کاظم‌خان

‫‪ 6‬ژﻭﺋﻴـــﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ »ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞﻛﺎﻧﺖ« ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ« ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ« ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ »ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ« ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻼﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ« ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ! ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺔ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘــﻂ »ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ »ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ« ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻯ ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ »ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 2‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ« ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮕﺪﺓ »ﺭﺍﻓﺎﻝ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺎﻭ ﺁﻳﺰﻧﻬــﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛــﺮﺩ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﺓ »ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺎﺩﻭ« ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﺋﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ »ﺟﻬﻤﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ »ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ« ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ »‪ 6‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ژﻧﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ!«‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ« ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﻓــﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ« ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﺪ! ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﻓﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ! ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑــﻰ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ! ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭﺷﺎﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻪ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ! ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴــﻦ« ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﺔ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ! ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀــﺮﺕ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ »ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﺱ« ﻭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1357‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1299‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳــﺢ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﮔﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻭﻝ ـ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪[...] .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺷﺸﻢ ـ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻕﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ]‪[...‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﻬﻢ ـ ﻛﺎﻇﻢﺧﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻰ ‪1339‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ـ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻮپ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻪﺭﻳﺶﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻢﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﮔﺬﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ »ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻭ »ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ« ﭘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ »ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1357‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬــﺮﺓ ﻛﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ! ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ »ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﻃﻞ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺸﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ـ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻳﺎ »ﻋﺸــﻖ« ﻭ »ﻧﻔﺮﺕ« ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‪،‬‬

‫ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ »ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ« ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ« ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻪ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ« ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻳﺎ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢﺷﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!« ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑﺔ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺋﻰ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻀﻮﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻋﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ »ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!« ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺷﺮﻳﻒ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ! ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﻰﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷــﻴﺦ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ »ﺷــﻴﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ »ﺟﻮ ﺯﺩﻩ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ« ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ! ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻣﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧــﻂ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﻧﻮﭼﺔ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ! ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﺪﺍﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! »ﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻪ!«‬

‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﺯﻡ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ«ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﻭﻟﻰ »ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎﺳــﺖ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ »ﻻﺕﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 2‬ژﻭﺋﻴــﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﻋﺒــﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ« ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﺎﻧﻪ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓــﺮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺎﺿــﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻓﺮﺩﻯ« ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺿــﻰ ﺫﻳﺼﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋــﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ« ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ« ﻭ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ »ﻣﺒﻬﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ »ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ« ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ« ﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ »ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ« ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ »ﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺻﻠــﺢ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻪ« ﻭ »ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺟﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ« ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻧﺪ! ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ »ﻫﻤﻪ« ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﻻﺋﻴﻚ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣــﻖ »ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜــﺲ »ﺣﻖ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻤﺎﻝ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ«‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺪﻯ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻪ« ﻧﺜﺎﺭ »ﮔﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﭼﻪ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺧــﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺟــﺔ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ »ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ« ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ‪» ،‬ﮔﺪﺍ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ! ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺱ« ﻭ »ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﺘﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺴــﻄﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓــﻰ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ« ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ »ﺷﻌﻮﺭ« ﻭ»ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ« ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺝﻓﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸــﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎ ِﺩ ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫــﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ »ﻟﻄﻒ« ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﻩ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟــﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﺑﻰ!‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻫﻨﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻤﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ »ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ« ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻧﺖ« ﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ »ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ« ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻼﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻃﻨﺰ« ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ« ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﺍﻓــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻰﺧﺮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﮕــﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨــﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺎﻫــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ]‪[...‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ »ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺷــﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ! ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻭ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ« ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻋﺒــﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ« ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻢﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓــﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﺩﺭﻙ« ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ »ﮔﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﭼﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ »ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ! ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ« ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺷــﺘﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣــﻮﺱ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ »ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ« ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﻋﺒــﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ«! ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ« ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺷــﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓــﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﻧﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰﺷﻜﺴــﺘﺔ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ »ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ« ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ!‬

‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ »ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﺍﺯ »ﻳﺎﻭﺓ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ »ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ« ﻭ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴــﻦ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻼﻧﺘــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺱ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ؛ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ »ﺑﻮﻣﻰﺍﺕ« ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﻋﺒﺪﻯﺟﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﺳــﺖ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻓﻴﺲﺑــﻮﻙ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ »ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺑــﻮﻕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟــﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﻨــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎً ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺯﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻫﻦ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺣﺎﻟﻰ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ »ﺣﺎﻟﻰ« ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً »ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻫــﻢ »ﻓﺘﻮﻯ« ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺣﺎﻟﻰ« ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻇﻢﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻗﺮﺹ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ(‬