nahid roxan

‫‪ 3‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨـﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣـﻰ! ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﻣﻠﻜـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﺶﻫـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﺳـﻮﺯﻧﻰ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﺳـﺖ ﺧﺮﺑﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳـﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳـﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ« ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻟﻐﺰﺵ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺧﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ« ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻬــﻚ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ »ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ »ﻧﻴﻚ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﻓﺮﺝﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﺪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺘﺮ« ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﻠﺐ‬

‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴــﺎﻻﺭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒــﻞ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺟﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ژﺍژﺧﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺻﺪﻣﻦﻳﻚ ﻏﺎﺯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ! ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺭﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻰ« ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ« ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ« ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ]‪ [...‬ﻃﻌﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺁﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻄﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓــﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮ!« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﻓﺮﺝﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎً »ﻃﻨﺰ« ﻭ »ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ »ﺭﻣﺎﻻﻧﺔ« ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ!« ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﺔ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻً »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ« ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ »ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ« ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ« ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﻬﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻰ »ﺑﻨﺘﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً »ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ »ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺔ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ« ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﺋــﻰ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ« ﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻭﻩﺳﺮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻓﺮﺝﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ »ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻦ »ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﭘﺴﺖﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ »ﻣﻮﻣﻨــﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤــﺎﺵ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓــﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭﺣﺶ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ« ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ« ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻳﻰ ﭘﺴﺖﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑــﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓــﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ »ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ« ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻋﻄﺮﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻁﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ« ﺧﻂﻭﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺴﺖﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ »ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺮﺧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺋﻴﺪ؛ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻗﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺯﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ!« ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ »ﻧﺎﻗﺔ« ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ »ﭼﺮﻧﺪﻳﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻢﻃﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺟــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ‪ 1400‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!« ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ؛ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ »ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ!« ﺑﻠﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﺓ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻮﺳــﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ« ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺷــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺷــﺎﻥ »ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻗﺔ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺠــﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ‪ 58‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ‪ «90‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻭ »ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ« ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ »ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ« ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻔﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﺭﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ »ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ« ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪» ،1358‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺭﺃﺳﺎً ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ! ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻮ« ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1358‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ]‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻧﻤﺎﻩ ‪ [1358‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫]ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ[ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ‪ 1358‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭼﺎﭘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺯﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻟﺮﺯﺩ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺠﻴﺰﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭ ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ »ﻣﻀﺤﻚ« ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻛﻤﺪﻯ« ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬

‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ ]‪[...‬ﺳــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻞ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪[...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍژﺓ ﮔﻨﮓ »ﺁﺑــﺮﻭ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ »ﺟﻴﻦ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻛﻤﺮ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ‪ 32‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪» ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ـ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ »ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ«‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﻴﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﻦ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻟﺨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻰﺷﺮﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ]ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ[ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ« ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋــﻰ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ »ﺁﺩﻡ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻻﺕﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺔ ﺳــﺮﻧﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻰﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ »ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻝﺑﺎﺩ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ« ﺑﻠﻮﺟﻴﻦ ﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﺸﻦ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺸــﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺣــﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ »ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴﻰ« ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ گ‪...‬ﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎً ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺑﻠﻮﺟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷــﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‬

‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ! ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪8 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ‪...‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ »ﻣﺎ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ »ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﺡ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ »ﺁﺳﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻤﻮﻥ« ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ »ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﻇﻬﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪﻩ! ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ »ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺖ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،2011‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺔ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺛــﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪﺓ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ »ﺷــﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ »ﺧﺮ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍ«‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻪﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪ »ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺋﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻃﺮﺡ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﻚ ﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪» ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﻰ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ« ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‪...‬ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ! ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ »ﺍﺣﻤﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ]ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ[‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ]ﺍﺯ[ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫]ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ[ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ!«‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎً »ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ« ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ »ﻳﺎﺧﻮﻧﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﮔﻮﺯﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺟﻴﻦ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﺔ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ« ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻤﺎﻕﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻭﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ]‪[...‬‬