nahid roxan

‫‪ 25‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ »ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲ« ﺩﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺞﻭﻣﻌﻮﺝ »ﺍﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺭﻡ »ﻧﺎﺯﻧــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﻑ« ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺪﺱ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻟﭽﻚ ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻻﺱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ »ﻧﺠﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑــﻜﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺍﺭﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧــﺎﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ »ﺩﻭﺻﻔﺮﻛﺎﺕ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ« ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺧــﺮﺍﺝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ »ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﮕﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻳــﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ »ﻏﺎﺭﭘﻴﻤﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ »ﻗﻠﻌــﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ـ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ«‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﺔ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﺴﺎﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ« ‪ 23‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1388‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧــﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻯ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ »ﺻﺎﺩ« ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ »ﻋﻠﻰ« ﻧﻌــﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺠﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 87‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺼﺔ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺩﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻳﻮﮔﺴــﻼﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺁﻥ »ﺭﺣﻴﻞ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻤﻮﻡ« ﻛﺒﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ »ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ! ﻫﻤﺔ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ »ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ »ﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﺑﺎﻃﻞ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻧــﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻯ ﻟــﻮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 23‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮگ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ«‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ« ﻭ »ﺗﻌﻬﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ« ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ »ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ« ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ‪» ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ »ﺻﻠﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻳﺸــﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؛‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻃﻴﻠــﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﻣــﺰ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻻ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻜﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻤﻮﻡ« ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻈﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻓﻬــﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴــﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻻ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ »ﻛﻮﺑﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻮﻫﻞ ﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻨﻮ!‬ ‫ﻻ ﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ‪800‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﺋﻰ »ﻛﺎﺯﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ! ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻣﻮﻧﺪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺗﻚ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺿــﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺰﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﻮﻧﻴﻜﺎ« ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓــﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ »ﺭﺣﻴﻞ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﺳــﺖ!« ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ـ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ »ﻳﺴــﺎﺭ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪» ،‬ﺯﺍﭘﺎﺗﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻠــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪﻧﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺮﺑﻰ« ﻭ »ﻣﻬﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻡ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢﺁﺧﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ »ﺻﻼﺡ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻜﺮﺧﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻫﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ »ﭘﺎﻙ« ﻭ »ﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ« ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ]‪[...‬ﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫]‪[...‬ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻴﺶ ﺯﺍﺑﺎﺗﺎ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻨــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﻛﺮﺍﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ »ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﻩﺍﻭﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻀﻮﺭﺍﺕ »ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ »ﻳﺴــﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ« ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ »ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﻩﺍﻭﻟﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 23‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﺍ ژﻭﻟﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻝﻫﻮﻟﻜﻰ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻛﻔﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 23‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫــﻦ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻰ« ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺁﺭﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﺋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺠﻦ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﻓﺮﻳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻞﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ »ﻛﺎﻑ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﻖﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﺒﻞﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﻫﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺠــﻮ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣــﺮﺝ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﺑــﻮﺩ! ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻟﮕﺸﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔــﺮ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ« ﻭ »ﻧﻈﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ »ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﺷﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻧﻈﻢ« ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻧﻈــﻢ« ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ« ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻟﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ]‪ 100 [...‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ]ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ [ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ! »ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ »ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ؟ ﺟﻔﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻣﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﺯ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻝ »ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺘﺔ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ« ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ! ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﻡ« ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟــﻢ!« ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺷــﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻃﻨــﺰ« ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺸــﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺨﺎﻗﺎﻥ«‪:‬‬ ‫» ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻠــﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻟﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ]‪[...‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰﺵ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ [...] .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺤﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻗﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ« ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﻜﻞﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺸــﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﮔﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻰ ﮔﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺎﺩﺭ« ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺁﺧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻮﺩﺏ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻮﺩﺏ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻤﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺰﮔﻮﺋــﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ! ﻗﺎﻝ »ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ« ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ »ﺯﺷﺘﻰ« ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ! ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻗﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ« ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ! ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﻍ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ً ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻻﻍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧــﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺯﻧﻰ ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺎﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺑﻴﻮﺭﺩﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺳــﻮﺯﻧﻰ ﺳــﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ]‪[...‬ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻗﺎﺁﻧﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫــﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳــﺪ!« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎ« ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﻌﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ »ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺵ »ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺡ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺪﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ »ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ!« ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺮﻗﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝﺗﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ!«‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ »ﻏﺎﺭﭘﻴﻤﺎ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻃﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ »ﻇﺎﻟﻢ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ]ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ[ ﻭ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ! ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻣﺒﺎﻝ« ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ« ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺒﺴــﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪» ،‬گ‪...‬ﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻢ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻝﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ؛ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻝ« ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﻧﻴﺲﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ« ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﺋــﻰ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﻳــﺰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳﺘﻢ« ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ«‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ« ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺭﺥ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻣﺴــﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺠﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﺧﺮﺩ« ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﻧﻴﺲﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻧﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺗﺎﺟﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﮔﻴــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﻳﻪ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ! ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻗــﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ! ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ »ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺘﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺵ ﺷــﻠﻪﻗﻠﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ]ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ[ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﻛﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﻦﻓــﺮﻭﺵ »ﺻﺪﺍﻡ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻋﺰﻳﺰ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ! ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ »ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻭ »ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ« ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﻳﺴﺎﺭ« ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ »ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﭼــﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫»ﻟﺒﺎﺱﺷﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺁﻟﻦ‬ ‫ژﻭﭘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻟﻮﭼﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﮋ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ!« ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻛﮋ ﻭ ﻣﮋ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﺔ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ »ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺟﻨﻮﺏ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻔﻴﺮ« ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ«‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ« ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ »ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﻑ!« ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺋﻰ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ« ‪...‬؟‬