Nahid roxan 13 06 04

‫‪ 4‬ژﻭﺋــﻦ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ ،2013‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ »ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ« ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﮔﻮﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻒﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﺷﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﺗﻘﻴﻪ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑــﺎ »ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻭ »ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ« ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﺔ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ »ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ« ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ »ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﺔ ﭼﺸﻢ »ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻰ« ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺍﻳــﺪ »ﺑﻴﻬﻘﻰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺎﺩﻯﺍﺕ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ »ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺪﺍﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻓﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ »ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ«‬

‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻌﺒﺪ« ﻭ »ﺗﺨﻴﻞ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ« ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻠﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺗﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴــﻢ ﮔﻮﺗﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻠﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 2‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺼﺖﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﺮﻧﺪﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺠﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻤﭗ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺿﻄــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ »ﺍﺣﻤﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ« ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﺭﺍﻩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ »ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ« ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ »ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ« ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﻟﺬﺕﺟﻮﺋﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴــﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛــﺪ‪2068805 :‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﮔﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﮔﺮﻯ« ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﮔﻔﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ]‪[...‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ]‪ [...‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﺸﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺖ!« ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺳــﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺭ »ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻧﻮﺱ« ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ« ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺠﻨﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬــﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ« ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻼﺩﺓ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ـ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﻌﺼــﺐ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬ﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 2‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ! ﺑﺸــﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ! ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﻨﺔ »ﺍﻣﺖ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ‪ 34‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻰ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ! ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ »ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺴــﺘﻮﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﭙﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺴﻜﻮﺗﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ »ﺍﻭﻛﻮﭘﺎﻯ« ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻮﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻔــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﺔ »ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺯﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﻭﺯﺭ ﺻﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﭘﻼﺳــﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻛﻮﻻ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻓﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ]ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬

‫ﺟﻤﺎﻉ[ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ]ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ[ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫»ﺣــﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 2‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2013‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﻫﻤﺔ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ »ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ »ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ«ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﺻﺎﺩﺭ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ[ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ]ﻛﻨﻴﻢ[‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮔــﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ]ﻭﻯ [ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﻨﻪﺣﺴﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ« ﻫﻤﺔ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻞ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﺳــﻔﻠﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ »ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ« ﺑﺎ »ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺳﮓ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺻﺪﻭﺭ« ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳــﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ »ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﻧﻴﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ! ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺫﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ]‪ [...‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺫﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﺔ ﺫﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ!‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ« ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ!« ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸــﺨﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻓﺔ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺗﻮﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ!‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻜﻰﭘﺪﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ »ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻦ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ـ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨــﻪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ـ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ [...] ،‬ﺁﺭﺍء ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷــﺪ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫]ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ [ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺗﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻢ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻔﺘﻚﭘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬

‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ »ﺣﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ« ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ »ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺿﺎﻭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ »ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ« ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻳﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﺓ« ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ژﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ »ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻕﻭﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ »ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ«‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺿﺎﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺳــﻨﻰﻣﺬﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 2‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﻕ »ژﺭﻣﺎﻧﻴﻚ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﻗﺮﺿﺎﻭﻯ« ﻧﺰﺩ ﺳــﻨﻰﻣﺬﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻟﭗ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ »ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ« ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺳــﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌــﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ »ﺳﺎﺯﺵ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﻪ؛ »ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ« ﻣﻬﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌــﻦ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻬﻢ« ﺍﻻﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻳﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻏﻦﻧﺒﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳــﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺳــﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ »ﻛﭙﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻬﻨﻮﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ[ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﻔــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ »ﻛﻔﺮ« ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ »ﺍﺭﻳﺘﺮﻩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ »ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ـ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ]‪[...‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ]‪[...‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﻴﻢ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﺧــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ« ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋــﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺁﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪ« ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ! ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 1‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ ،2013‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪[...‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ]‪[...‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ » ُﻣﺪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﺩﺍﻡﻫﺎ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳــﻢ ﻛﭙﻞ ﺩﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵﺷﺎﻥ »ﺗﺎﺗﻮ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬