نفت و نارنج

‫‪ 23‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒـﺮ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ »ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ‪ «2012‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ!‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳــﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ »ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺞ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﻳﻞ« ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺳﻮﻳﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﻨــﺎﻝ ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻳــﻚ ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ »ﺍﻧﺪﻟﺲ« ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ »ﺿﺪﻳﺖ« ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ؛ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ »ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﻪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ»ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ« ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ »ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬

‫»ﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ »ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ« ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ!‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ »ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ »ﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻣﻨﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑــﻪ »ﺗﻘﻴﻪ« ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ! ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﭘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻟﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺑﻴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻳــﻦ ﻟﻮﭘﻦ »ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻟــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺑﻴﻮﺱ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﺎﺭﻟﻰ ﺋﺒﺪﻭ«‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ« ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ‪ 16‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،2012‬ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﭘﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ »ﺩﻳﻦﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺑﺼﺪﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ »ﺣﻖ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﭙﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺷــﺐﻛﻼﻩ« ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﭘــﻦ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﻳﻮﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺋﻴﻚ« ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﻳﺸﻰﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻟﻮﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﺓ« ﺗﻮﻧﺲ!‬

‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧــﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺕ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺍﺵ« ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎً ﺩﺳــﺖﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻟﺸــﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧــﺲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ! ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2012‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ؛ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶﻃﻠﺒــﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋــﻰ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ 600‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ!‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ‪ 600‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ 22 ،‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،2012‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ »ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﷲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ! ﺭﺍﺣﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺔ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ »ﺗﺴﺎﻫﺎﻝ« ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻭﻟﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﻧﺖ« ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﺭ »ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻭﺭﺑﺎﺥ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﻳﺴــﺎﻙ ﺷــﺎﻣﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 17‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪1948‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﻟﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺩﻭﺕ« ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ »ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺳــﻪﺭﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﭘــﺪﺭﺵ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ »ﭘﺪﺭﻛﺸﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﺗــﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻒ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪ 2006‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗــﺮﺍژﺩﻯ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ«‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻛﺸﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﺑﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻻﺋﻴﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ »ﺗﺐ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ژﻭﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺮﻭ ﻻﺋﻴﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺗﻮﻟــﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷــﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﺭﻧــﺖ« ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺭﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻳﭗ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻻﺋﻴﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﻜﺲ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺗﺐ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ژﻭﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ژﻭﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ژﻭﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻗﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺘﻴﮕﻮﻥ »ﺗﺐ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ« ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﺩﻳــﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ »ﭘﺪﺭ«‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺠﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ« ﻭ »ﺭﻗﻴﺐ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ« ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﭘﺴــﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ«‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰﺍﺕ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺋﻰ« ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫»ﺿﺪﻳﺖ« ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺿﺪﻯﺍﺕ« ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻋﺸــﻖ« ﺭﻳﺸــﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﻳﻜﺴــﻮﻳﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ« ﻭ »ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺿﺪﻳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻮﺣﺶ« ﻭ »ﺯﻭﺭ« ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ »ﺿﺪﻯﺍﺕ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻒ »ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻰ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﺓ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻪ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺩﻭﻳﭙﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ« ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ]ﺍﻭ[ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺮﻭژ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻴــﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 31‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﻚ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻪ« ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ« ﻭ »ﺿﺪﻯﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ« ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑــﻼگ »ﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻪ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﻓﺸــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪» .‬ﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺿﺪﻯﺍﺕ« ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ »ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ« ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻭ »ﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺣﺶﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﺳــﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﻧﺮﻭژ‪» ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ« ﻭ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ »ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺷﻪ!«‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺮﻭژﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻭژ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻟﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺑﻴﻮﺱ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻴﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻴﻦ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻟﻜﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧــﺮﻭژ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺿﺪﻯﺍﺕ« ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺟﻮﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺿﺪﻯﺍﺕ« ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻊﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ« ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ! ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ! ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺣﺮﻳﻢﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ »ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ« ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮﺓ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ« ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ!« ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ »ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟــﺮﻡ« ﻭ »ﻧﻈﻢﺷــﻜﻨﻰ« ﻳﻚ »ﻋــﺎﺩﺕ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣــﻊ ﺑﻬﻨﺠــﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺿﺪﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﭗ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ »ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫»ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻫﻢﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ »ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ« ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧــﻰ« ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ« ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪» ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ« ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻔﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻭﭘﻴﻜﺮ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﻑﻛﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ«‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ »ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﺳــﻴﺒﺎ! ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ »ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣــﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﮔــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬــﺮ »ﺑﻮﻣﻰ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺪﻥ« ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺁﺏﺍﻧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻟﻴﻤﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ »ﻭﺩﻛﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻢ« ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺲ! ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻻﺩ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺯﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﺧﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻣﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﺰ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﭼﺮﺥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺘــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻏــﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺞ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺁﺭﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻡ« ﺑﺎ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺸــﻠﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ژﻳﮕــﻮ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﻛﺒــﺎﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻛﺒﺎﺏ ﺳــﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺩﻛﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ »ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﻭﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻳﻢ!‬