nahid roxan

‫‪ 19‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﻰ ﺟﻮﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺿﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺒﺎﺭ؟‬ ‫»ﻫﻨــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﺁﺳــﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀــﺮﺕ ]‪ ،«[...‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﺳــﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺪ ﻛﻔﻦ ﭘﻮﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ »ﻭﺍﻛﻼﻭ ﻫﺎﻭﻝ« ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻰﻭﻳﺰﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻯﻟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﮕﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ« ﺩﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ 33 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺨــﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺑﺎ »ﺷﻴﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﻴﺦ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ »ﭘﻠﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻴﺦ«ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ »ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎً ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﻮﺳــﺎﻟﺔ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ!« ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﺔ ﻣﺮگ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺷﺒﻪ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻰﺍﺕ ‪ 99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻟﻮﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻫﻴﭽﻴــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ »ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﻚ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ »ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ« ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ »ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﻛﻮﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬــﻢ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ«‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ‪15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ »ﻟﺒﺎﺱﺷﺨﺼﻰ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ‪ 16 ،‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ »ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ـ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ« ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋــﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ »ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ »ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺯﺓ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ! ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻥﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺎﺳــﻮﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ« ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ!‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﻧــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺗــﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍء ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ »ﺷﻬﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﻻﻍﻣﺮﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻤــﻮﺵ ﻭ »ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳــﺎﺱ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ »ﻛﺸــﻒ« ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ‪ «...‬ﻧﺸــﺨﻮﺍﺭ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ« ﻃﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺮﺍﺻﻠــﻰ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴــﻦ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ »ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻫﺪﻑ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪33‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻜــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤــﺎﺵ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﻠﻮﻓﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﻛﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺴــﺨﺔ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪[...‬ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣــﻞ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺴﺨﺔ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ« ﺑﺠﻮﺋﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ »ﻭﺍﻻ« ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜــﺎﻝ »ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺬﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ« ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﻴﻮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻮﺭﺑﻦ« ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ »ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫»ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ«‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨــﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺗــﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺳــﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ »ﺭﺍﻩ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬

‫‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ »ﺍﺑﻬــﺎﻡ«‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ! ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﺭﺍﻩ« ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﻩ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ »ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﻰﻛﺎﺭﺗــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﺓ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻫﻤــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻮچ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻤــﻮﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﻛﻠﻪ ﭘﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﮓ ﺟﺎﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ »ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬

‫»ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﮔــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺳــﺨﻦﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ« ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ »ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ« ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺮﺵ« ﺧﺮﺩﺭﭼﻤﻦ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﺑﺎ »ﺷﻜﺴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑــﺎﺭﺯ »ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﺷــﻜﻨﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﺭﺿﺎﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺿﺎ »ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ« ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ »ژﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺰﺍﺩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺓ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ« ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ! ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼــﻪ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﭘــﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﻻ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ »ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ« ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻋﺮﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ »ﺍﻭﻑﻫﺎﻯ« ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺗﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻏﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ« ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ »ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺁﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﮔﻮﺭﻛﻦﻫﺎ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ »ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺁﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳــﺪﻳﻮﻡ ـ ‪ 22‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ »ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﺓ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ »ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ« ﺧﺎﻛﺰﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺮﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻮ ـ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﺒﻮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ! ژﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻚ ﺗﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ« ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺕﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ! ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺋــﻰ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﮕﺪﻣﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴــﺮ« ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬

‫»ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ »ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ« ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ« ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻭ »ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻛــﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋــﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎً »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﻮﺕﻭﭘﺮﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ! ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ«‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺿﻤﻴﺮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺭﺿــﺎ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫]‪[...‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻧﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﻮﺍﺩﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢ« ﻭ »ﮔﻠﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ« ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻭ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ« ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ »ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ« ﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ »ﺻﺎﺩ« ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ! ﺁﻧﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻬﺎﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻨﻮﺍ! »ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺒﺎﺭ؟‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ! ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ »ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ! ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻕ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻮپ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﭘﺎﺗﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺒﺮﺓ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬