اسمال فال

‫‪ 24‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒـﺮ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳــﻜﺎﻯﻓﺎﻝ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺕﻫﺎﻝ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻝ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ »ﻏﺰﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻝﻓﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻡ ﭼﺎﻣﺴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ »ﺗــﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﭘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﺭﻭﺱﻧﻔﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺷﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ »ﺍﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺑﻴﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮ« ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﻋﺰﺕ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎً ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ! ﺍﻓﻼﺱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ ﻻﺷﺔ‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﻤــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻭﻳﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧــﻮﺏ« ﻭ »ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﻦ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ« ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 23‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ،2012‬ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﺓ ﻣﻔﺼﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻬــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ« ﻭ »ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ« ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳــﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ!‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ »ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ!« ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣــﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺸــﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪] ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ[ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺴﻄﻪ‪،‬‬

‫»ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ »ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺳــﻨﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻘﺪﺱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﻧﺪﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻕﻭﻕﺻﺎﺣﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽــﺔ »ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟ ﻻﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺑﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ »ﺟﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﻳﻞ« ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ »ﺷﺮﻳﻒ« ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 24‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ ،2012‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ »ﺍﻟﻜﺴــﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﻻﺗﺴــﺎ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ »ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ »ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً »ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ« ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﺔ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ژﻭﺯﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻪ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﻭﻳﻞ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ »ﻣﺘﺪﻳــﻦ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﻭﻳﻞﻫﺎﺋﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﻭﻳﻞﻫﺎﻯ »ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺑﺎﺭﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ »ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ!‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻮﺁﻡ ﭼﺎﻣﺴﻜﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨــﻮﺍﻩ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻻﺕﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ »ﭼﺎﻣﺴﻜﻰ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺓ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﻴﺨﻚ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ« ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﻣﺶﻗﺎﺳﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ »ﺩﺍﺋﻰﺟﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﺋﻰ »ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺍﺣﻤﻰ« ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ! ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻫﻮﻝﻫﻮﻟﻜﻰ ﺷﻴﺨﻚ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ« ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﺭﻭﺱ ﻧﻔﺖ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ‪ 3000‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ« ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧــﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻖ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺋﻰﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺶ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻰﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻰﺟﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺶﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺕﻫﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻰ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻮﺁﻡ ﭼﺎﻣﺴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮ ژﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ »ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ« ﻭ»ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﻪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻯ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻭ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥﺷﻜﻦ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ـ ﺧﺮﻛﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ« ﻃﺎﻕ ﺯﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ »ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﻧﻤﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻼﺩﺓ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ »ﭘﺎﺭﺱ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ »ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩﺍﷲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻮﻋﻮﻯ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺗﻮﺧﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻙ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺗﻮﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﻝﻫﻮﻟﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺷﻴﺨﻚ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ« ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﻠﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺍﻡ ﭼﺎﻣﺴﻜﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ـ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﺍﺭﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﮕﻮﻯ« ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺩﺳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻤﺐ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 24‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،2012‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﺒــﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳــﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻜﺮﺧﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺳــﻪ ﺿﻠــﻊ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﻰ ﺗﻌﻠــﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤــﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ! ﺩﻭ ﺿﻠــﻊ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1357‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ »ﻗﻴﺎﻡ« ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ« ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻜﻮ« ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺦﻧﻤــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣــﻦ ﻭﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﮓ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻟﻪﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ؛ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ »ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻚﻧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺎﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ـ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰ« ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻯ ﻛﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻡﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﻧﻤﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ »ﺧﺮ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺯﻧﺎﻥ »ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑــﺎﻥ »ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺔ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ »ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﺋﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﻞ« ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ »ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﮔﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥﺷــﻜﻦ ﺣﺮﻣﺴــﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ »ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ« ﻭ »ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻰﺑــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺤﻄﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ [...] .‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻣــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ]‪ [...‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻰ ﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻩ »ﻗﺎﭘﻮﻕ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﺪ ]‪[...‬ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻚ ﻭﺍژﺓ »ﻗﺎﭘــﻮﻕ« ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ« ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ؛ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺓ »ﻗﺎﭘﻮﻕ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! »ﻗﺎﭘﻮﻕ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ!« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ« ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻘــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ؛ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙ »ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰ ـ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ« ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎً »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ »ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ« ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ«ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺑﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰ«ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﻠﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻳﺦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ«‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﻗﺎﭘﻮﻕ!«‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬