بوق و باطل

‫‪ 21‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ« ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ »ﺑﺎﻃﻞ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ »ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ! ﺗﻌﺠــﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ »ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ »ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﺰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤــﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ« ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ »ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ« ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ«‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ »ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﺭﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؛ »ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺪ!« ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺱ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ »ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡﻫــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﻛﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ« ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‪» ،‬ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣــﻖ« ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺩﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ »ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ »ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ 20 ،‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ ،2012‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ]‪[...‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ! ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ! ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ«‬

‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ »ﺭﻭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ »ﻧﻈﺮ« ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺷﻜﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ »ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ« ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺳــﺒﺪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮـ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ »ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶ« ﺑﻄﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ!« ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ« ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪[...‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪[...‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫]‪[...‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ]‪[...‬ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ! ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ »ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ« ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﭙﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻭﻳﺎﺭ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺱ‪ ،«300 .‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﮓﭘﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ« ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﺸــﻤﻬﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ »ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﻭ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ »ﻗﺒﻴﺢ« ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ »ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ« ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬

‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺗﻼﻓﻰ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﺔ »ﻣﻔﺮﺡ« ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ« ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜــﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤــﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻔﻘــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻴﮋ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺓ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺟﺪ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﻨــﺪ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ ﻟﻮﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﺗﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻤﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺵ« ﻫﻮﭼﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ« ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ »ﺳﻌﺪﻯ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠــﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ »ﻧﻔﻰ« ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ »ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭﺣﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧــﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﺭﻳﺶﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻰﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻍﻭﺣﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ« ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺠﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ »ﭘﻮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﻮﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﺒــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ »ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 18‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ ،2012‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ »ﭘﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺖ« ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳــﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻡ« ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﺠﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ »ﭘﻮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﻮﺕ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ »ﺷــﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﻗﺒﻴﺢ« ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﻯ ﻭﻟﺖ« ﻭ »ﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻤــﺰ« ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ »ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ« ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ« ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﺗــﺮ ـ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑــﺪﺓ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ »ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮگ »ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﻟﺠﻦ ﺩﻛﺔ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪» ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭژﺓ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘــﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪1391‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﻴﺢ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻭﺍژﺓ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ »ﻗﺒﻴﺢ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﭗ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ »ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ« ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﭼﭗ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﺔ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﮕــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻢﮔﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ »ﭼــﭗ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ »ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑــﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﻓﺮﻳﺐ »ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ!« ﺩﺭ »ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ«‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ »ﭘﻮچ« ﻭ ﮔﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ« ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺗﻨﺶ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺗﻨﺸﻰ« ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ »ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺗﻨﺸــﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﻨــﺶ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺗﻨﺶ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ]‪[...‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﻨﺶ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ـ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰﻧﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺷﺔ ﺍﻻﻏﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺷﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻗﺒﺎ« ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ »ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ »ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ« ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ »ﺭﻓﻘــﺎﻯ« ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ« ﻭ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺿــﺔ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ‬

‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ »ﺧﻔﻪ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸﻰ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ »ﻟﻮﻟﻮ«‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪[...‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﺠﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ »ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ « ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ! ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ »ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ »ﺣﻖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ« ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻭﭘﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺩژﺧﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻭ »ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯﺍﺕ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫»ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ« ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻓﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮژﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺮ« ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮ«‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ »ﻗﺒﻴﺢ«‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖﺍﺵ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳــﺰﻩ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ! ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭژ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ »ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﮓ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸــﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪[...‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫]ﺍﺳﺖ[«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻛﻴﺸــﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ »ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬

‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺔ »ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻏﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ! ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺁﺳــﺎﻯ »ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ« ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺼﺎﺭﺓ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ »ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ« ﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻢ« ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴــﺮ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺣــﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ؛ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺏ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ« ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮچﮔﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ!« ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ »ﺣﻖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻳﻢ! ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋﻰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﻭ »ﻟﻤﭙﻦ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ »ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ »ﺑﺎﻃﻞ« ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﭘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺗﻔﻨﮓﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺧﻠﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮگ« ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﻻﺋﻰ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓﺯﺩﺓ ﻣﻼﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ »ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻼﺵﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﺁﻧﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ!« ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺰﻧﻬﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺖﺭﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﺎﺕ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺗﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﺋﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻮژﻳﺴﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ « ﻭ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺍﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﺩﻯﺍﺕ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ »ﺣﺰﺏﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬