زرزره

‫‪ 15‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﺋﻰﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ »ﺭﻭﺳــﻮﻓﻴﻞ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺣﺬﻑ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻴﺦ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻴﺦﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘــﺪﺭ« ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ »ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ« ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺰﻯﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ »ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺻﻮﻟﺖ« ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ »ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ!« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻫﻨﺮ« ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﭘﻮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﻮﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ!‬

‫»ﭘﻮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍﻳــﻮﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺔ »ﻣﻮﺯﻳــﻜﺎﻝ« ﻳــﻚ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻻﺋﻞ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﻮﺕ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﺔ« ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ »ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫» ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭژﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼءﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺭﺿﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺷﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﻢ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ« ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰ »ﻣﺮﺯﺷــﻜﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ« ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﻻﺗﺴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻰ!‬

‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮژﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺱﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻔﻰ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﺳــﻤﻰﺍﺕ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ« ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﺋﻰ »ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ »ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ« ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬

‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﺔ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ« ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ!« ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ »ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ« ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﺔ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ »ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ »ﺍﺣﻴﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ »ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ« ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! »ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ« ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻌــﻜﺎﺱ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ »ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻧﻘﺎﺋﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻮﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻠﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ »ﻣﺤﺒﺖ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴــﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ ،2012‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬

‫»ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ!« ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ »ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪» ،‬ﭘﺎپ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﺖ« ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﻤﻚ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﺔ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻐﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻛﺎﺳﻪﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻥ« ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ »ﺧﺸﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ«‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ »ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]…[ﮔﺮﻳــﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ] ‪ [ ...‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻧﺬﺭﻯ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﻗﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ]‪[...‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻥ »ﺟﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺎﻥ« ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﺔ ‪ 6‬ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻣﻴﻦ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ »ﺯﻣﻴﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﺔ ‪ 6‬ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻣﻴﻦ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﻠﺒﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﭼﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫»ﻣــﺎﺩﻯ« ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟــﻪﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ »ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ »ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﺩﺭﻙ« ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺿــﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ »ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ »ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ! ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ »ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﺑﺎﺋﻰ« ﻭ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫــﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ« ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﺔ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ« ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ »ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ »ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭﺁﻏــﻮﺵ ﭘــﺪﺭ« ﻣﻰﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻋﺪﻝ« ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧــﺔ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﻴﺎﺱ« ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻊﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓــﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫــﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻋﺠﻴﺐ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻙﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻰﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺑﺎﺯﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ »ﺭﺳﻤﻰ«‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ »ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ »ﺩﺭﺳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺏ« ﻭ »ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻫﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ »ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺷــﻌﺮ«ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻌﺮ »ﻓﺮﻭﻍ«‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺮ« ﭼﻜﺎﺭ؟ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷــﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ »ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ« ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ« ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ« ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ »ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺯﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ »ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺯﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺪﺭﻭﺯ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ« ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﻧﻮﺍﺋﻰ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ!‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﻛﻼﻩ ﻛﭙﻰ« ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻮﻟﻮﻯ« ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ »ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫــﻮﻯ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘــﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ »ﻣﺮﻳــﻢ ﺻﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ« ﻭ »ﻟﺬﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺔ »ﺭﻭﺟﺎ ﺍﺳﺪﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺱﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ« ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺯﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ »ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ« ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻫﻢ »ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺯﺭﺩ« ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ »ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺮﻳــﻢ ﺻﻴﺎﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼــﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻰﺷﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﻮﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣــﻰﺯﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﻯﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﺸــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺸــﻤﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸــﻤﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ]…[ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻴﺪﻭﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ ]‪[...‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻳﻤﻮ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﻪ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﻄﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ »ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ«‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ! ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ »ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ« ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻠﻤــﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ »ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﺓ »ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ« ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ! ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﻣﺮﻳﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ« ﺩﺭ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ« ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ« ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ »ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ« ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫»ﭘﻮچ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻏــﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ »ﻓﺮﺿﺎً« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ »ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ« ﻭ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴــﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ! ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺑﺎ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻔﻨﮓﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑﮔﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ« ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺷﺎﺩﻯ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰﺍﺵ ﺑــﺎ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺍﺵ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﻴﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ« ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ »ﻣﻮﻯ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺷﻰ« ﻭ »ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻙ« ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻗﻠﻢﺯﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﺔ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷــﺪﻡ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﻭﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺮﻩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ »ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ« ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻙ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪33‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪» ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ »ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ« ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ « ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﺷــﻮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﺵ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪ ...‬ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻮﻟــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﺷــﻠﻮﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ »ﺭﻭﺟﺎ ﺍﺳــﺪﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 8‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2012‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﻃﻞ« ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ »ﻣﺮﺯﺷــﻜﻨﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻞﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻳﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﮕﻰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺟﻬﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ]‪[...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻣــﻦ ﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﻣﺎﻧﭽﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺟﺎ ﺍﺳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻫﮕﻰ ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺟﻬﻴﺪ! ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ! ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ« ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﻣﺎﻧﭽﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﻜﺴﺖ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻣﻘﻨﻌﻪ ﻛﺶﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻘﻨﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻥ »ﺣﺠﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‪:‬‬

‫»]…[ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺴــﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻣﻦ ]…[ ﺍﺷــﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ]…[ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ]…[«‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧــﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻴــﻼ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ« ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺟﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺸــﻨﺪ! ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺻﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ!‬