nahid roxan

‫‪ 4‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒـﺮ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ »ﺳﻨﺘﻰ« ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻰﻛﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ »ﻳــﻮﺭﻭ ـ ﺩﻻﺭ« ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷــﻮﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺋﻴــﺰ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﻧﻤﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺪﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡﺷﺎﻥ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﻟﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺁﺩﻡ« ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﺮﺣﻖ« ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ«‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ»ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻻﺕﺑــﺎﺯﻯ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷــﺎﻥ« ﭘﻴﺸــﻘﺪﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪» ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺍﺕ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬

‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ »ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﭘﻮﻫﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ]ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ[ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪ [...] ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻳــﮋﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﻤﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻮﻫﻨﺘﻮﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻫﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ »ﻛﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻻﺕﻭﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ »ﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻳﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ! ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ »ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴــﺮﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺪﻛﻨــﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨــﺪ؛ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ! »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ« ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻤﺖ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ؛ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺁﺫﺭ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ!‬

‫»ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ« ﻣﺠﻴــﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺛﻤــﺮﺓ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ« ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﺍﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺷﺼﺖ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﭘﺸــﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺚﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ »ﺭﻭ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ »ﺑﺮﺣﻖ« ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ »ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﺋﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ »ﻭﺯﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻫﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺠــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺍﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺍﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ »ﺗﺤﺠﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﮔﻠﺔ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪» ،‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ »ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼــﻮﺹ ژﻭﺯﻑ ﺭﺍﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﺋــﻰ »ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻠﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻠﻪ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻠﻪ«‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ژﻭﺯﻑ ﺭﺍﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺸﻴﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻴﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﺎﺯﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ‬ ‫»ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳــﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺣــﻼﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ! ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻃﻼﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ »ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧــﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﻬﺮﺑــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻠﻪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮔﻠﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺧﺪﺍﺗﺮﺱ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺘﺎﻛــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻘــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ »ﺟﺮﻡ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺯﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺭﻭﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺳــﺖ« ﺗﺠﻠــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‪» ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺷﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 4‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2012‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ؛ »ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻠﺒﺪ‪ !...‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿــﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﻮﺟــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻤﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ! ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ »ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺴــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ! ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ »ﻗﻴﺎﻡ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫] ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ[ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ! ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻣﻨﺒﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺑﻼگ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥﺩﻋﺎ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻣﻨﺒﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﺳﻨﺞ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ » ،‬ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ »ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ« ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖﮔﺴــﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ »ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ« ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ« ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ »ﺧﺪﺍﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ! ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻮﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻠــﺔ ﻻﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻰ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺻﺪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻦﺳــﻨﺞﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ »ﺑﺮﻣﻼ« ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﺁﻥ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ«ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ »ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻮﺍﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪،1357‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ! ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،67‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ« ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘــﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺳﻨﺠﺮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﭘﺴﺮ]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ]ﺩﻭﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ[ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1360‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻰﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪[...‬ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻋﻨﺼــﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ]‪ [...‬ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻴﻨﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ »ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﭽﻰ« ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ]‪ [...‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻧــﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪[...‬ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗــﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺳﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ‪ 67‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﮕﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ! ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻓﻼﺣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻗــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺿﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺣﻖ« ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻓﺘــﻮﻯ« ﺑﺼﺪﻭﺭﻧﺪ! ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤــﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺷــﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺭﻭ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﭘﻴﺸــﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ »ﺧﺮﻛﻰ« ﺑﻮﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ! »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﭘﻮچ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ« ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧــﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻰ« ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺰﻙ« ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ »ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻛﺲ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ژﺍﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ؛ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ »ﻫﺪﻑ«ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺍﺑﻠﻪ« ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬

‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ »ﺣﻖ« ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ »ﺑﺎﻃﻞ!« ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ! ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ« ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻏﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳــﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ؛ ﺗﻔﻨﮓﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﺮ »ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﺯﺩﺓ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺗﻤﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧــﺎﺭ »ﻳﺎﺑﻠﻮﻙ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺳﻴﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ!‬