump relationships with the United States. In these two countries, the “wait and see” approach appears to have won out. Sweden has a more pessimistic outlook. Many in Sweden believe

that the Trump presidency has done damage to international cooperation, the environment, and

human rights that cannot so easily be mitigated by Biden’s tenure. While most see Biden as a welcome figure, the evidence suggests that Sweden would be better served by pushing for greater integration and cooperation among the remainder of the European Union, operating under the

belief that Europe is the better champion for Western values and liberal democracy.

IRELAND It is difficult to understate the significance of the economic and cultural exchange between the United States and Ireland. The U.S. is responsible for more than half of Ireland’s

exports and is the second largest exporter to Ireland behind the United Kingdom.69 U.S. firms provide jobs for more than one million highly skilled workers in Ireland, and in addition to

the large Irish diaspora in the U.S., many Irish travel to America to pursue work and study

opportunities.70 The historic reciprocity between Ireland the United States ushered in relatively

smooth relations between the two nations under Trump’s presidency.

The breadth and depth of the ties between Ireland and the U.S. could not be undone by

four years of protectionist policies. When asked what Ireland would like to see in the 2020 U.S. presidential election, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar said simply that the outcome was “a matter for

the American people, but President Trump and any American President is always welcome in

Ireland.”71 Perhaps the only place partisan preference in the American election played out was in

the rivalry between Biden’s ancestral hometown of Ballina, Co. Mayo, and Doonbeg, Co. Clare, the location of a Trump International golf course and hotel, and ancestral home of Vice President

Mike Pence.72

Both candidates expressed support for Ireland’s priorities as they navigate the ramifications of Brexit on the border with Northern Ireland and the future business interactions between the United Kingdom and the European Union. Regardless of who held office, Ireland would have a reliable ally in the United States. However, Trump’s unorthodox leadership did

not escape the notice of the Irish public, and as such, Biden was generally viewed as the more reliable candidate.73 With Biden at the helm, relations will proceed much as they have before, and it is difficult to argue that cooperation was ever jeopardized in the first place.

THE UNITED KINGDOM The United States’ Department of State website states that the U.S. has “no closer partner

than the United Kingdom.”74 Indeed, this relationship stands on the foundation of longstanding

economic and cultural exchange, as well as strong joint military and security commitments.

However, tangible implications and benefits of this special relationship are difficult to identify in the 21st century, and many argue it has devolved into a more symbolic relationship. While Biden’s election is indicative of continued prosperity between Ireland and the U.S., the UK may have much to lose from a Biden victory. The strength of the UK’s relationship with the U.S. may soon be tested. Prime Minister

Boris Johnson and his conservative government enjoyed a friendly relationship with President Trump. This reaffirmed allegiance was needed while the UK spent much of the last four years navigating its departure from the European Union.75 While Trump may have been the candidate preferred by the government (which remained strategically silent until a clear winner was determined), the British public did not share this hope, overwhelmingly favoring Biden.76

Although Britons look forward to U.S. re-engagement with European affairs, they cling to the hope of improved U.S.-UK ties, especially in a post-Brexit environment.