اتوبوس ابهام

‫‪ 19‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2013‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻛــﻪ ﻟﮕﺪﻯ »ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﭘﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ«؛ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﺩﻛﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 34‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓــﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﺘﻮﻯ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠــﻖ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧــﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ »ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ـ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪،2013‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺗﻮﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ـ ﺩﻻﺭ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﻤﻮﺳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ!‬

‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻻﺕﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﻃﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ«‬

‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ! ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ »ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺟﻤﻊ« ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻧﻔﻰ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻴﺦ« ﻭ »ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2013‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺷﻴﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ« ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،1979‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﻛﻠﻪ ﭘﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ﺟﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ »ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻫﻮﻳﺰﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ 34 .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪34‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﻠﻪﭘﺰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2013‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻛﻠﻪﭘﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ »ﺳــﮓ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻪﭘﺰ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ »ﺳــﮓ« ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ« ﻭ »ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ« ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ »ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ« ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 34‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺳــﺖ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋــﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭ ﻭ ‪...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓــﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﻛﻠﻪ ﭘﺰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺳــﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ« ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺷﻮﺭﺵ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ »ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺍﺕ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫــﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ »ﺩﺭ« ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ؛ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ!‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺠﻮﻳﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ! ﻭﻗﻮﻗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 18‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ!‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ »ﺧﺸﻢ‬

‫ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ« ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 34‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ »ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﺯ ﻗﺎﺿﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ« ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻤﻪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 17‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﺸﻌﺸــﻊ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؟! ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪34‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﻴﺦ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ﻟﻮﺷﺎﺗﻮ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣــﻰﺯﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺧﻼﺻــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ« ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ« ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻛــﺬﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﺭﻧﮓﻛﻨﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤــﺎﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ژﺭﻳﻢ »ﻻﺯﻡ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺮﻣﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ »ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﻣﻠــﻰ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ »ﻳﺎﺭﻯ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ »ﻛﻤﻚ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺿﺎﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ!«‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ»ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ »ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ« ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ!« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ »ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺗــﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ« ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻨــﮓ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻮچ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ« ﭘﻮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞﺍﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ »ﺩﻳــﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺤﺖ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻓــﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻰ »ﺩﻫﺎﻥﭘﺮﻛﻦ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﺔ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨــﺞ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋــﻰ ﺳــﺮﻫﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ »ﺷﻌﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺿﺪﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮچﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﮔﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ »ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ـ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ »ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴــﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺳﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬