هخه

‫‪ 24‬ﻓـﻮﺭﻳـﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 24‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪» ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳــﺤﺮ« ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﺸﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺳﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ »ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻭ »ﺳﺘﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ« ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﻋﺪﻭﺳــﺖ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻞﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ؟ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴــﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺮﻙ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺮﻗﺼﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻘﻴــﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ـ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪» ،‬ﺳﻰ‪.‬ﺳــﻰ‪ .‬ﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺋﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﻤﻴﺘﺔ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 24‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ«‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ »ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﺋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋــﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺭﻛﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﺔ ﺍﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋــﻰ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻴﻢ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑــﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ« ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ«‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ »ﻧﻨﮓ« ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﺪ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﻣﺎﺳﻴﺪﻩ!« ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ‪ 2‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﻓﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻙ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻰﺟﺎ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺸــﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﺎﺳــﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻳﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭ« ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﻣﺎﺳــﻴﺪﻩ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ »ﺁﺩﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﺵ« ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ »ﻣﺎﺳﻴﺪﻩ؟« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﺓ »ﻣﺎﺳﻴﺪﻥ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻖﺳــﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً »ﻫﺨﻪ« ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻫﺨﻪ« ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣــﺎ« ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﻗﻮﻳﻤﻰ« ﭼﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫــﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘــﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺩ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﻫﺨﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ »ﺳﺨﻴﻒ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ« ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ« ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 30‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﻗﻮﻳﻤﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﻧﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻟﮕﺮﺩ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ »ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ »ﺳﺨﻴﻒ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺑﻤﺎﺳﺪ!« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ »ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺘﺮ« ﻗﻮﻳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ »ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺭﻛﻴﻚ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ »ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ« ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻇﻰ ﺭﻛﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﺔ »ﻫﺨﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ »ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺷﻌﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺩﺑﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻛﺬﺍ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ »ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺩﺑﻰ« ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨــﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺨﻴﻒ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺑﻪ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﻛﺸﻒ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ »ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪» ،‬ﻗﻮﻳﻤﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ »ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻮﺿﻰ »ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺗﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﺓ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻰ« ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ! ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ »ﺳﺨﻴﻒ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ! ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥﻫﺎ« ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙ ﺳــﺮﺍﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺁﻥﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ »ﺳﺒﻚﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ[ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻴﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴــﺰﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻋﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ« ﭼﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ! »ﻣﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻳﻢ! ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﻥ« ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﭼﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪» ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ« ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻣﻮﻧــﻪ‪» ،‬ﻛﺮﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚﻭﻗــﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ »ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻳﻤــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺒﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻥ »ﻫﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻮء« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ]ﻛﻪ[ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ »ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ »ﻣﺠﺮﻡ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻂ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﻓﺤﺶ« ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ« ﻭ »ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪[...‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺤﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻂ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺷﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ! ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺿﺪﺩﻳــﻦ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧــﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ]‪[...‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨــﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ»ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ »ﺗﺄﺋﻴــﺪ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺳﺒﻚﺷــﻨﺎﺱ« ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟! ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ« ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺷﺎﺧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ »ﻛﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠــﻖﺍﷲ« ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣــﻼﻙ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺗــﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ؛ »ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ« ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ »ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﮔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﭼﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﺰﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.17‬‬

‫ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻫﺨﻪ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ« ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺫﻫﻨﻴــﺖ« ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻢ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﻨﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ »ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ »ﺳﺨﻴﻒ« ﻛﻪ »ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﺍﺵ« ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ »ﺩﻓﻊ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ« ﺩﻭﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ »ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ« ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ »ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﺳــﻮﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮﻳﺘﺔ« ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪» .‬ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻭﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﻨﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ« ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ـ ﻗﻮﻳﻤﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻔﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊ‪ .‬ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳــﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﺓ »ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻃﻰ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎ« ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ »ﺷــﻌﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻠــﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴــﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺷﺎﻋﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫»ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ« ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ »ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ‬

‫»ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ« ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ »ﺳﺨﻴﻒ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻐﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻓﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺕ ﺭﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺟﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺕ ﺭﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺒﻴﺢ ﻭ َﻋﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﺔ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﺕ ﺭﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑ ُ َﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺕ ﺭﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻛﺴــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ!‬