nahid roxan

‫‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋــﻦ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕــﻮﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﻛــﺬﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﻓﺘــﻮﻯ«‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ« ﺗﻤﺮﻛــﺰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﻭ »ﺷﻴﺦ« ﻳﺎ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻃﻠﺐ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺰﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ« ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜــﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻯ! ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬

‫ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ »ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ »ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ« ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ً ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷــﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﻻﺳﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘــﺔ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ »ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ـ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ »ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰﺍﺵ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ـ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ـ ﺑﻨﻰﺻــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ!‬

‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺸــﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« »ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑــﺎﺏ ﻟﻪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻚ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻨﺮ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺔ« ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻــﺔ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻙ »ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﺍﺷﻚ ﺗﻤﺴــﺎﺡ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ژﺭﻳﻨﻮﻓﺴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ« ﻋﻼﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﺯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻘﻴﻘﺔ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ »ﻋﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻑ« ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﻼﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺸــﺮﺧﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻛﺸــﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ!‬

‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 12‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ »ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﻭ »ﺣﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ]ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ[ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﭼﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ]ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ[ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ! ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀــﺎﻭﺕ »ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻼﺩ‪،‬‬

‫»ﺣــﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻼﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻼﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺲ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻰ« ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ« ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ« ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮگ« ﻭ »ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻬــﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻠــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﮔﭗ »ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜــﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ!«‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 12‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍء ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﺟــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ـ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺰﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ـ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ!‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ]ﮔﻔﺖ[ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫]‪[...‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﺤﺸﺮﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻃﻰﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ« ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﺎً ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻓﻴــﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ »ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺑــﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ!« ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ! ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ »ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ« ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ »ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﺔ ﻣﻜﺸــﻮﻑ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺭﻩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ ]...‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﮔﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩﺍﷲ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺎﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺷﻜﻢﺷــﺎﻥ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺪﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ »ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﺍﺵ«‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻳــﺐ »ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ! ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘ ً‬ ‫ﻼ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻨﺎﻩ« ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﻥ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ً »ﻣﺘﺤﺪ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺍﺭﺩ« ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﺘﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺳــﺪﺱ ﺑﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﺔ »ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻣﻰﻛﻮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﻳﺘﺮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺸــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻣﺪ »ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻛــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭ ﻻﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻨﻰ »ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ« ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﻛﻼﺭﺳﻔﻠﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً »ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ »ﺭﺳﻤﺎً«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ »ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ »ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﺷﺎﻥ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺩﻣــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ »ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﺔ« ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ »ﺷﺎﻩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺷﻴﺦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜﻰ »ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ـ ﺩﻳﻬﻴﻤﻰ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﺎﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ« ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻰﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰﺍﺵ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪31‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧــﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ »ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ« ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ »ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬

‫»ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧــﻪ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﻔﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ« ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﻭ »ﻣﺠﻴﺰﮔﻮﺋﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ« ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ« ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ »ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻯ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔــﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﻯ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ! ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ!« ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻳﻜﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ!« ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣــﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﺮ ﭘــﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬

‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ«؛ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ« ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ »ﻓﻴــﺎﺽ« ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ »ﻛﺎﺷﻔﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ« ﻟﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺷــﺎﻥ »ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺭﮔــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ »ﺣﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻜﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﺴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ »ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ـ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 3‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫»ﻋﺠﻴﺐ« ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ« ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ »ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ »ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻃﻠﺐ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ« ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪» ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻴــﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻪ ‪، 2012‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻰ ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﻓﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﺣﻮﻻ« ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻰ »ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ ـ ﻫﻴﮓ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﻻ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺴــﻜﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺴــﻜﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ! ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺼــﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ »ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬــﺮﺓ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸــﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ« ‪ 7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﺔ »ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻫﻤﻪ« ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ »ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻄﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﺴــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ »ﺻﻐﻴــﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ »ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ »ﺑﺎﻃﻞ!« ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ« ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬