nahid roxan

‫‪ 15‬ﻓـﻮﺭﻳـﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭـ ﺩﻻﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻛﺸﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻛﺸﻒ« ﺷﺪ! ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﻰﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ـ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻰ« ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ«‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ »ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﺳــﺘﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺣﺶﮔﺴــﺘﺮ« ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ« ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻭ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﻭ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ« ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻣﺰﻯ ﻛﻼﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻢ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑــﺮﺩ »ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺷــﻮﺕﻭﭘﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﻮﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺷــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ« ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫»ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ« ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﻌﺸﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻌﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ« ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺕﻭﭘﺮﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻨﮓﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ! ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻓﺮﺳــﺎﻳﺶ »ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ »ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﻣﻰﺧﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ »ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ« ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻗــﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ »ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﻓﻰﺍﻻﺭﺽ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ« ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺟﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ« ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ »ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺿــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ »ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﻓﻰﺍﻻﺭﺽ« ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫»ﻗﻠﻌــﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﻗﺼﺎﺹ«‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺟﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬

‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ »ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ« ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ!‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ »ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ »ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ »ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﺔ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ»ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 17‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜــﻮﻻ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ »ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺝ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺝ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭﺍ« ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻤﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍء »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﭘﺮﺳــﺖ »ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢﺍﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺁﺳــﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﺔ ﺭﭘﺮﺗﺎژ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺝ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﺎﻥ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﻧﺴــﺒﻰ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻮﭼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ »ﺟﺮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ »ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒــﺮﺯ« ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ« ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺟــﺰء ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ« ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ! ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺩﻭﻳﭽــﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺻــﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻼﺩ »ژﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 16‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪،2012‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓــﻊ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﻢﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ »ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ«‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻔﺖﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ »ﺷﻠﭗ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻟﻮپ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺔ »ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﭘﺴــﺮﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻔﺔ ﻧﻈﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻔﺔ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ »ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ »ﺣﺬﻑ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ« ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻫــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 37‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ »ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑــﻞﺍﺵ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﭽــﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺔ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﮔﺮﻣﻰ‬

‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ! ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ »ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ« ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« »ﺑﻴــﮕﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ«‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛــﺬﺍ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺔ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺔ‬ ‫ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻝ »ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﻛﻴﻪ؟ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ« ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮ« ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺔ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ »ﻻ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺰ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﻝ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺰﺧــﺮﻑ ﺑﺒﺎﻓﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻇﻒﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺴــﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ »ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ )ﻻ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ( ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﺗﻮﺣﺶ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ »ﭘﻞ ﺍﻭﺳــﺘﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﭘﻞ ﺍﻭﺳــﺘﺮ« ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﺍﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺔ ﺳــﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﺍﺑﻬــﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﻨــﻪ« ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺧــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﺋﻰ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﻼﻫﺖﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ« ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﺮ«‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎً »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺍﻓــﻊ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ »ﻗﺎﻃﻊ« ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺁﻳﺔ »ﻻﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺪﺓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ »ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ!‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ »ﺍﻳــﻦﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻭﺭ«‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺪﺓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺠــﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﻗﺮﺁﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ »ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺧﺒــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﺎ« ﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺸــﺘﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎً‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ »ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻭ »ﺍﻣﺖ« ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻣﺖ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﺸﻢ‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ« ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ »ﺍﻣﺖ« ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ »ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ »ﺍﺑﻨﺎء ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﺓ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ـ ﺩﻻﺭ!«‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﺔ »ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ـ ﺩﻻﺭ« ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﻗــﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ »ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ« ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﺔ »ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ »ﺯﻭﺭﻳــﺦ« ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ« ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ! ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ« ﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨــﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ »ﺭﻓﺘﻦ« ﺑﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1977‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﻰﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1357‬ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤــﺾ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ »ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ« ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭﺍﻝﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ »ﺗﺸــﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ »ﺳﻨﺖ« ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ »ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ؛ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ« ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ »ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ« ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﻭﻳﺸــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘــﺶ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺟﻴﻤﻰﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺮﺩ ﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﺦ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ!‬